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E A R L E 'S 








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Preface ........ 

Additional Corrigenda and Addenda to Vol. I 

Addenda and Corrigenda to Vol. II 

List of Abbreviations . 

Introduction .... 

Appendix to Introduction . 

Calendar ..... 

Note on the Words for Christmas in thi 

Notes ..... 

Notes to Appendix 

Explanation of the Index . 

Index ..... 










In the temporary prefece to the first volume of this work, 
issued in 1892, I stated that the appearance of the second 
volume was likely to be delayed by the fact that I had under- 
taken to re-edit the Historia Ecclesiastica of Bede for the 
Delegates of the Clarendon Press. The completion of that 
edition in 1896 enabled me once more to turn my undivided 
attention to the Chronicle. The results are now laid before 
the public. 

Even from the point of view of the Chronicle the time 
expended upon Bede has not been wasted. Not only have 
I learnt to understand better, than I otherwise should have 
ilone, the relation in which the Chronicle stands to Bede, but 
in many less obvious ways the experience and knowledge gained 
liave redounded to the advantage of the present work ; and 
many points, which would otherwise have had to be discussed 
at length, have been disposed of by a simple reference to the 
pages of my Bede. 

The Texts and Glossary. 

The plan of this work aims at reproducing the MSS. as 
nearly as possible ; and with this object all the texts have been 

* This Preface, and the Intro- Note to Vol. I, which was of a 
(hiction which follows, are to be purely temporary and provisional 
taken as cancelling the Prefatory character. 


collated afresh. I can honestly say that I have spared no pains 
to malve the texts as correct as possible. But I have so often 
discovered errors where I had thought that everything was 
correct, that I dare not assert that none such have escaped me. 
Some additional various readings, chiefly from Wheloc's edition 
of the burnt MS. A, are given in Appendix C. Of these a few 
are of considerable importance. 

The plan of this edition of course precluded anj- idea of 
normalising the texts. I have however in the Gloi^sary carefully 
marked the length of the syllables, and distinguished late and 
abnormal foims by enclosing them in round brackets. 

In the Glossary I have aimed at giving not only every word, 
but every form which occurs in the two MSS. "R and E here 
printed in full. So that in regard to them the Glossary will, 
I believe, be found to be a complete register of all variations. 
In the case of the other MSS. from which merely extracts are 
given, only the principal forms are registered in the Glossary ; 
minute variations of spelling, &c., being, as a rule, ignored. 
As however all passages in which the other MSS. vary to any 
important extent from "R and E have been embodied either in 
the text or in the critical notes, it is believed that the Glossary 
will afford a tolerably complete measure of the Anglo-Saxon 
historical vocabulary as represented by the Chronicles. 

The arrangement of the Glossary was a matter of no slight 
mechanical ditficulty, because it had to be compiled from texts 
varying considerably in date and place of origin. The actual 
plan is due to practical considerations ; and that form was 
adopted as the type which would enable the greatest number 
of the words occurring in the texts to be brought together 
without alteration. Hence where the orthography of the two 
texts differs, the rather late forms of E have been taken as 
the type in preference to the occasionally archaic forms of S. 
The system thus resulting from a balance of convenience has, 
I hope, been carried out with consistency. Further details as to 
the arrangement of the Glossary will be found in the explanatory 


note whicli precedes it, which tlie reader is advised to consult 
carefully before making use of the Glossarj-. 

For the Glossary I have naturally made constant use of 
the new Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, also of 
Mr. Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Reader, the glossary to which 
contains an excellent selection of words. Grein's monumental 
Sprachschatz der angelsachsischen Dichter has also been of 
the greatest service, especially for the poetical passages in the 

A word must be said as to the punctuation. Here, too. 
I have endeavoured to mark the peculiarities of the MSS. The 
only stops whicli occur in the MSS. are as a rule the point 
either on or above the line (.) (•), the inverted semicolon ('), and 
the peculiar stops which occur in ISIS. A\ represented in the 
text approximately l)y (r) and (:,). All these have been 
retained ; stops not in the MSS. are represented by commas 
and semicolons. In a few instances, so few that they might 
I think be counted on the fingers of one hand, the colon and 
semicolon do occur in the MSS. ; here the colon has been 
retained, the semicolon has been inverted. 

The text of A has been considerably interpolated. In a few 
cases these additions are in good and fairly early hands. Such 
passages are printed in smaller type, but not in italics. The 
bulk of these interpolations, however, are due to a hand of the 
end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century, and 
are given in small italics. 

Letters or words wanting in any ]SIS., and supplied from 
other souices, are enclosed in square brackets. 

Passages in F which are enclosed in round brackets are in 
the MS. insertions on the margin or above the line. In many 
cases it is very difficult to determine whether they are by the 
same hand as the text or a different one. 

In other cases words or letters inserted by the scribe of the 
text above the line are mai'ked by convergent dashes, e.g. 
for^'S'ferde, 983 E. It seemed worth while to mark these 


cases, as they often appear to indicate a difference between 
phonetic and historical spelling. The scribe first spelt the 
word as he pronounced it, then his eye told liim that some- 
thing was wrong, and he inserted the missing letter above 
the line. 

The expansion of contractions is indicated in the usual way 
by italics. A few conti'actions have been left unexpanded, 
})artly because of their frequent occurrence, but still more 
because it was impossible to be sure what was the exact form 
which the scribe had in his mind. A list of these unexpanded 
contractions precedes the Glossar3^ 

In looking back at the texts, issued now more than seven 
years ago, I naturally find many things which seem to me 
capable of improvement ; a fact to which the long list of 
Addenda and Corrigenda to Vol. I bears abundant testimony. 
I would also call attention to the Addenda to Vol. IT, some 
of which are of considerable importance ; I would instance 
especially the note on the York succession, p. ix. But the 
chief improvement that I desire is the very radical one of 
substituting a six-text for a two-text edition of the Chronicle. 
I have dwelt on this subject in the Introduction ; and in writ- 
ing the Notes, and still more in writing the Introduction, 
I have felt the disadvantage of having to make statements 
which my own pages do not afford complete means of verify- 
ing. Nor will a reference to Thorpe's edition always serve the 
turn ; for Thorpe is sometimes incoirect, and sometimes incom- 
plete. So, if my statements are not always borne out by his 
texts, I trust that my critics will not assume as a matter 
of course that I am wrong. 

The Introduction. 

In the Introduction I have given an account of the existina 
MSS. of the Chronicle, and have endeavoured to show their 
mutual relations ; to trace how under Alfred's guiding hand 


a national Chronicle was evolved out of the various local and 
partial Chronicles previously existing, and how this Chronicle 
of Alfred's became in turn the stock from which our existing 
Chronicles, and many others now lost, branched off in various 
directions. In all this there is a great deal which I fear is 
very technical, and much which must remain theoretical. But 
I venture to hope that I have cleared up some things which 
were dark before ; and my views have often derived most 
welcome confirmation from the unexpected way in which they 
fitted into one another. I have endeavoured to work out this 
part of my subject as independently as possible. lu this way 
I have sometimes come to differ from my dear friend and 
teacher, Professor Earle. He will, I know, forgive me, if 
I have sometimes seemed ' to lay hands on my father Par- 

The Notes. 

The Notes of this edition are historical rather than philo- 
logical ; and in this respect among others they differ from those 
of Professor Earle. The reason is partly that my own studies 
have lain more in the field of history than in that of philology ; 
partly that the publication of the Bosworth-Toller Dictionary, 
and the fuller details given in my own Glossary, rendered dis- 
cussions as to the meaning of words less necessary. In the 
Notes also I hope that I have been able to clear ujj some 
difficulties and obscurities. I would venture to point to the 
note on the events which followed the death of Cnut, as an 
instance of what may be gained merely by a more careful 
interrogation of the Chronicle itself. I regret that in many 
cases I have had to differ from Mr. Freeman ; and in such 
cases I have not shrunk from expressing my difference plainly. 
Mr. Freeman's historical works hold a deservedly high position, 
and mistakes in them call more urgently for correction than 
those of lesser men ; and one who was so frank in criticising 


others should not, I think, wish to be exempt from criticism 
himself. He ruled with undoubted sway over a wide historical 
empire ; it is not to be wondered at if those whose work is con- 
fined within narrower frontiers should discover flaws in what he 
did in their special field. On some of these points I am sanguine 
enough to think that I might have convinced Mr. Freeman ; 
for instance, with reference to the events alluded to above, 
which followed the death of Cnut. As to others, I know that 
he would have had much to say to me, had he lived ; ov n av, 
oi/jbai, S) ipiXe, ctTTcp ye 6 Trarrjp tov irepov fxijOov e^r] [aTrwAero], 
dXXa TToXXa av rifivve' vvv Se 6p(fiavuv avTov i^/xets irpoTrrjXaKi^o/jLer 
(Plato, Theaet., p. 164 E). But often, especially in the later 
portions of the Chronicle, I have been content simply to refer 
to Mr. Freeman's Norman Conquest, or his Reign of William 
Rufus, because I found tliat I had nothing to add to what 
he had already said. 

The other books which I have chiefly used will be evident 
from the references given in the Notes. But though I have 
learnt much from many fellow-workers, I have always tried to 
form an independent judgement of my own from a study of the 
original authorities. 

The Index. 

The Index has been made as complete as possible. The plan 
on which it is constructed is sufficiently explained in the note 
which precedes it. 


A word must be said as to the vexed question of the spelling 
of proper names. My rule has been a rough and I'eady one. 
Where the name is still a living one among us I spell it in 
the modern way ; where that is not the case, I spell it in the 
normal West-Saxon manner. Thus I write Alfred, iVthelstan. 
Cuthbert, Edgar, Edmund, Edward, Edwin, Egbert, Ethelbert ; 
but ^Ifwold, ^thelric, Berht, Eadnoth, &c. No doubt this 


leads to inconsistency, but anything is better than pedantry 
in dealing with the great names of English story ; and in the 
Explanation of the Index I have shown that even if we 
limit ourselves to the oldest part of the oldest MS. of the 
Chronicle, we do not arrive at uniformity. In the same way, 
where a Saxon place-name has no modern equivalent, or the 
identification of it is doubtful, I retain it in its Saxon form, 
speaking of Brunanburh and Cealchythe. Mr. Freeman him- 
self does not talk of Eoferwic or Exanceaster. 

In this connexion I may perhaps also record my ' sincere 
impenitence ' for the use of the term Anglo-Saxon. A word 
which is good enough for an historian like the Bishop of 
Oxford, and a philologist like C. M. W. Grein, is quite good 
enough for me. 

Gkatiaeum Actio. 

But I must not close this Preface ' on a discoid.' Here, as 
elsewhere, I would express prospectively my gratitude to all 
who shall privately or publicly correct any mistakes into which 
I may have fallen ; and then I would pass on to pay my thanks 
to those without whose help this work would have been even 
more imperfect than it is. The information derived from 
learned friends on special points is acknowledged in the 
proper place. But there are some who must be mentioned 
more particularly here. In the first place I must thank 
Professor Earle, to whom I owe my original introduction to 
Anglo-Saxon studies, for the generosity with which he con- 
sented to the re-casting of his work by a younger hand, and 
not less for untiring help and sympathy throughout the work. 
Professor Earle further placed at my disposal much manuscript 
material which he had collected with a view to a new edition. 
Where I have directly made use of this, or of his printed 
edition, I have endeavoured to acknowledge the debt on each 
occasion. In cases where that has not been possible he will 
accept this general expression of my gratitude. 


I must thank Professor Napier, avIio has for this, as for the 
smaller edition, most kindly read the proofs of the Glossary, 
and made very many useful corrections and suggestions. He is 
not, however, in the slightest degree responsible for the general 
arrangement and execution of the Glossary. 

I must thank the Reverend J. T. Lang, M.A., Fellow and 
Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, who, Avheu I went 
to Cambridge to collate the Parker MS., received me, a perfect 
stranger, as if I had been an old friend. To his hospitality 
and kindness, and that of his colleagues, I owe many pleasant 
associations. It is a matter of genuine satisfaction to me that 
my first real experience of Cambridge life should have been in 
connexion with the College which bears the same name as 
my own. 

Mr. G. F. Warner, of the MS. Department of the British 
Museum, gave up more of his valuable time than I like to 
remember to the task of helping me to solve the various palaeo- 
graphical problems connected with the four Cottouian MSS. of 
the Chronicle. For this help, and for the confidence which 
it afforded me, I cannot be too grateful. 

In this, as in other works, I am greatly indebted to 
]\lr. Horace Hart, M.A., and the staff of the Clarendon Press 
generally, for the skill and patience with which they have 
carried out a difficult and tedious task. The care and attention 
with which the proof-sheets have been read have saved me from 
many slips and inconsistencies. 

One to whom I would so willingly have paid the glad tribute 
of my thanks has passed beyond the reach of human gi'atitude. 
If I have in any way been able to illustrate the language and 
history of our Saxon forefathers from those of their Scandi- 
navian kinsmen, I owe it to my late friend and honoured 
master, Gudbrand Vigfiisson. Those who knew him will not 
need to be told how much better this part of my work would 
have been done could I have continued to draw, as, while he 
lived, his friends could always draw, on the rich and well- 


ordered stores of his retentive memory. He was one of those 
who most encouraged me to undertake the present work, and 
he died while the first sheets of it were passing through the 
press. I cannot close this Preface without recording once more 
my admiration for his simple and nohle character, and my sense 
of the great loss which his death inflicted, not only ou 
Scandinavian, but also on English studies. 

Corpus Chkisti College, Oxford, 
Jane 14, 1899. 


pp. vii. if. This temporary Preface is now superseded by the Preface 
and Introduction contained in Vol. II. 
p. 5, 1. 6. abidan] gebidan D, anbidian F. 
p. 7. 30 E. gefuUod] gefulwad, B, C. 

— 33 E. fiuman] frymSe, B, C. 
p. 8. 167 S. stafas] bocstafas, C. 

— 48 F. This entry ought to have been placed at the foot of p. 7. 
p. 10. 409 a. For ' ])set ' read ' t"-' 

p. 16. 530 S. Wihtgarsesbyro] -gara-, B, C ; -garesbyri, F. 

p. 17, note 7. Add : ' " Searoburh " without " set," B, C 

p. 18, note I. Add : ' and so W, showing that it was originally in S.' 

— note 12. Add: ' Oslac, W.' 

p. 19. 568 E. CuJ)a] Ceawlines broSer, F a,dd. 

p. 20. 592 S. Woddesbeorge] Woddnesbeorlige, W. 

p. 21. 601 E. Paulinus biscop] pe sySSan, F add. (above the line). 

— note 3. Add : ' and so W., showing that it was so originally in S.' 
p. 22. 619 F. This entry ought to have been placed on p. 24. 

p. 24. 632 S. was] wearS, B, C. 

p. 26. 635 S. For ' gefulwad ' read ' ge-.' The words ' from . . . 
Dorce- ' are written on an erasure. 

— 639 S. CuSred] CuSred king, B, C. 

— 640 a. The latter part of the interpolation is on the lower margin. 

— 644 S. se was sercebisc on] se Se wses arcebisceop aer on, B, C. 

— 645 S. Cenwalh] Kenwealh king, B, C. 

— note 5. For ' fsesten ' read ' Easter fsesten.' 
p. 27. 644, 645 E. These dates agree with B, C. 

p. 28. 648 S] 647 B, C. The words ' waes . . . Cyneg-' are written 
on an erasure. 

— 651, 653, 653 S. These dates agree with B, C. 

II. b 




675 S 

p. 38. 

686 S 

p. 40. 

688 a. 

p. 41. 

693 E. 

ad loc. 


710 E. 

p. 28. 648 F. After this insert : ' 650 F. Her forSferde Birinus se 
biscop, 7 ^gebertus se Frencisca was gehadod.' 

— 648 *. iii- ])usenclo londes] iii [iii, C] liida landes, B, C. 
p. 32. 657 S. This ought to stand at the foot of p. 28. 

This annal is omitted by B. 

' Cead- ' on erasure. 
For ' and ' read ' 7.' 
For ' Brihthelm ' D reads ' Dryhthelm,' rightly ; v. note 

For ' Hygebald ' D reads ' Sigbald,' and this is confirmed 
by Gaimar ; v. note ad loc. 

p. 45, note 12. For ' against all the other MSS.' read ' D has JESelbald, 
rightly.' The entry being a Northern one is only in D and E. 

p. 47, last line of text, be eodon] ymbeodan, B. 

p. 49, 1. I. ser] f>, B. 

p. 51. 766 E. xxxvi] xxxvii, D. 

— For ' xxxiii ' read ' xxxiiii.' 

— 768 E. After ' xiiii ' insert the reference 1 2 to note. 

P- 53- 779 E, 1. 4. wses gehalgod] wses aer gehalgod, D ; v. note ad loc. 

P- 55- 788 E. Pincanheale] Wincan-, D. 

p. 56. 796 *. Ceolwulf] Cynulf, B, C, rightly ; v. note ad loc. 

— note I. Correct this in accordance with ii. 62. 

— note 3. pycan] So also it was read by Junius. 

— 798 F, 1. 5. unfor[brosno]d] Junius' collation shows that the true 
reading is ' unforrotted.' 

P- 57- 795 E. hancred] hancrEede, D. 
p. 60. 823 S, 1. 2. For 'Ecbryht' read ' Ecgbryht.' 
p. 64. 853 'K, 1. I. The interpolator, having overlooked the little ' bsed' 
above the line, inserts a big ' bsedon ' after ' wiotan.' 

pp. 67, 68. 860*. Osric] Wulfheard, B, C ; v. note ad loc. 
p. 68. 860 S. Erasures in S at the top of f. 13 b. 
73. 874 E, 1. 4. cyrican] mynstre, F. 

79. note 9. For ' vocabatur ' read ' uoc-.' 

80. 887 S, 1. I . 'up J>urh ' on erasure. 

81. 887 E, 1. II. 7 [0))a] J)a to] The true correction of the text is 
' 7 Oda to.' The scribe omitted the O, and turned ' da ' into ' Sa.' The 
mistake is common to D and E. 

p. 84. 893 S, 1. 5. ccl] cc, B, C, D. 
p. 91. 901 E. gefor] geforSferde, F. 

— 898 S. Heahstan] Ealhstan, B, C, D. 

pp. 97, 99, heading. I have shown in the Introduction, § 73, that D 
would be more correctly described as the Evesham MS. 

p. 105. 924 D, 1. 5. For ' OfsJe' read ' of[er] sa '; r. note ad loc. 
p. no. 942 a. Read * [Her forSferde Wulfhelm] arcebisceop.' 



p. 112. Against the vacant annal 953 sometliing has been inserted in S 
and then erased. With f. 28 a, a new hand begins in S. 
p. 113. 959 B. West seaxum] Wessexum, C. 
p. 115, 1. 8. misdseda] -de, D, rightly. 

— ]. 9. unsida] -de, D, rightly. 

p. 119. 971 B. The date is not in B, but is taken from C. 

— Eadredes] Eadweardes, C, wrongly. 

— note 4. After B, C insert * ac' 

p. 122. 976 C. Insert the marginal reference ' f . 143 a.' 

— 977 C, 1. 7. After 'norShealfe' insert a stroke, and place in the 
margin the reference ' f . 143 b.' 

p. 123, 979 E, 1. 25. 7 smeagunga] 7 heora s., D. 

p. 126. 990 C. This entry should have been placed on p. 125. 

p. 128, 1. 10 from bottom. For 'wearde' we should perhaps read 
'weorce'; cf. the Latin version, i. 285: 'Romano opera' ; and the AS. 
version of Bede, H. E. i. 33 : ' ealde Romanisce weorce.' 

— 1. 3 from bottom. For ' X'^es ' read ' Xpes.' 
p. 131, note I. Add ' Penwi^, C 

p. 134. The entries from S should be on p. 136. 

p. 136. 1006 E, 1. 6. se Denisca] So F ; se micla, C, D. 

p. T42, note 5. For ' X^ntatis ' read 'Xpntatis.' 

p. 144, 1. 15. ae})elinge] -gum, C, D. 

p. 146. 1016 E. clx- scipa] Only in E, F ; r. note ad loc. 

p, 147. 1016 D, E. Scrobbesbyrig] Scrobsaeton, C. 

p. 148, 1. 7. ofsloh] ' Suruh Eadrices raed ealdormannes,' adds C ; v. 
note a. I. 

p. 150, 1. 5. After ' Lundene' insert the reference 3 to note. 

p. 152, 11. 6, 7. Godwine ealdorman] 'on Lindesige,' adds C. 

p. 163. 1041 E, 1, 10. For ' ^If [sine] ' read ' ^Elf[sige].' 

p. 172, 1. 6. be weg[e] ] These two words are inserted on the margin, 
with a mark of insertion after ' a'Bfe.' 

p. 177, margin. For 'A. D. 1052 ' read 'a.D. 1048.' 

p. 184. 1054 ^- ^'^^ ' naare' read ' Mare.' 

p. 187. 1056 D. The letters ' ke-'have got shaken out at the end of line 5. 

p. 203. Dele the note ; v. note ad loc. 

p. 217, 1. 16. For 'rest' read 'reft.' 

p. 220, 1. 23. For ' Manncynn' read * mann-.' 

p. 274, 1. 6. For ' brytene' read ' Brytene.' 

p. 292, 1. 4. For ' Walkelmus' read ' Walkelinus.' 

p. 293. The information here given as to the West Saxon genealogy 
should be supplemented by what is stated, ii. 1 If., by the notes on A. D. 
167, 409, and by Introduction, p. xcviii. 

p. 300 ''. ' a-drtfan ' should come before ' a-drincan,' and ' a-ebbian ' after 
' a-dun-weard.' 


p. 304 *. ' a-geanes ' should come before ' agen.' 

p. 304 ^. a-lysan] After (3) insert ' wk. t'.' 

p. 307 '>. ' aSum ' should come before ' a-])ystrian.' 

p. 309 •>. be-faestan] For ' 893A ' read ' 894A.' 

p. 312*. "t-betan] Dele the dagger. 

p. 313*. binnan*] After ' within' insert ' 867*.' 

P- 3I3'*- biscop-rice] Add : ' in 1 100 it means episcopal church, cathedral.' 

p. 314*. Before ' bod ' insert an additional article : 

boc-stsef, sh.viMr. a letter ; cf. buc^|labe, in pi. -stafas, a letter, epistle, 
167C, Addenda. 

p. 314''. bredan] Dele the reff. to 189D, E, F, and insert after bredan 
two additional articles : 

breden, adj. made of board. 1 89F. 

bred-weall, sh.m.dr. a wall of board. 189D, E. 

P- Z^b"- bugean] After ' 890* ' insert ' bugude. D.' 

p. 319'^ cumpaeder] si, joint godfather. 

p. 322*. dsel] Line 4, for ' be dlae ' read ' be dsele.' 

p. 324". duguSJ After 'wrongly masc' add 'so 626E.' 

p. 327''. east-rice] Add ' 892E.' 

p. 329*. eow, eower] Dele ' eower.' 

p. 329''. 'fsedera' should precede ' fseder-cynn.' 

p. 33I^ fenn] After ' M. 275' insert ' 893A. (fsenne) S92E, doubtful 

P- 343"' ge-feohtan] After ' 658E' insert '=to gain by fighting, p.><g. 
gefeaht. 1016E. p. 152.' 

p. 344^ ge-horsianl After ' 876A' insert ' (-sade) E.' 

— 'ge-hiwian ' should precede ' ge-horsian.' 

P- 345''- ge-lsedan] Dele ' i. e. died,' and v. note ad loc. 

p. 346''. 'ge-myntan ' should precede ' ge-nealsecan.' 

p. 352*. ge-wundian] The ref. ' 894A. p. 86 t ' should be transposed to 
after ' -dod. E.' 

P- 353°- grsefe]. Read ' grjefe,' and correct this article in accordance 
with note ad loc, ii. 78. 

P- 355*- hadian] For 'heafden' read ' lieafde.' 

— fhsefte-clomm] After ' dat.^ insert 'pi.' 

P- 355''- hselien] Last line but one, for '851 A' read' 871A'; and 
add at end of article ' -)>num. 838A.' 

p. 356''. han-cred] Add ' dut. -craede D' {v. Addenda). 

p. 358*^. healdan] Line 14, after ' peace, &e.,' read ' healdeu. 
963 E.' 

p. 362*. hold-ae] For ' 1083 ' read ' 1085.' 

p. 363^ hunger] For ' 975A. p. 120 b. 977E,' read '975*. pp. 120, 
121 1.' 

P- 363''. ' hwajnne ' should precede 'hwaer.' 


p. 370"^, For 'lyft' read ' lyft.' 

p. 372*". mann-cynn] For 'the' read 'a'; and after ' 1014E ' insert 
' 1086 p. 220 1.' 

p. 374\ midd] After ' June 24' read ' 898A. 885 A. -dan. E.' 

p. 376'', 1. 5. After ' Cathedral and ' insert ' New Minster, afterwards.' 

— myran-heafod] 101 oE. v. note ad loc. 

p. 377''. neah, adj.'] After * l»st ' insert ' niehst. 878A. nehst. E. 
pp. 76, 77 h.' 

— neah, arZ».] Dele '878A. nehst. E.' 

p. 378^ norS, adj.'] For * ih. A' read '913A.' 

p. 381*. For ' oft-rsed-lTce' read ' oft-rsed-.' 

p. 383". ' o)3-fleon ' should come after ' 63er, conj.'' in 383*'. 

— 6J)er, pron.adj.&sh.] Line 3, read ' another. 827A. (djjser) E'; and 
in line 13, for ' seo' read ' sio.' 

P- SSs**- I'est] Dele the ref. ' 1085 p. 217 m.' 

p. 386*". After ' rijm ' insert an additional article : 

ryft, rift, reft, sh.m.str. a veil ; onfeng halig reft, = took the monastic 
veil, 1085 p. 217 m. ; v. note ad loc. 

p. 388''. sceg'5] For ' 1009 ' read ' 1008.' 

p. 389". se] Line 9 from bottom, for ' S87* ' read ' 887A.' 

p. 391''. secgan] Line 13, after ' ssede ' insert ' 901 A.' 

p. 396''. sunu] After ' pasdni ' insert ' suna. 924A.' 

p. 398\ fswTn] Dele the dagger. 

p. 398", 1. 4. For ' 874 ' read ' 874*.' 

p. 399". After ' tetrarche ' insert an additional article : 

Theophanie (foreign word, Qeocpdvtia^, Epiphany. 11 18 p. 248. 
p. 399''. tilian] This whole article needs recasting, thus : 

tilian, w^.v. (i) to strive for, procure, gain (with ciP7i. of thing gained, 
.ind daf. of person for whom it is gained) ; j^.sff. tilode. 1006E. 2^-P^- 
tilodon. 1016E p. 150 m. tiledan. D. sup. to tylienne. 1052E p. 178 h. 
(ii) with gen. of reflexive pron., to gain one's own living, provide for one- 
self; hiera til(i)gende. 876*. (iii' with occ. or ahsol. to till. 
1097. tilede. 1137 p. 265 h. p.p. tiled, ih. p. 264 1. sup. to 
tilianne. 1092. 

— ti5ian] For ' ih. ad init.' read ' 963E ad inif.' 
p. 401^. Dele the article 'trega.' 

— Before ' tresor ' insert additional article : 

treson (foreign word), treason. 1135. v. note ad loc. 
p. 403", 1. 29. For ' (J)ser innae) ' read ' J)ar(innse).' 

— 1. 37. Dele ' p. 86 L' 

— 1. 42. For ' 817 ' read '917.' 

p. 405*. 6es] Lines 2, 3, transpose the ref. ' 995F ad init.^ after ' 627 E.' 
}^. ^o"]^, ad ped. For 'unfor[brosno]d' read ' unforrotted.' The mean- 
ing is, however, the same. 



p. 410''. ute] At end of article add '918A. 915D.' 

p. 412". weard, s6.] Prefix a dagger. 

— wearde] 995F. p. 128 1. v. Addenda ad loc. 

p. 413. ' weorSe' should come after ' weorSan.' 

p. 414*. After ' wer, a weir,' insert additional article : 
wer, sb m^fr. a man, wera. 457A. 

p. 414''. Dele the article ' westre.' 

p. 41 5^ willan] Lines 14-17 need recasting, thus : 
f.lTil. woldon. 894A. p. 85. io46''E. k. fq. subj. woldon, wolden. 
874*. uuoldon. 878A (with verb of motion understood, and so fq.) ; 
woldan. 946 A. In line 18, for ' wolde' read ' nolde.' 

p. 418". wrecan] After ' wreak ' insert ' punish.' 

p. 419^ ymb-utan] After ' 894' insert ' A.' 


p, xxvi, 1. 20. Of these earlier interpolations 870, 890, 993 refer to 
Canterbury. If therefore we could determine the date at which these entries 
were made, we could fix more precisely the date at which the MS. was 
transferred to Canterbury ; cf. p. xcvii. 

p. 4, note I. The printed text of Florence does not give a correct 
impression as to his deduction of the West-Saxon pedigree from Adam. 
In the oldest MS. (C. C. C. Oxon. clvii) the descent from Adam to Noah 
is traced in the usual way. Then four sons are given to Noah : (i) Sem ; 
(2) Seth, Saj-onice Sceaf; (3) Cham ; (4) lapheth. It is this Seth son of 
Noah, not Seth son of Adam, who is the father of Bedwig. AU therefore 
that Florence has done is to give Sceaf an alternative and more biblical- 
looking name. 

— note 2. For the descent of the Gothic kings from Geat, see C. P. B. 
i. 413; cf. ih. ii. 460, 487. 

p. 12. 495*. Cf. also the Certic, king of Elmet, in Nennius, § 63. 

p. 14. 547*. The conclusions of this note are emphatically confirmed by 
Z. N. v., pp. 98, 99, 307. 

p. 17, 11. 11-13. On Fernmail and his kingdom, cf. Z. N. V., pp. 63, 
67, 71. 

p. 26, 1. II. Add: 'C. P. B. i. 423, 424.' 

p. 32, 1. 15. For Ceaster = W inchester, cf ii. 157. 

p. 58, 1. I. ' Teutonice.' The MS. of this document has recently been 
rediscovered and reprinted in M. H G. 4to : Epistolae Aeui Carolini, 
ii. 20 if., from which it appears that the true reading is ' Theodisce,' which 
is the earliest known instance of the use of that term to denote a language. 
See Dr. Dove's article in the Sitzungsberichte of the Munich Academy 
for 1895, pp. 223 fF. I owe these references to the Bishop of Oxford 
through the Eev. W. Hunt. From the same document it appears that 
Alcuin was present at the Northern Synod. 

p. 58, bottom line. Vigfusson and Powell, following Sir H. Howorth, fix 
the coming of the Northmen to 793, C. P. B. ii. 3. 

p. 59, 1. I. On the various names for the Scandinavian invaders, and 
the quarters whence they came, see Maurer, Bekehrung d. norwegischen 
Stammes, i. 48 ff. 

— 1. 24. Maurer, u. s. i. 66, is in favour of HorSaland. 

p. 65, 1. 23. After 559 add : 'cf. 800 F Lat., i. 59, note 10.' 
p. 67, 803 E. Ecgberht] If the dates given in E were correct, the 
consecration of Egbert would precede the death of Higbald ; which, though 


not impossible, is unlikely. S. D. liowever dates the death of Higbald viii 

Kal. lun. (May 25) in the ninth year from the ' depopulation ' of Lindis- 

farne (793), i. e. 802 ; and this is probably right, i. 52. 

p. 70, 1. 24. For ' Cridiantreow ' read ' Criodan- or Creodantreow.' 

p. 74, 1. 6. After ' pallium ' insert : ' He occurs however regularly in the 

lis^t of archbishops in 995 F, i. 130.' 

p. 85, 1. 26. After ' SS. i. in' insert : ' C. P. B. ii. 339.' 

p. 87, 1. 5. Add : 'cf. C. P. B. ii. 340.' 

p. 90, 1. 4 from bottom. After ' 311 ' insert : 'C. P. B. i. 422.' 

p. 91. After line 5 from bottom insert : '876 E. RoUo] Cf. C. P. B.ii.493.' 

p. 93, 1. II from bottom. On the raven banner, cf. also Maurer, m. jj. 

'• 55.S- 

p. 130,1. II. After ' annal ' insert: 'Possibly also Ann. Camb. 943 
refers to the same person : " ludgual et filius eius Elized a Saxonibus 
occiduntur." ' 

p. 135, 1. S from bottom. Dacre, vphere W. M. places the submission of 
the Scots and Strathclyde Britons, is identified by many with the 'set 
Eamotum ' of the Chron. ; cf. Ramsay, Foundations of England, i. 283. 

p. 136. After the first paragraph insert: '926 D. Huwal West Wala 
cyning] It is commonly assumed, e.g. H. & S. i. 211 ; Green, C. E. 
p. 220, that the Howel of this annal is Howel the Good; but the fact 
that he is called king of the West Welsh, i.e. Cornwall, makes this very 
doubtful. Sir J. Ramsay, indeed, says, "West Wealas must meanDyfed," 
Foundations of England, i. 282. But I know no parallel; and W. M. 
expressly says that Athelstan made a campaign against Cornwall, i. 148 ; 
and if two doubtful charters may be trusted, K. C. D. No. iioi; Birch, 
Nos. 663, 664, he spent Easter 928 at Exeter, one of the signatories being 
" Howel subregulus." It is quite possible that there was a Cornish prince 
named Howel contemporary with the better known Welsh monarch.' 

p. 137, 11, 10, II from bottom : ' Adalolfus comes . . . propinquus ei . . . 
erat.' He was Count of Boulogne, and Abbot of St. Bertin ; fNov. 13, 933, 
Art de Verif. ii. 761. He was a relative, 'propinquus,' of the English 
royal family, as being the son of Baldwin II of Flanders and ^Elfthryth, 
daughter of Alfred the Great. 

p. 140. After the first paragraph add: 'The famous Icelander Egil 
Skallagrimson fought on Athelstan's side, C. P. B. i. 266 ; cf. ib. ii. 575.' 

— 1. 16 from bottom. Add: ' Sir J. Ramsay also advocates an eastern 
site. Bourne, in Lincolnshire, Foundations of England, i. 285 ff.' 

p. 148, second paragraph. Yryc] Others take this to be Eric Blood- 
Axe, son of Harold Harfager, who was expelled from Norway ; so S. C S. 
i. 359, 360, 363, 364; Robertson, E. K. S. i. 74, 80; C. P. B. i. 259, 
532-536; Maurer, Bekehrung, &c., i. 135, 171; but the whole thing 
is very obscure ; cf. Green, C. E. p. 290. Certainly the account in Heims- 
kringla, i. 127 ff., cannot be harmonised with English history. 


pp. 149, 150, 160, 176. The chronology of Wulfstan and Oscytel as 
archbishops of York is somewhat difficult to make out. According to 
Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p- 15 ; ed. 2, p. 28, Oscytel -wan consecrated to Dor- 
chester in 950. I do not know the authority for this, but it is to some 
extent confirmed by the fact that he first signs as bishop in 951, Birch, 
Nos. 890, 891. Stubbs, u. s., places his translation to York in 958. For 
this also I know no authority, and it is opposed to the statement of the 
Chronicle that he was appointed to York under Edred (971 B, i. 119 ; 
C's reading ' Eadweardes ' is a mere slip). Fl. Wig. says that he suc- 
ceeded immediately on the death of Wulfstan, which he places in 956, 
probably rightly, as I have shown, ii. 150; and this date is confirmed 
by the statement that Wulfstan died ' biennio necdum expleto ' from his 
restoration in 954 D ; see H. Y. ii. 340. But even 956 is too late for Oscytel's 
appointment to York, if that was made by Edred, for Edred died in 955. 

I have noted, ii. 149, that the phrase in which D speaks of Wulfstan's 
restoration in 954 is ambiguous, and may mean either that he was 
restored at Dorchester [to York], or that he was restored to a bishopric, 
viz. that of Dorchester. The latter idea seems at first sight startling, 
but the passage is so taken in Hardy's Le Neve, iii. 96, and I believe 
rightly. The arrangement therefore came to this, that Oscytel and 
Wulfstan exchanged sees, Wulfstan remaining at Dorchester, where the 
king could keep an eye on him, and Oscytel going to York. If this 
arrangement was completed at the end of 954, or early in 955, then 
both the statement of the chronicler that Oscytel was appointed to York 
by Edred is confirmed, and also the statement of the northern writers 
that he held that see for sixteen years, H. Y. ii. 255, 340, 474, 518. 
As Wulfstan died so soon after, the arrangement was easily forgotten, 
and it was assumed that Oscytel succeeded to York in consequence of 
Wulfstan's death. There is a further doubt whether Oscytel was suc- 
ceeded immediately by Oswald. The northern writers, «. $., interpolate 
a certain .^thelwold, who resigned because ' quietiorem uitam magis 
diligeret.' If he resigned before he was consecrated, this would account 
for the non-appearance of his name in the lists. 

p. 153, 1. 5. After ' customs ' insert : ' cf. C. P. B. I. Ixxv.' 

p. 154,1. 20. Guthmund, bishop of H61ar in Iceland (+1237), had 
the title ' the Good ' formally conferred upon him by an act of the Bishop 
and Chapter in the fourteenth century, Sturlunga, I. cxxv, 104. 

p. 173, 1. 4 from bottom. Josteinn was Olaf's maternal uncle, Maurer, 
Bekehrung, &c., i. 277- 

p. 177, 1. 9. '^Ifric,' i. e. .^Ifric, alderman of Hampshire. 

p. 181, 1. 10. The historical existence of Palna-Toki is, however, very 
doubtful, Maurer, Bekehrung, &c., i. 245. 

p. 183, 1. 8. Add: ' cf. Maurer, m. ,<;. i. 466, 467. 

p. 1 86. After first paragraph add : ' For the byrnies cf. the epithet 


" albrynjaSr " applied to the crew of a ship in St. Olafs Saga (Heims- 
kringla), c. 27 ; and 011 the size of a " skeiS," cf. Harold Hardrada's Saga, 
c. 76 (Fornmanna Sbgur, vi.308), where Harold builds a "skeiS" of seventy 
oars, after the model of Olaf Tryggvason's famous Long Serpent ; cf. 
C. P. B. ii. 595.' 

p. 187, 1. 12 from bottom. On Ringmere, cf. Maurer, u. s. i. 468. Olaf, 
the future king and saint, is said to have fought there, and also at the siege 
of Canterbury, ih. 510. 

p. 18S, 1. 20 from bottom. On the origin of the Mercian shires, see 
a very interesting paper by the Eev. C. S. Taylor in vol. xxi of Transactions 
of the Bristol and Gloucester Arch. Soc. 

p. 190, 1. 15 from bottom. On Thurkill's submission, cf. Maurer, u. s. 
i. 468, 510. 

p. 193, 1. 10 from bottom. Maurer denies the importance of Clontarf. 
u. s. i. 551. 

p. 198, 1. 15. ^Ifric ealdorman] Probably the alderman of Hampshire. 

p. 203, 1. 25. Cnut was admitted to confraternity at Christ Church, 
Canterbury, Wanley, p. 181, cited by Maurer, u. s. i. 481, and also at 
Bremen, ib. 483. 

p. 206, 1. 4. Add : ' Vigfusson and Powell apparently would make only 
one battle, which they place in 1026, C. P. B. ii. 152, 153, 156, 589; cf. also 
Maurer, u. s. i. 616 fF.' 

— 1. 27. After ' 1055 ^ ' insert : ' cf. Maurer, «. s. i. 639 S.' 

p. 211-215, 221, 231, 236. Lest it should be thought that I have been 
too presumptuous in my criticism of some of Mr. Freeman's historical 
methods, see Parker's Early History of Oxford, pp. 191 ff., a passage which 
came to my knowledge after the above pages were printed. 

p. 234, 1. 12 from bottom. Add : ' cf. Maurer, «. «. i. 597 f.' 

p. 237, 1. II from bottom. Insert the following note : — * p. 175. Langa 
treo D] That Godwin owned property in Longtree Hundred is shown by 
Domesday, i. 164 a.' 

p. 240, 1. 12 from bottom. Add: 'Pearson, Hist. Maps, says that it 
was at Ealeigh or Eayleigh in Essex.' 

p. 251, 1. 6. On Harold's Welsh campaign, cf. also the mythical life of 
Harold, pp. 17, 71, 91. 

p. 256, 1, 2 from bottom. So too the mythical life of Harold, p. 36. 

p. 257, 1. 24. On the question whether D meant Berkhampstead by 
' Beorhhamsted,' and, if so, whether this is trustworthy, see Parker, Early 
History of Oxford, pp. 186 ff. It might be Berstead near Maidstone. 

p. 265, 1. 20. The mythical life of Harold gives a list of the treasures 
taken from Waltham by William. 

p. 305, 1. 5 from bottom. Roger II. Properly he was Count of Sicily, 
and Duke of Apulia. He received the title of king from the Antipope, 
which was subsequently confirmed by Innocent II, Art de Y6i\i. iii. 809 ff. 



S, A, a. For an explanation of these symbols, see Introduction, pp. xxiii ff. 
AA. SS. =Acta Sanctorum. When simply cited thus, the reference is to 

the great Bollandist collection ; when Mabillon or Mab. is prefixed, it 

refers to Mabillon's Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Benedictiui. 
.Elf. Hom. = ^lfric's Homilies, ed. Thorpe, ^Ifric Society. 2 vols. 1843-6. 
^If. Lives = ^Ifric's Lives, ed. Skeat. E. E. T. S. 2 vols. 1881-90. 
Ailr. or Ailr. R. — Ailred of Rievaulx, ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. cxcv. 
a. I. = ad locum. 
Ancient Laws, v. Thorpe. 
Ang. Sac. = Anglia Saci-a, ed. Wharton. 
Ann. Camb. = Annales Cambriae. E. S., and (more correctly) in Y 

Cymmrodor, vol. ix. 
Ann. Lindisf. = Annals of Lindisfarne, in Pertz, vol. xix. 
Ann. Ult. = Annals of Ulster. R. S. 
Ann. Utic. = Annales Uticenses, or Annals of St. Evroul, in vol. v. of 

Prevost's ed. of Ordericus Vitalis. 
Ann. Wav. = Annals of Waverley, ed. Luard. E. S. 
Ann. Wint. = Annales Wintonienses. R. S. 
App. Ff., V. Ltft. App. Ff. 
Art de V(^rif. =Art de Ve'rifier les Dates, &c. 3 vols. fol. 1783-7. 

A. S. N. = Annals of St. Neot, or of Asser, in Gale, Quindecim Scriptores 

(1691), pp. 141 ff. 
Asser. The edition in M. H. B. has been used. 

B, See Introduction, pp. xxviii f. 

Bede, Chron. This is the Chronicle appended to the De Temporum 

Bede, 0pp. = Bede's Works, ed. Giles. 12 vols. Svo. 
Bede, 0pp. Min. = Bedae Opera Historica Minora, ed. J. Stevenson. 

E. H. S. 1841. 
Bede, followed simply by a page reference, refers to the AS. version of the 

H. E., ed. Miller. E. E. T. S. 



Biogr. Misc. ^ Miscellanea Biographica (Lives of Oswin, Cutlibert, and 

Eata). S. S. 1838. 
Birch = Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum. 
Blick. Hom. = Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris. E. E. T. S. 
Bouquet = Recueil des Historiens de la Gaule et de la France. (The whole 

series is thus cited, although the later volumes are not edited by Dom 


C. See Introduction, pp. xxx f. 

Cambro-Brit. Saints = Lives of the Cambro-British Saints, ed. W. J. Rees. 

Welsh MSS. Society, 1853. 
Capgrave = Capgrave's Chronicle of England, ed. Hingeston. R. S. 
C. B., V. Rhys. 
C. E., V. Green. 
Chron., v. Sax. Chron. 
Chron. Ab. = Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. J. Stevenson. 2 vols. 

R. S. (Not to be confounded with the Abingdon MS. (C) of the 

Saxon Chron.) 
Chron. Evesh. = Chronicon Abbatiae Eveshamensis, ed. Macray. R. S. 
Chron. Rames. = Chronicle of the Abbey of Ramsey, ed. Macray. R.S. 
Chron. Scot. = Chronicon Scotorum, ed. Hennessy. R. S. 

C. P. B. = Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ed. Vigfusson and York Powell. 

2 vols. 

D. See Introduction, pp. xxxi ff. 

D. C. A. = Dictionary of Christian Antiquities. 

D. C. B. = Dictionary of Christian Biography. 

Ducange = Ducange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis. 4to. 

Dugdale, V. Mon. Angl. 
Dunstan, r. Stubbs. 

E. See Introduction, pp. xxxiv f. 

Earle, Charters = A Handbook to the Land-Charters and other Saxonic 

Documents, by J. Earle, 1888. 
E. C, V. Palgrave. 
Eddius = Vita Wilfridi, auctore Eddio Stephano ; in Raine's Historians of 

the Church of York, i. R. S. 
E. E. T. S. = Early English Text Society. 
E. H. S. = English Historical Society. 
E. K. S., V. Robertson. 
Elmham = Histoiia Monasterii S. Augustini Cantuariensis, by Thomas of 

Elmham, ed. Hardwick. R. S. 
Ep. Succ, V. Stubbs. 


E. T. = English Translation, 

Ethelw. =Etlielwerdi Chronica, ed. M. H. B. 
Eus. Chron. = Eusebius' Chronicle, ed. Schoene, 

F. See Introduction, pp. xxxv f. 

Fl. Wig. = Florence of Worcester, ed. Thorpe. E. H. S. (also in M. H. B.). 
F. M.=The Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O'Donovan. 
F. N. C. = Freeman's History of the Norman Conquest (vols, i-iii, 2nd ed. ; 
vols, iv, V, 1st ed.). 

F. W. R. = Freeman's Reign of William Eufus. 2 vols. 

G. See Introduction, p. xxviii. 

Gaimar = Lestorie des Engles solum Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Martin. 2 vols. 

E. S. ; also in M. H. B. 
Gams = Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, ed. P. B. Gams. 1873. 
G. de M., V. Bound, 

Geof. Mon. = Geoffrey of Monmouth, ed. San-Marte. 1854. 
Gervase = Historical works of Gervase of Canterbury, ed. Stubbs. 2 vols. 

E. S. 
G. G. = The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, ed. Todd. E. S. 
Gibbon. The edition by Sir Wm. Smith is the one referred to, 
Gibson = Gibson's Saxon Chronicle, 1692. 

G. P. = William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, ed. Hamilton. E. S. 
G. R. = Gesta Eegum, v. W. M. 

Green, C. E. = J. E. Green, The Conquest of England. 1883. 
Green, M. E.== J. R. Green, The Making of England. 1882. 
Grubitz = Kritische Untersuchung iiber die angelsiichsischen Annalen bis 

zum Jahre 893. Inaugural-Dissertation . , . von Ernst Grubitz, Got- 

tingen, 1868. 
Guest, Orig. Celt. = Oiigines Celticae . . . Contributions to the History of 

Britain, by Edwin Guest. 2 vols. 18S3. 

H. See Introduction, p. xxxvii. 4 

Hampson = Medii Aeui Kalendarium . , , by E. T, Harapson, 2 vols. 

Hardy, Cat. = Sir T. Dufifus Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue of Materials 

relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland. E. S. 
H. E. = Historia Ecclesiastica ; generally Bede's, but occasionally Eusebius' 

is meant. 
He2diaai = The Priory of Hexham, its Chronicles . . . and Annals, ed. 

Eaine. S. S. 
H. H. = Henry of Huntingdon, ed. T. Arnold. R. S, 
H. & S. = Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents 

relating to Great Britain and Ireland. 


Hugo Caiididus ; in Sparke, Scriptores, vol. ii. q. v. 

H. Y. = Historians of the Church of York, ed. Eaine. R. S. 

Hyde Reg. = Liber Vitae, Register and Martyrology of New Minster and 

Hyde Abbey, Winchester, ed. W. de Gray Birch. Hants Record 

Society. 1892, 

I. See Introduction, p. xxxvii. 

Ingram = Ingram's Saxon Chronicles, 1823. 

Jaffe, V. Mon. Ale, Mon. Car., Mon. Mog., R. P. 

K. C. D. = Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus Aeui Saxonici. E. H. S. 
Kemble, Saxons = The Saxons in England, by J. M. Kemble. 1849. 

Langebek, SS. =J. Langebek, Scriptores Rerum Danicarum Medii Aeui. 
La5amon = La5amon'8 Brut, or Chronicle of Britain, ed. Sir F. Madden, 

3 vols. 1847. 
Lib. de Hyda = Liber Monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edwards. R. S. 
Lib. Eli. = Liber Eliensis, ed. Stewart. Anglia Christiana Society, 
Lib. Vit. Dun. = Liber Vitae Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, ed. J. Stevenson. 

S. S. 1841. 
Liebermann = Ungedruckte anglo-normannische Geschichtsquellen, heraus- 

gegeben von F. Liebermann, 1879. 
Lismore Lives = (Irish) Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, ed. 

Dr. Whitley Stokes. Anecdota Oxoniensia. 
LL. =The Book of Leinster, Published in facsimile by the Royal Irish 

Ltft. App. Ff. = Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, two parts in five vols. 

(2nd ed. of Part ii). 

Mart. Don. — Martyrology of Donegal, ed. O'Donovan, Todd, and Reeves. 

Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
Martene et Durand = E. Martene et U. Durand, Veterum Scriptorum et 

Monunientorum Amplissima Collectio. 
M. C. This symbol is occasionally used to indicate the main Chronicle, as 

opposed to the Mercian Register, 
M. E., r. Green. 
Mem. Hex., v. Hexham. 

M. H. B. = Monuraenta Historica Britannica, vol. i (all published). 
M, H. G., V. Pertz. 

Migne, Pat. Graec. =Migne, Patrologia Graeca. 
Migne, Pat. Lat. = Migne, Patrologia Latina. 
Milman = Milman's History of Latin Christianity, ed, 4. 
Misc. Biogr., v. Biogr. Misc. 


Mon. Ale. = Monumenta Alcuiniana, ed. Jaffd and Wattenbach. 

Mon. Angl. =Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. Caley, Bandinel, and 

Ellis. 1817-30. 
Mon. Car. = Monumenta Carolina, ed. Jaffe. 
Mon. Mog. = Monumenta Moguntina, ed. Jaffe. 
M. Il.= Mercian Register. 
Muratori, v. SS. RR. II. 

N. & K. = Lives of St. Ninian and St. Kentigern, ed. Forbes. 1874. 
N. E. D. = New English Dictionary, Murray and Bradley. 

Ord. Vit. = Ordericus Vitalis, ed. Le Prevost. 5 vols. 1838-55. 
Orosius. AS. version, ed. Sweet. E. E. T. S. 

Palgrave, E. C. =The Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth, 
by Sir F. Palgrave. 

Pal. Soc. = Palaeographical Society. 

P. & S. = Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, ed. W. F. Skene. 

Pertz = Scriptores Rerum Gernianicarum, folio series. 

Pertz, 4to. = Monumenta Historiae Germaniae, 4to series. 

Pinkerton = Pinkerton's Lives of the Scottish Saints. New ed. by Met- 
calfe. 2 vols. 1889. 

Rawl. = Rawlinson Collection of MSS. in Bodleian Library. 

Rhys, C. B. =Rhys, Celtic Britain. S. P. C. K. (2nd ed.) 

Ric. Hex. = Richard of Hexham ; in Raine's Hexham ; v. Hexham. 

Robertson, E. K. S. = Scotland under her Early Kings, by E. W. Robert- 
son. 2 vols. 1862. 

Robertson, Essays = Historical Essays, by the same. 1872. 

Round, G. de M.= Geoffrey de Mandeville, a study of the Anarchy, by 
J. H. Round. 1892. 

R. P. = Regesta Pontificum, ed. Jaff^. 

R.S. = Rolls Series. 

R. W. = Roger of Wendover, ed. Coxe. E. H. S. 

*'. a. = sub anno. 

Sax. Chron. = Saxon Chronicle. 

S. C. H. = Stubbs, Constitutional History. Cabinet edition. 3 vols. 1874-8. 

Sohmid, Gesetze = Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen . . . von Dr. Reinhold 
Schmid. 1858. (A new edition of the Anglo-Saxon Laws by 
Dr. Liebermann is in progress, but not yet complete.) 

Schiirer = Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, von 
Dr. Emil Schiirer, 2te Ausg. 2 vols. 1886-90. (There is an Eng- 
lish Translation, which I have not seen.) 


S. C. S. = Skene, Celtic Scotland. 3 vols. 1876-80. 

S. D. = Simeon of Durham, ed. T. Arnold. E. S. 

Sig. Gembl. = Sigebertus Gemblacensis ; in Pertz, vi. 

Spai-ke, Scriptores = Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii, ed. J. Sparke, 

2 vols. 1723. 
S. S. = Surtees Society. 

SS. RR. II. = Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, ed. Muratori. 
St. Edw.— Lives of Edward the Confessor, ed. Luard. R. S. 
Stubbs, Duiistan = Memorials of St. Dunstan, ed. Stubbs. R. S. 
Stubbs, Ep. Succ. = Registrum Sacrum . . . Episcoj^al Succession in England, 

by W. Stubbs. 1858 ; 2nd ed., 1897. 
s. V. = sub voce. 

Text. Eoff. = Textus Roffensis, ed. Hearne. 1720. 

Theopold = Kritische Untersuchungen iiber die Quellen zur angelsachsi- 

schen Geschichte des achten Jahrhunderts . . . Inaugural-Dissertation 

. . . von Ludwig Theopold. 1872. 
Thorpe, Ancient Laws — Ancient Laws and Institutes of England. Record 

Commission, 1840. (Tlie 8vo edition in 2 vols, is the one referred 

to ; see also under Schmid.) 
Thome = Chronica Gulielmi Thorne, monachi S. Augustini Cantuar., in 

Twysden, Decern Scriptores. 
Three Fragments = Three Fragments of Irish Annals, ed, O'Donovan. 

Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 
Tigh. =The Annals of Tighernach. Printed (very incorrectly) in O'Con- 
nor, Scriptores Reruni Hibernicarum ; and (imperfectly) in P. & S. 

I have generally used the Bodleian MS. Rawl. B. 488 ; now printed 

by Dr. Whitley Stokes in Rev. Celt, xvi-xviii. 

Vigf. Diet. = Icelandic English Dictionary ... by G. Vigfusson. 1874. 

W. See Introduction, p. xxviii, note. 

Waltham = De inuentione Sanctae Crucis . . . de . . . Waltham, ed. Stubbs. 

Wattenbach, v. Mon. Ale. 

W. M. = William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum, ed. Stubbs. R. S. 
W^iilker, Grundriss = Grundi-iss der angelsachsischen Litteratur, von R. 

Wiilker. 1885. 
Wulfstan = Wulfstan, Sammlung der ihm zugeschriebenen Homilien . . . 

herausgegeben von A. Napier. 1883, 

Z. K. B. = Zimmer, Keltische Beitiage, in Zeitschr. fiir deutsches 

Z. N. V, = Zimmer, Nennius Vindicatus. 1893. 


I. Of the Difference between Histories and 
Chronicles K 

§ 1. Chronicles are the simplest form of History; and Differ e 
early attempts at History have generally taken the form of J^^*"^^®^ 
Chronicles. When we use the word History in the fullness and 
of its meaning, we understand by it the study of human events Histor 
in the complexity of their mutual relations and bearings on each 
other. A Chronicle, as the name implies, is only a narrative 
of events in the order of time ; and we hardly call it History 
until these facts have undergone a new arrangement, have been 
re-examined, criticised, distributed, and grouped. 

§ 2. Out of this difference between Histoiy and Chronicle Strucfci 

there follows another. A History, when once cast into its ^1 

... '' Chrom 

form, IS impatient of after modifications ; the Chronicle admits 
alterations indefinitely. History is like a web of cloth ; jou 
cannot add to it or take from it without destroying its integrity. 
The Chronicle is like a set of counters arranged on a recurring 

^ The whole of this first division Professor Earle so closely, because 

is taken with some abridgement my theories, and still more my 

from Professor Earle's Introduction. method of working them out, differ 

I do not think it is possible to state somewhat widely from his. But 

better the difference between His- throughout I owe very much to 

tories and Chronicles. The notes him ; and throughout there are 

appended to it are my own. In the many things which I have been 

other divisions of the Introduction glad to incorporate either in my 

I have not been able to follow text or in my notes. 

II. C 


mathematical plan that can be continued ad infinitum in any 
direction, and can accommodate insertions in any part ^. 

§ 3. There are places in the Saxon Chronicles where the 
narrative exhibits a touch of genius and approaches to the 
dignity of history ; nor is there anything in the chronicle-form 
which absolutely excludes the exercise of a higher talent^, 
though it provides only an imperfect arena for it. But without 
any special gift a man might make a sufficient chronicler, as 
his office was merely to write a statement of fact, or to copy 
an extract from an author and insert it under the right date. 
There was no need of observing proportion ; a great event 
might be told briefly, while a minor event might be told with 
local prolixity. Nothing more was required than that the 
records should be truly arranged in order of time '. 
Chronicles § 4. With all this simplicity and elasticity and capacity of 
iovm^ol development, the Chronicle was particularly calculated to be 
History. the vehicle of history in early times, when literary facilities 
were scanty, and when the work of history had to be done in 
fraternities by a succession of very unequal hands. We do 
not look for shape or symmetry in any Chronicle, more 
especially in Chronicles which have grown without a plan, 
by the work of many hands labouring without concert. After 
a period of accumulation, the compiler enters, and then for 
the first time the whole collection is rendered subject to the 
law of one mind. But his operation turns chiefly on selection or 
rejection, and the new Chronicle shows where modern interests 
have ejected the more ancient. 

^ Gervase has an interesting dis- ypa.\l'avT€s, cited Schiirer, Gesch. d. 

cussion of the difference between jud. Volkes, i. 41 2 ; cf. i6. 55, 56. 
History and Chronicles, i. 87, 88. ' But in order to do this their 

* Thucydides, one of the greatest, order must be known. This is the 

some would say the greatest, of explanation of a fact which at first 

historians, arranges his history of sight astonishes us, the absence from 

the Peloponnesian war not merely even D and E of so much interesting 

by years but bv half-years : ToaavTa matter contained in Bede. The 

fj.(v (V Tw BipiL IfivfTO. Tov S' rcason is that for many things Bede 

imytyvoixh'ov x^'-^-'^^^^ 'Mrjvaioi, gives us no dates, and therefore 

K.T.K, ii. 68, 69. On Greek chro- they cannot be brought into a 

niclers cf. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 7: chronological scheme; of. notes to 

''EK\r]VQjv, ot Tos '0\vfnria5as afxa 632, 634, 650 S, 654 S. 
Tofs /card ^povovs ndrpayntvots dva- 


§ 5. The main features of the anonymous and many-handed The Saxon 
Chronicle may be seen in a high state of preservation in the Chronicles. 
Saxon Chronicles. They represent various stages of literary 
progress, and they exhibit the taste and historical demands of 
many different generations. Towards their close we have his- 
torical composition of considerable maturity, but in their most 
primitive paits we have almost the rudest conceivable attempts 
at history. It is in this wide range of variety and diversity, and 
the illustration it affords of the early national progress, that the 
worth of the Saxon Chronicles, consideied as a literaiy monu- 
ment, must be discovered ; and they must not be judged, as 
some writers have inconsiderately judged them, by the literary 
standards of the nineteenth century. 

§ 6. But before we enter upon an analysis of the Chronicles, Earliest 
it is desirable to form a right notion of the first rude uses c^j.°^jgigj, 
of chronicling. Originally a Chronicle was not a device for 
arranging a store of events, and for reducing the accumulations 
of history to literary order. It was not (what it at length 
became) a method, a system of registration, whereby each event 
was put into its chronological place. The chronicle-form had 
a more primitive use. This was to clmracterise the receding 
series of years, each by a mark and sign of its own, so that the 
years might not be confused in the retrospect of those who had 
lived and acted in them. The same thing is done in our day 
when a man in middle age begins to experience that the hurry 
of life engenders confusion in the memory, and the bygone years 
grow less and less distinguishable. In such a case he probably 
creates for himself a little ten or twenty years' Chronicle, very 
brief, each entry only a single notice. 

§ 7. Such a Chronicle as this is not a depository of the 
accumulations of past events, but a chart of time for jjreserving 
chronological order among the stores of the memory. This is 
naturally the first kind of Chronicle which men require \ 

• Professor Earle, writing in the twenty years the events to mark the 

sixties, gave a specimen of such a years might stand thus : — 
chronological framework as miijht 1878. Treaty of Berlin; Peace 

be ' inscribed in some contemporary with Honour, 
memories.' Perhaps for the last 1879. 

C 2 



In early times the pai'ticulars of past events were much more 
trusted to the memory than they are now ; and only the 
chronologieal scaffolding was committed to parchment. 

We are informed in Professor Wilson's Prehistoric Man that 
the P( ruvians had a memoria technica, made of knots ^ upon 
diversely coloured strings. A Peruvian woman showed a bundle 
of knotted strings, and said her whole life was there. Each knot 
was the index to a story, and all the stories were preserved in 
her memory. 

1880. General election. Liberal 

Death of Lord Beaconsfield. 
Phoenix Park murders. 


of the Duke of 

Franchise Bill. 
Death of Gordon. 

1886. First Home Rule Bill. 

1887. Queen's Jubilee. 

1888. Deaths of two German 


1892. Death 

1893. Second Home Rule Bill. 

1894. Retirement of Mr. Glad- 

1895. General election. Unionist 

1896. The Transvaal Raid. 

1897. The Diamond Jubilee. 
And we all of us have similar frame- 
works of our own lives : ' Mr. 
Meredith had risen to wealth from 
penury, and counted time by his 
dining-room chairs, having passed 
through a cane, a horse-hair, and 
a leather period before arriving at 
morocco. Mrs. Meredith counted 
time by the death of her only son,' 
Barrie, When a Man's .Single, ch. iv. 
Without some such aids we all of 
us in these hurrying days tend to 
sink chronologically to a level with 
the grey goose on the common in 
one of Mrs. Ewing's books, who 
could not remember anything dis- 

tinctly beyond last Michaelmas, and 
the Michaelmas before that, and the 
Michaelmas before that. It is the 
presence of this chronological check 
which constitutes one of the main 
diti'erences between our native 
Chronicles and the Icelandic Sagas. 
In the case of the latter we have 
narratives, originally historical, de- 
veloped by unchecked oral trans- 
mission tlirough generations of a 
people with a genius for story-tell- 
ing ; consequently all the dramatic 
and picturesque elements are height- 
ened, and all the telling points 
emphasised, until the original his- 
torical basis has almost disappeared ; 
cf. Vigfiisson and Powell, Orig. 
Island, ii. 488 ; just as we ourselves 
may have sometimes watched a good 
story growing under the hands of 
some skilful raconteur, who lets 
his art be limited by no base slavery 
to historical accuracy. The conse- 
quence is that the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicles are as superior to the 
Icelandic Sagas as history, as they 
are undoubtedl}' inferior to them as 
literature ; cf. Lappenberg, I. xxxvii ; 
E. T. L xxvii; F. N. C. i. 688. 
The annal which most recalls the 
Sagas is the slaying of Cynewulf 
and Cyneheard imder 755 ; and that 
too may have been developed orally 
before it was written down. Cf. 
C. P. B. ii. 501-508 ; Sturlunga, I. 

'■ Called quipus ; see Prescott, 
Conquest of Peru. Bk. I, ch. iv. 


§ 8. Our own early Chronicles are something like this series 
of knots ; for in their laconic annals much was implied and little 
expressed, and therefore they are a set of knots of which the 
solution died out with their authors. To posterity they present 
merely a name or two, as of a battle-field and a victor, but to the 
men of the day they suggested a thousand particulars, which they 
in their comrade-life were in the habit of recollecting and putting ' 
together. That which to us seems a lean and barren sentence, 
was to them the text for a winter evening's entertainment. 

Their unfagged memory was richly stored with the events 
of their own day and the legends of their ancestors. What 
one had forgotten another remembered, and where memory 
failed, imagination came to aid. So far from needing 
books as depositories of events, they were overwhelmed with 
the treasures of their own memory, and only needed some 
guarantee of order amidst the riches of which they were in 
possession \ Ti-adition and experience furnished them with 
more facts than they had the capacity to accommodate. Where 
memory failed, fancy promptly entered, as into a forfeited 
domain. The wild and frolic fancy was ever ready, in the 
absence of any controlling system of order, to promote dislocation 
by an arbitrary reconstruction, to foment confusion and revel in 
it, and to conjure up out of the chaos new and grotesque combina- 
tions. Therefore they w^anted, not History, but Chronology, 

§ 9. When men had felt the necessity of guarding themselves Chronology 
against mytho-poesy, they found their first guarantee for ^"® ^^ ^' 
the security of historical truth in tables of chronology. As History. 

^ Under different conditions, the quence ; in the History they must 

chronological table or analysis serves be sought out here and there with 

the kindred purpose of a key to the much pains, and pieced together,' 

knowledge contained in books or Lightfoot, App. Ff. I. i. 244. This 

stored confusedly in the memory as was the object with which Capgrave 

the result of reading. Such is the wrote his Chronicle of England : 

object of the chronological epitome ' Now is age com, and I want ny 

suffixed by Bede to his Ecclesiastical al that schuld longe to a studier ; 

History, which had, as we shall see, yet it plesed me, as for a solace, to 

a great effect on the development of gader a schort remembrauns of elde 

our Chronicles. So Eusebius' Chroni- stories, that whanne I loke upon 

"1 cle serves as a key to his Eccl. hem, and have a schort touch of the 

Hist. ' In the Chronicle the required writing, I can sone dilate the circum- 

facts are tabulated in proper se- staunses.'p. i ^^citedbyEarle,p.lxiv). 



cal struc' 
ture of 

long as past events were regarded only as material for an 
evening's entertainment, no one cared to preserve them from 
confusion and embellishment ' ; but when a desire of certainty 
about the past began to be felt, and unadorned facts came to 
be valued even above the more specious legend, then it is 
interesting to watch the steps by which they arrived at what 
they wanted. The Saxon Chronicles exhibit this process more 
perhaps than any in existence. 

§ 10. A numerical list of years was prepai'ed, with a blank 
space, generally only a single line, opposite each number. The 
Chronicles, smallness of the space shows that nothing great was designed, 
but only a year-mark to know and distinguish the year by. 
As many of these blanks were filled in as the compiler had 
matter ready for, and the rest were left open for supple- 
mentary insertions. Capgrave, in the Dedication of his 
Chronicle of England, thus explains the utility of such blank 
spaces : ' If othir studious men, that have more red than I, 
or can fynde that I fond not, or have elde bokes whech make 
more expression of thoo stories that fel fro the creacion of Adam 
onto the general Flod than I have, the velim lith bare, save the 
noumbir, redi to receyve that thei wille set in^' Many of them 
remained blank to the last, and in the older Chronicles they 
are seen as blank lines ; but in the later the figures have been 
copied continuously, as if they formed part of the text ^. Out 
of this mechanical process of construction grew the fashion of 
beginning the annals with an adverb, not of time, but of place, 
HER, in this place, at this point of the series. The blanks which 
were left were not without their use; they served to give 
a quick and almost pictorial measure of the intervals between 
the entries. 

^ See above on the Icelandic 

^ u. s., p. 2. The interpolator of 
S not only fills up where ' the velim 
lith bare,' but erases what his pre- 
decessors liad written in order to 
gain room for his own entries. 
Moreover, there is some danger that 
subsequent addi tions may be inserted, 

not where they really belong, but 
where there happens to be room to 
receive tliem; cf. Theopold, p. 74. 

^ In S, D, E the former is the 
case ; in B, C, F the latter ; thus D 
and E, though among the latest of 
the Chronicles, are in form more 
ancient than B and C. 



11. Of the MSS. of the Saxon Chronicles. 

§ 11. It is commonly stated that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 
is contained in seven MSS., those which are here denoted by the 
letters "R, A, B, C, D, E, F. It would be truer to say that these 
MSS, contain four Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. A is a transcript of 
"R; B, as far as it goes, is identical with C, both having been 
copied from the same MS.; F is an epitome of E. But A, C, D, 
E, have every right to be considered distinct Chronicles. The 
fact that they grow out of a common stock, that even in their 
later parts they use common materials, does not make them 
one Chronicle, any more than the Annals of Hildesheiin, 
Quedlinburg, Weissenburg, &c., are one Chronicle because they 
all grow out of the Annals of Hersfeld ^ ; or the Annals of Dijon, 
Rouen, Caen, St. Evroul, &c., are one Chronicle because they 
are all derived in part, mediately or immediately, from the 
Annals of Cologne^. It was, as we shall see (§ 120), the failure 
of the early editors to apprehend this fact that makes their 
editions of the Chronicle so unsatisfactory. Ingram had some 
perception of the truth : ' It is,' he says, ' a collection of 
Chronicles rather than one uniform work, as the received 
appellation seems to imply' (p. i). Unfortunately, this 
perception had no influence on his edition. 

With this preface I proceed to describe the MSS. in question, 

§ 12, C. C. C. C. 173 (A). Folio, vellum, 28-7 x 20-7, ff, 88. 

The Chronicle occupies fF, 1-32; then, after the Latin Acts of 

Lanfranc, follow the laws of Alfred and Ine, ff. 38-57; then lists 

of popes, bishops, (fee", ff. 58-60; f. 61 is blank, though ruled 

or Chroni- 

tion of 
MS. S 
(C. C. C. C. 

* Cf. Grubitz, p. 2; Pertz, i. 21, 
112; iii. 18; iv. 8; v. 20, 34; and 
the various continuations of Sige- 
bertus Gemblacensis in Pertz, vi ; 
and of the Annales Mellicenses in 
Pertz, ix. 

2 Cf. Theopold, pp. 83 ff. 

^ (a) Popes from St. Peter to 
Marinus (882-884) ; (h) Popes who 
sent palls to Canterbury, from 
Gregory and Augustine to Urban 
and Anselm (a later hand has added 

Paschal and Ealph, 1115); (c) Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury, fi-om Augus- 
tine to Dunstan (f 988) ; {d) Bishops 
of Rochester from Paulinus to 
.lElfstan (f 995) ; (e) Bishojis of the 
East Saxons {i. e. London) from 
Mellitus to ^Ifstan (f c. 995) ; (/) 
Bishops of the South Saxons (Selsey) 
from Wilfrid to ^thelgar (trans- 
lated 988) ; ig) Bishops of the West 
Saxons (Dorchester and Winchester) 
from Birinus to Ealdferth (f 871 x 



for the reception of lists; the remainder of the MS., ff. 62-88, 
consists of Sedulius' Carmen Paschale, with the prefatory epistle 
' ad Macedonium praesbyterum,' at the head of which, in a large 
rude hand, is written, 'FPJDESTAN diacou.' Dr. Browne, 
Bishop of Bristol, has suggested that this may be an early 
signature of Frithestan, afterwards Bishop of Winchester 
(909). I am inclined to think that the Chronicle, laws, and 
lists, originally belonged together, and that the addition of 
Sedulius is merely due to the binder. The Chronicle consists 
of four gatherings or folds — one of seven leaves (originally eight, 
the first being excised), one of nine (originally ten), one of nine 
(originally ten, two having been excised, and one inserted), one 
of seven (originally eight, the last having been excised). The 
laws consist of two folds, one of eight leaves, and the other of 
twelve (originally fourteen). 

§ 13. The laws are all written in one hand, but the Chronicle 
is written in very various hands, of which the following is 

^77) > (^) Bishops of Lindisfarne 
and Durham from Aidan to Ralph 
Flambard (f 1128)-; (j) Bishops of 
Sherborne from Aldhelm to ^thel- 
sige (t 990x992); (k) Bishops 
' Wiltuniensis Ecclesiae \Eamsbury) 
from Athelstan to Sigeric (translated 
to Canterbury 990) ;( Z) Bishops of Cre- 
diton, Eadwulf to ^Ifwold (t 972) ; 
(m) List of Archbishops of York 
from Paulinus to Thomas II(-|-i 1 14), 
with a note on the submission of the 
northern province to Theodore ; (w) 
Kings of Kent from Ethelbert I 
to Ethelbert II. Of these lists 
(a) (part) (b) (A) (m) (n) are in 
hand No. 14 of the Chronicle (see 
below). Wheloc prints them from 
this MS., pp. 567-570; they were 
not in his MS. A (G, W). The 
other lists he takes from his own 
MS., and the points in which they 
differ from S are notewortliy. The 
Canterbury list is prolonged to .^If- 
heah (1005 or 1006-101 2) ; Rochester 
to Godwin (995-1012 ?) ; London to 
.iElfhun ( = .^lfwin) (1004-1012' ; 
Selsey to .^Ifmser (1009-1031); 

Winchester to ^Ifsige (loi 4-1032) ; 
Sherborne to ..Ethelsige (1009 x 
1017). From this it would appear 
that these lists must have been 
drawn up 1014 x 1032 ; which, we 
shall see, agrees very well with the 
date which on other grounds is 
assigned to Wheloc's MS. Of the 
above lists (d) (e) (ff) (j) (m) differ 
both from those given by Florence 
and from those gi ven by Dr. Stubbs ; 
(_/) (/i) (Jc) differ from Florence, but 
agree with Stubbs. It may be noted 
that Wine is omitted in list (e) ; no 
doubt on account of his simony, 
Bede, H. E. iii. 7 and notes. This 
lends some confirmation to the state- 
ment of R. W. i. 160: ' unde post 
mortem in serie episcoporum Lon- 
dinensium non meruit recenseri.' 
In list (6) it is stated that ' Victor 
misit pallium Stigando per Godricum 
decanum.' This may be a mere slip, 
but it may be a deliberate attempt 
to conceal the fact that Stigand re- 
ceived his pallium from the Antipope 
Benedict; see on 1058. 


a complete list: — No. i, to the end of f. i6 r^, the last entry 
being the death of Suibhne in 891 ; then the scribe, thinking 
the annal to be complete, writes the number 892 ready for the 
next year. No. 2. This scribe, not noticing the number 892 at 
the foot of f. 16 ro, begins f. 16 v^ with the words : ' y J^y ilcan 
geare,' introducing the appearance of the comet ^ He only 
writes the one page f. 16 v", ending not far from the beginning 
of 894. No. 3. This scribe writes the rest of 894 and 895, 
occupying the two pages f. 1 7 ro and vo. No. 4 extends from 
f. 18 ro to near the end of f. 21 ro, viz. to the end of 912. 
No. 5. With the exception of three lines on f. 23 vo, this hand 
extends from the end of 912 to the end of 921, near the bottom 
of f. 24 v'^.^ No. 6. This is a very poor scribe ; he only writes 
three lines on f. 23 v^, 'gefaran niehte .... abrsecon,' and four 
lines at the end of f. 24 v°, beginning the annal 922. He seems 
to have written more on f. 23 vo, but his work was apparently so 
bad that it was erased and re-written'. No. 7 writes f. 25 r" 
and v"^, i.e. to the end of 924. Half of f. 25 v^ is left blank ; 
then No. 8 begins at the top of f. 26 r'', and continues to the 
end of f. 27 v« and of the annal 955. No. 9. This scribe 
writes the single page f. 28 ro and one blank annal, 968, at the 
top of the next page. No. 10 extends from the top of f. 28 vo 
to the end of looi, except the last ten words, which have 
been added later ; and here, near the end of f. 30 r'', ends the 
Winchester part of this Chronicle. No. 11. With this hand, 
which is very much later tban the preceding *, commence the 
Canterbuiy entries. It continues to the end of 1066 on f. 31 vo, 
except the last sentence about the comet, and the fragmentary 
charter at 1031. No. 12. To this hand are due the last 
sentence of 1066 and the first part of 1070, down to the end 

' See i. 83, note 13. sent to Canterbury in consequence 
^ Hardy, Cat. i. 652, thinks that , of the destruction of Canterbury- 
there is another change at the top books in the great fire of 1067, tlien 
off. 22 r" ; but I cannot now give these entries would be very late 
even the qualified assent which I indeed, and only the latest of them 
gave i. 99, note 2. can be treated as contemporary; 
^ See i. 102 note. and Mr. Warner thinks that hand 
* If Professor Earle is right in No. 11 is as late as 1075. 
thinking, p. xxiii, that the MS. was 



tions in S. 


of the phrase ' gehersumnesse mid a?5swerunge/ on f. 31 v^. 
No. 13. To this hand are due the charter at 1031 and the 
remainder of 1070. No. 14. The writer of the Latin Acts 
of Lanfranc ; who also writes some of the lists mentioned 
above ^ 

§ 14. But besides these various hands in the text there are 
also numerous interpolations. Of these the bulk are by the 
scribe of the Latin Acts of Lanfranc, who is also the scribe 
of MS. F, and belongs to the end of the eleventh, or beginning 
of the twelith, century'^. But besides these there are also 
earlier insertions in hands of which some can be identified 
with later scribes of the text. Thus the annal 710, accidentally 
omitted by the first scribe, is inserted by hand No. 8 ; the 
additions at 923 and 941 are by hand No. 11, the first of 
the Canterbury scribes; those at 943, 956, 959, 961, and the 
former part of that at 925, all refer to St. Dunstan, and are all 
the work of No. 12, the second Canterbury scribe, who was 
evidently specially interested in that saint. There are also 
fairly early additions in hands which I have not identified 
with any certainty at 728, 870, 890, 993, looi. Though 
in 688 there is an addition to the text of the Chronicle, 
I believe it to be by the original scribe ^. The additions at 
688, 710, 728, lOOi, would seem to be the oldest, as they are 
the only ones which are incorporated in MS. A (G, W) *. The 
MS. is mostly in single columns, but from the middle off. i v^ 
to near the bottom of f. 4 v^ it is in double columns. The 
number of lines to a page varies considerably, from thirty-nine 
to twenty-five^. In the last three pages the writing is con- 
fused and independent of the lines ruled. 

^ These two last hands, 13 and 14, 
seem at fii'st sight obviously distinct ; 
but T do not feel sure that they may 
not be one and the same, the differ- 
ence in appearance being due to the 
difference between writing Saxon 
and writing Latin. 

^ These are the additions which 
in the text are printed in small 
italics, they extend from 1 1 to 941 ; 

theotherearlieradditions are printed 
in small print, but not in italics. 

^ Anyhow, it ought not to have 
been printed in italics as if it were 
the work of the last interpolator. 

* i. e. they were made before 31 left 
Winchester ; seebelow, §§ 95, 96, 98. 

* These variations occasionally 
coincide with the changes of scribes, 
but by no means always. 



§ 1 5. The MS. formerly belonged to Archbishop Parker, and Former 
is part of his bequest to the College, and many passages are 
underlined by him with his familiar red ochre. There are a few- 
notes by Joscelin, the well-known Latin secretary to the 
Archbishop, who is thought sometimes to have reaped without 
acknowledgement the fruits of his secretary's labours '. These 
notes consist mainly, if not exclusively, of collations from Hist. 
Sax. Petroburg. ( = E). In his notes in other MSS. of the 
Chronicle Joscelin frequently cites S as ' Hist. Sax. Eccl. 
Christi Cant.,' and sometimes as 'Liber quern habet doctor 
Wutton decanus eccl. Christi Cant.,' i.e. Dr. Nicholas Wotton, 
the first Dean of Canterbury after the dissolution of the 
monastery. There are a few notes in another sixteenth or 
early seventeenth century hand, of which one, at the beginning 
of the Latin Acts of Lanfranc, is of some interest : ' Hec 
habentur in Libro S. Augustiui cui titulus Diuersi Tractatus 
Monasterii S. Augustini.' That the ultimate home of the MS. 
was Canterbury there is no doubt; an attempt will be made 
later to unravel its history. 

§ 16. The question of the date of the MS. is rather perplexing, Date. 
owing to the number of different hands. But I am inclined to 
think that from 892, or a little earlier, to looi the entries were 
made not very long after the events which they describe^. On 

'^^^ the other hand, it will be shown later that it is impossible to 
endorse the claim which Wanley makes for this MS. : ' hunc 

^'" codicem esse autogi-aphon, nequaquam ad aliorum codicum 
fidem descriptumV But up to lOOi the Winchester monks 
kept it up to date, by entering in it from time to time such 

(materials as they obtained. There are facsimiles of this MS. 
in M. H. B., plates xxiii and xxiv. These give specimens of 
hands 2, 3, 4, and of the last and most copious interpolator. 
Thorpe's facsimile, plate i, shows the work of the seventh scribe*. 

' Diet. Nat. Biog. sentence was written before I had 

^ Mr. G. F. Warner of the British obtained Mr. Warner's opinion. 

Museum would date these hands as ^ Catalogue, p. 130. 

follows: — Nos. 1-6, 900 X930; No. * Mr. Warner s opinion was based 

7, 0. 930; No. 8, c. 960; No. 10, partly on these facsimiles, partly on 

c. 1000; No. II, c. 1075 ; the above some photographs taken for me by 


Descrip-, § 1 ". Cott. Otlio, B. xi (A, G, W). This was once a fair folio 

^^ v^ MS. of some 350 leaves ; it is now reduced to a few charred and 
(G, W), shrivelled fragments. For our knowledge of tliis text of the 
Gott. Otho, Chronicle we are dependent mainly on the edition of Wheloc, 
the trustworthiness of which will be discussed in a later section. 
The original contents of the MS. ai'e given most fully by Wanley, 
p. 219. The first article in it was a copy of the Saxon version 
of Bede's Hist. Eecl. This also was used by Wheloc in his 
editio princeps of that version, though he did not make it the 
basis of his text as he did in the Chronicle. Besides these, it 
contained the laws of Alfred and Ine, lists of bishops, and other 
matter with which we are not concerned. The laws and lists 
were probably copied from "K, as it will be shown that the 
Chronicle undoubtedly was. For this reason it is convenient to 
place this MS. here ; and for this reason Professor Earle chose 
A as the symbol for it, objecting rightly that the ordinary 
notation (G) ^ would seem to imply that it was later than F, 
whereas it is about a century and three-quarters earlier. 
Mr. Warner, on palaeographical grounds, would date it c. 1025, 
and this agrees excellently with the date which has been 
already deduced from the episcopal lists contained in it, viz. 
1014 X 1032 (p. xxiv). There are facsimiles of it in M. H. B., 
plates xviii, xix '^. 

§ 18. Cott. Tib. A. vi (B). Vellum, large 4to, 23-2 X 15-8 ; 
but the leaves have shrunk a little in the heat of the great 
Cottonian fire ^. The MS. has been remounted, so that the 
original gatherings can no longer be discerned. The Chronicle 
occupies ff. 1-34 ; then, after two blank leaves, come f. 35 r", 
a note on Pope Sergius, and f. 35 vo, a list of the Po2:)es who 

Mr. Lord of Cambridge, by the kind i. 655. 

permission of the Master and ' The original size of the MS. is 

Fellows of C. C. C, Cambridse. probably shown by the leaf (/3) con- 

^ Thorpe denotes it by W, the taining the genealogy Tib. A. ill. 

initial of Wheloc, but it is better to f. 17S, vphich I believe to have 

keep tliis symbol for the edition as originally belonged to B. See below, 

distinct from the MS. § 88, and i. 2 note. This measures 

^ A transcript of this MS. by 23.6 x 16. The space actually 

Lambardis said to be among Ussher's covered by writing is practically the 

Collections in Dublin, Hardy, Cat. same in both, viz. iS-B x 12-6. 



Fcnt paHs to Canterbury, beginning with Gregory and Augustine, 
and ending with Urban and Anselm. These notes are in a hand 
very similar to, possibly identical with, that of the scribe of F 
and of the Latin Acts of Lanfranc in 3Y. The rest of the MS. 
is later matter, relating mainly to the monastery of Ely, and 
ending with a French Chronicle from Hardacnut to Edward III. 
The combination of this later matter with the Chronicle is 
probably due ouly to the binder; and the second portion is 
shown by an entry on f. 36 ro to have been given to Sir Eobei*t 
Cotton by Arthur Agarde in 1609. The Chronicle is all in one 
hand, which Mr. "Warner would assign to about the year 1000, 
which is a good deal earlier than Professor Earle placed it ' ; 
but agrees well with the date to which the Chronicle extends, 
viz. 977, and is probably not far from the truth. Except on the 
last page, there are always twenty-three lines to a page, and 
this is true also of the genealogy in /3. Many of the annals 
have no numbers affixed to them, the omission being supplied 
by Joscelin, who has also collated the MS. in several places with 
' uetustior Saxonica historia quam habet doctor Wutton Decanus 
eccl. Christi Cant.,' and with ' Liber M^i Boyer,' which the 
readings cited show conclusively to be our 'K and C respectively. 
This is the MS. which Joscelin calls ' Hist. Sax. S. Augustini 
Cant.,' and it may have been transcribed for that house. But 
there is no evidence, internal or external, beyond Joscelin's 
assertion to prove this, and we shall see that, whatever the home 
of this MS., its origin must be sought at Abingdon ^. There is 
a facsimile of a page of this MS. in M. H. B., j^late xxii, and in 
Thorpe's edition, plate ii, who also gives a facsimile of the first 
page of the genealogy ^, ib. plate vii, so that the student can 
compare the two for himself. There is also a transcript of this 
MS., probably by Joscelin, Laud Misc., 661 ^ 

coB-l 1 Introduction, p. xxvi. Sir T. D. i. 575) ; while on p. 655 B itself is 

Hardy contradicts himself strangely assigned in the heading to 'xii.cent.,' 

in regard to the date of this MS. and in the body of the paragraph is 

The fragment /3 containing the said to be ' apparently of the latter 

genealogy,which he believes (rightly, part of the tenth century.' 

as I think) to have belonged origi- ^ See below, § 87. 

nally to B, he dates ' xi. cent.* (,Cat. ^ ih. §§ 88 note, 124 note. 



§ 19. Cott. Tib. B. i (C). Vellum, folio, 27-7 x 18-5. This 
MS. contains the Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius, and the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a collocation which is 



view of the connexion to be presently pointed out between the 
two works ^. The Orosius occupies ff. 3-1 11; the Chronicle, 
beginning with the metrical Calendar and proverbs, occupies 
ff. 1 12-164 i"°- -^s the Chronicle begins with a new fold, it is 
impossible to say whether it and the Orosius originally belonged 
together or not. The Chronicle consists of six folds of eight 
folios, one of four, and an odd folio, f. 164, on the recto of which 
has been written the late fragment about the Northman at the 
bridge of Stamford Bridge, which was probably added with 
a view to completing the mutilated annal which precedes^. 
In the last fold the four leaves of which it consists have been 
misbound, and the folios now numbered 160, 161, 162, 163, 
ought to come in the following order: 161, 163, 160, 162. 
Except where space is taken up by capital letters, there are 
twenty-seven lines to a page throughout the MS., which looks 
as if it had all been written about the same time. 

§ 20. In the Orosius three hands are discernible ; the first 
extending to the middle of f. 34 \°, the second to near the top 
of f. 45 ro, the third to the end of the work. In the Chronicle 
several hands may be traced ; the first extending from f. 1 1 2 r" to 
the end of f. ii8 vo, i.e. to the end of 490. There are possible 
changes of hand at 978, near the top of f. 143 vo, and near the 
top of f. 158 ro (middle of 1047), but these are somewhat 
doubtful. There is certainly a fresh hand at the beginning of 
1049, f. 158 ro middle, and this extends to the end of 159 v" 
(middle of 1052) ; then comes the folio now numbered 161, with 
which a new hand begins which stops near the end of f. 161 r°, 
another scribe taking up the words, ' tJa on ocSran Easterdsege,' 
near the beginning of 1053, ^"^ continuing to the end of 1056, 
f. 163 v^, where half a page is left blank; then with f. 160, 
annal 1065, another hand begins, which extends to the end of 
the words ' to Eoferwic w-ard,' near the top of f. 162 v^, and not 
far from the end of 1066, the last hand finishing the annal with 

' See below, § 103. ^ See i. 198 and note. 


the exception of the late addition mentioned above. Mr. Warner Date, 
saw no reason why the later hands from 1049 ^^ 1066 should not 
be contemporary or almost contemporai'y with the events de- 
scribed. But there is not a difference of more than a few years 
between the earliest and the latest hands, and the whole MS., 
including the Orosius, may be dated about the middle of the 
eleventh century. 

§ 21. Throughout the MS., both in the Chronicle and in the Annota- 
Orosius, are MS. notes by Robert Talbot, rector of Burlingham, ^^^q^ 
Norfolk (t 1558). These notes refer chiefly to the identification 
of places, and some of them have been quoted both by Professor 
Earle and myself. In MS. Cott. Julius vi, which contains Leland's 
Collectanea, there is the following note at f. 99 v^^: 'Mr. Talbot 
made this annotation in the fi'ont of Orosius' historie, that that 
he lent me (Leland) translated out of Lattin into Saxon tongue.' 
Then follow, not only Talbot's notes on the Orosius, but also those 
on the Chronicle, which are thus introduced : ' Out of an olde 
Saxon Boke callid of some the olde Englishe Historic.' From 
this it would appear that this MS. belonged at one time to 
Robert Talbot. "We have seen that Joscelin cites it as ' Liber 
M^i Boyer,' which shows that it also belonged at one time to 
Bowyer, keeper of the records in the Tower. But Joscelin also 
calls it the Abingdon Chronicle, and this is unquestionably 
a true description, not only of the origin, but also of the home 
of this MS. This will be proved at a later staged Of 
Joscelin's own hand there are no traces in this MS., except at 
1056 and 1066. 

There are facsimiles of this MS. in M. H. B., plate xxi ; 
Thorpe, plate iii ; Palaeographical Society, vol. ii. plate 242, 
where, following Earle ^ and Hardy*, the editors wrongly state 
that the Chronicle is all in one hand up to 1045. 

§ 22. Cott. Tib. B. iv (D). Vellum, folio, 28-2x19, but three Descrip- 
leaves, ff. 54, 70, 71, are of larger size, f. 54, which is the j^^g p^ 
largest, measuring 29-8 x 19-2 ; probably the leaves shrank in Cott. Tib. 

' I owe the reference to a note by ' Introduction, p. xxviii. 

Sir F. Madden in MS. C. * Cat. i. 656. 

* See below, §§ 63, 87, 91, 113. 



MS. D 


the fire, and have been cropped in the process of rebinding. 
The Chronicle occupies flf. 3-86, f. 86 being only a half folio ; 
f. 87 contains two writs of Cnut to Archbishop Eadsige ; 
ff. 88-90 are paper leaves containing extracts by Joscelin from 
MS. E extending from 1123 to 1131. The other contents of 
the MS. have no connexion with the Chronicle beyond the 
common binding. A list of them may be seen in the Cottonian 
Catalogue of 1802, p. 35. The first fold of the Chronicle is of 
eight leaves, of which the last has been excised. Then comes 
a lacuna extending from 262 to the middle of 693, caused by 
the loss of a fold, probably of eight leaves. This has been supplied 
by the insertion of a fold of nine leaves, on which Joscelin 
has entered annals taken from Hist. Eccl. Christi {"R), Hist. 
S. Augustini (B), Hist. Abband. (C), and Hist. Pefroburg. (E)\ 
He also cites lA, B, and C, as ' Libri Doctoris Wutton et 
Magistrorum Boyer et Twyne ^.' He refers also to Bede, 
Ethelwerd, and Henry of Huntingdon. And these annotations 
extend throughout the whole of the MS. After the lacuna 
thei'e are nine folds, all of them of eight folios, except the last 
but one, which is of six. Throughout the Chronicle there are 
twenty-four lines to a page, except on f. 3 vo and f. 75, which 
have twenty-five, and on f. 86, which, as I have said, is only 
half a leaf and is mutilated. The fact, however, that the verso 
of f. 86 was vacant to receive the late entry of the rebellion of 
Angus, Earl of Moray, in 11 30 (miswritten 1080, mlxxx 
having been substituted for mcxxx), shows that the amount lost 
by this mutilation cannot be very great ^ But besides this 

* In one or two cases the readings 
cited lio not agree exactly with E, 
and this miglit seem to countenance 
the view held by some that Joscelin's 
' Petroburg.' is not our E, but some 
related MS. now lost. I do not 
myself think tliat the differences 
justify this conclusion. The entry 
which differs most is 409. But this 
is a conflation of S, a, and E, as 
Joscelin himself indicates : ' haec in 
historia Saxonica Petroburgensi et 
ecclesiae Chri. Cant.' The only word 

not explained in this way is ' tosohte ' 
for ' gesohte.' There is evidence in 
E that both Parker and Joscelin 
made use of it. See below, § 25. 

^ On Bowyer see above, § 18; and 
on Twyne see below, § 88 note. 

' 1079, ^^^ ^*^* aniial on f. 86 r°, 
ends imperfectly : ' ne wylle we ]>eh 
her na mare scaffe awritan ]>e. he 
his ffeder ge . . .' It is quite possible 
that all that lias been lost is tlie 
remainder of this last word, 'gedyde' 
or 'geworhte,' and that the rest of 


mutilation at the end, the last entry on f. 85 v", 1078, is very 
imperfect, and as there is no defect or abrasion of the vellum 
this shows that the scribe had something before him which he 
could not read, possibly a MS. of which the last page was 
partially abraded. This further shows that D, even in its latest 
part, is not an original, but is copied from some other MS. 

§ 23. D, like C, is written in various hands. The first change The 
took place somewhere in the missing portion, for the hands before 
and after the lacuna are different \ The second hand goes 
down to the end of f. 67 v^ (10 16, sub Jin.), the third hand 
beginning with the words ' feaht him wi'S ealle Engla ]?eode,' 
and extending to the end of f. 73 ro near the beginning of 
losa**; the next hand only writes the one page f. 73 vo; the 
fifth hand extends from the top of f. 74 ro almost to the bottom 
of f. 75 vo near the beginning of 1054. There seems to be 
another change on f. 77 v^, near the beginning of 106 1 after 
the word ' pallium.' Mr. Warner was inclined, with some hesi- 
tation, to see two changes of hand on f. 78 v^ in the annal 1065, 
one at the words ' 7 his bro|)or Eadwine him com to geanes,' 
and another at the words ' 7 Eadward cyng com to West myu- 
stre.' This view, which was based purely on palaeographical 
considerations, coincides curiously with a change of source in D. 
Before and after the points indicated the matter in D agrees 
with C, whereas between those two points D agrees with E. 
However this may be, there is another change on f. 83 ro near 
the beginning of 107 1, from which point the same hand con- 
tinues to the end, with the exception of the late entry referred 
to above. 

§ 24. Below I have sought to prove from internal evidence Date, 
that the later part of the Chronicle from 1067 onwai'ds cannot 

the folio was cut away for the sake of D. They may, however, have 

oftheblank vellum, a frequent cause come from the parent MS. of D, 

of mutilation of MSS. This dis- which was apparently mutilated at 

proves Earle's theory (Introduction, the time when it was transcribed. 

p. Ix), followed, as usual, by Pauli, See the next sentence above. 
Pertz, xiii. 97, that some of the ' This fact had escaped my 

later parts of E may have been notice, until it was pointed out to 

derived from the lost continuation me by Mr. Warner. 

II. d 


he earlier than iioo^; and Mr. "Warner was of opinion that 
there was nothing in the handwriting to militate against this 
conclusion. He thought the earliest hands might be as early 
as 1050. Personally I should doubt whether there was as 
much as iifty years' difference between the earliest and latest 
hands. Joscelin called this Chronicle ' Chronicon Wigorniae.' 
Below I have given reasons for thinking that its home is rather 
to be sought at Evesham ^. There are facsimiles of this MS. in 
M. H. B. (plate xx), and in Thorpe (plate iv). The last part 
of this Chronicle, from 1043 to the end, was imperfectly printed 
as an appendix to Lye's Saxon Dictionary (1772), from a faulty 
transcript by Lambard in Canterbury Cathedral Library ^. 
Descrip- § 25. Laud Misc. 636 (E). ff. 91. Vellum, small folio, 21-0 x 

^^'j? ^ 14-0. The leaves vary a little in size, but this is the average. 
Laud Misc. Five leaves, ff. 86-90, are of a larger size, measuring 24-2 x 
^36- i6-o, and this was probably the original size of the MS. These 

five leaves have escaped the binder's shears because on the 
margin of them is written a Inief French Chronicle from Brutus 
Annota- to Edward I. The MS. has been interleaved with large folio 
paper, and both on the vellum and on the interleaved paper 
are copious notes by William Lisle (t 1637) chiefly consisting 
of collations from "K, which he calls ' Benet.' And on the blank 
paper leaves at the end he has inserted from 7^ the annals 894- 
924, 937, 941, 962, 973, 975, and a pedigree of Woden from 
855 B. On 937 (the Song of Brunanhurh) he says : ' This is 
mysticall and written in a poeticall value obscurely of j^urpose 
to avoide the daunger of those tymes and needes decyphrlng.' 
On 941 he writes 'this also mysticall;' 975 'And this.' Some 
notes in earlier hands occur here and there ; one at 705 may be 
by Joscelin; another at 893 refers to R. Talbot and may be by 
him. In many passages the MS. is underlined in red in a manner 
closely resembling Archbishop Parker's underlinings of MS. "R. 
And it is quite likely that these marks are by him *. E must 

* See below, § 75. * Wanley makes the same sug- 

* ih. § 73. gestion, p. 65 ; a fact of which 
^ I owe this reference to Hnrdy, I was ignorant when I wrote the 

Cat. i. 6j;7. above. 


tions in 
MS. E. 


certainly have been in the hands of his secretary Joscelin, who 
makes so many extracts from it in other MSS. 

§ 26. Of the date of the MS. there can be no doubt ; the first Date, 
hand goes to the end of 1121, f. 8i yo ; the next hand writes ^^n^gg 
the single annal 1122, and the third hand similarly writes only 
1 123. With 1 124 another hand begins, which is possibly iden- 
tical with the second hand ; this continues to near the end of 
1 126, f. 85 ro; the next hand carries on the record to the end 
of 1 131; from 1 1 32 to 1 1 54, where the Chronicle ends, is all 
in a single hand, but internal evidence shows that this part of 
the Chronicle was not written down till after the accession of 
Henry II '. The troublous days of Stephen would not be 
favourable to historical composition. The MS. therefore was 
written at various dates in the twelfth century from 1121 to 
1 1 54. Its origin is equally certain. From end to end it is 
unquestionably a Peterborough book 2. It is disputed whether Question 
the MS. is incomplete; Wanley^ Hardy*, and Macray^ all "^.^ "i"*^^'^- 
describe it as mutilated, while Earle ^ denies that there is any 
mutilation. I think that a leaf has been lost at the end, for 
after eight folds of 10 leaves each, there comes one of 1 1, origin- 
ally 12, showing that one folio has been detached at the end of 
the volume ; though whether this contained any writing must 
remain to some extent doubtful. Certainly the loss must have 
been suffered at an early date, for the abraded state of the last 
page shows that it must have been for some time the outermost 
page of the MS. before it was rebound. From the middle of 
f. I vo to the end of f. 7 v^ the MS. is in double columns, otlier- 
wise it is in single column. There are 30 lines to a page 
throughout, with the exception of the last three pages, which 
have only 29. On the front page is the inscription : ' Liber 
Guil. Laud Archiep. Cant, et Cancellar. Vniuersit. Oxon. 1638 V 
It may be noted that this is the same date as that in the tran- 
script of B, Laud Misc. 661. There is a facsimile of this MS. 
in Thorpe (plate v). 

* See notes ad loc. « Introduction, p. 1. 

' See below, § 42. ' ' Laud therefore probably ob- 

' p. 64. * Cat. i. 658. tained the MS. on the death of 

* Catalogue of Laud MSS. Lisle in 1637. 

d 2 



tion of 
MS. F, 

Domit. A. 



F a bi- 

§ 27. Cott. Domitian A. viii (F). Vellum, 4to, 2i-ox 14-7. 
This is a very miscellaneous volume of ff. 174 ; for a list of the 
contents see the Cotton Catalogue of 1802, p. 573. The Chro- 
nicle occupies ff. 30 ro-70 v", where it ends mutilated in the 
middle of the year 1058. Probably a fold has been lost at the 
end. The Chronicle as it now stands consists of four folds ; 
the first two of eight leaves, the third of twelve, the fourth 
originally of twelve, but with an extra leaf inserted making 
thirteen. Owing to the mutilation we cannot tell how far the 
Chronicle originally extended \ The bulk of the Chronicle is 
all in one hand, but there are innumerable additions, interlinear 
and marginal, and it is often imj^ossible to say whether these 
minutely written insertions are by the original scribe or a dif- 
ferent one ^. The principal scribe is, I am confident, identical 
with the principal interpolator of S. 

§ 28. This MS. has been commonly assigned to the twelfth 
century. Sir E. M. Thompson and Mr. Warner are both in- 
clined to place it a little earlier, at the end of the eleventh 
century, on the ground of the similarity of the hand in which 
it is written to that of the smaller Domesday^. It will be 
shown later * that this MS. owes its interest largely to the fact 
that it is bilingual, the entries being made first in Saxon and 
then in Latin. It is beyond all question a Canterbury book, 
more local and monastic in its character than even E itself^. 
The MS. has been much stained by the action of galls, and is 
in many places very difficult to read. Junius' collations of it 
will be mentioned lower down ^. Of this MS. there is a fac- 
simile in Thorpe (plate vi) ; unfortunately the page there given 

^ Tbe Chronicle is followed by 
a copy of Robert de Monte' .s 
Chronicle beginning with 1153, ^^ 
which see Hardy, Cat. ii. 440 ; and 
Mr. Hewlett's edition of that 
Chronicle in the Rolls Series, pp. 
xli.ff. It belonged to Long Benning- 
ton, a cell of Savigny, in Lincoln- 
shire. On the front of it there is 
an interesting note relating to 
Nicolas Trivet, the chronicler, on 

which see Hewlett, u.s., p. xlii. 

^ There are also annotations here 
and there in a later hand, which 
I believe to be that of R. Talbot, 
on whom see above, § 21. 

3 Of this there is a good facsimile 
in Palaeogr. Soc. iii., plate 244. 

* § 39- 

' I owe this remark to Professor 


® § 124, notes. 


is wholly Latin, so that it does not give a very good idea of the 
scribe's Saxon hand. Of this some notion may be gained from 
the small facsimile in M. H. B. (plate xxiii) of some of his 
interj)olations in Ti. 

§ 29. Cott. Domitian A. ix (H). This is only a single leaf, Descrip- 
f. 9, which was discovered by Professor Zupitza, and fii st printed ^^^'^ °f 
by him in Anglia, i. 195-197. It contains events, mainly eccle- Cott. ' 
siastical promotions, belonging to the years 11 13, 11 14. It Domit. A. 
cannot therefore be earlier than those years, and may be a little * 
later. The language is much more classical than we should 
expect at that date, and is another warning that we must not 
take the later parts of E as a type of the Saxon written in all 
religious houses in the twelfth century. This fragment is quite 
independent of E, the only other Chronicle which comes down 
BO late. 

§ 30. To these should perhaps be added, for the sake of com- MS. I, 
pleteness, Cotton, Caligula A. xv (I), f. 132 v^ ff., a Paschal ^^J** ^ 
table \ on the margin of which brief historical notices are entered xv. 
in Saxon and Latin. These were compiled in the first instance 
about 1058, and continued in various hands to 1268. The first 
Latin entry is at 1 1 10, the last Saxon entry is at 1 130. It thus 
furnishes evidence of the process by which Latin overpowered 
the native tongue in the realm of history. E is a Saxon Chron- 
icle with a sprinkling of Latin entries ; F is bilingual ; here 
Latin encroaches on Saxon and ultimately prevails ^. This little 
Chronicle belonged to Christ Church, Canterbury, and is printed 
in Liebermann, Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichts- 
quellen, pp. 1-8. 

III. Or THE Chaeacter and Mutual Eelations of 


§ 3L Having thus described the various MSS., I next pro- Method of 

ceed to discuss their character and mutual relations. And in tlie investi- 

^ For the influence of Paschal cases it is at Canterbury that the 

tables on the composition of process begins ; for the proof of 

Chronicles, see below. this as to E, see below, § 47. 

2 Curiously enough in all these 




dealing with this problem I begin with the latest MSS. and 
proceed backwards to the earliest, endeavouring thus to track 
the Chronicles to their common source. Wheu this has been 
done, we can reverse the process and l)riefly trace their develop- 
ment from the beginning to the close. This may involve a 
certain amount of repetition ; but it will conduce to clearness. 
And in taking F first I do not mean to assert that F is neces- 
sarily later than the latest parts of E. But in character, if not 
in date, F is certainly later than E, being, as we shall see\ 
a mere compilation, whereas E is a living Chronicle. 

Eelation of § 32. The relation of F to E^ is not difficult to determine. 

F to E. Iji the main the relation is that of a bilingual epitome. The 
way in which the compiler of F deals with the entries contained 
in E varies in different cases. Sometimes he copies almost 
verbatim, sometimes he omits altogether I But as a rule he 
epitomises, preserving generally the words of his original. 

^ §41- 

^ Tlie points of agreement of E 
and F are sometimes curiously 
minute: e.g. 693, spelling of Gife- 
mund ; 780, the same abbreviation 
for Hagustaldes ea ; 1010, ' fore spre- 

^ These cases of omission are 155, 
485, 488, 527 (this omission is 
probably due to critical reasons ; 
owing to E's misreading ' Certices 
ford ' for ' Cerdices leaga,' the scribe 
of F regarded this entry as a mere 
doublet of 519; for a similar omis- 
sion on critical grounds see 704), 
571, 584. 591, 592, 593, 603, 607, 
611, 617, 626, 628, 632,652,658, 
660, 671, 674, 682, 684, 699, 715, 
722, 741 (from 743 to 754 all 
entries in F have been erased to 
make room for a grant by iEthel- 
bald, BO that it is impossible to 
Bay whether all the entries now 
standing in E between those dates 
were copied by F or not ; see i. 44, 
note 6), 798, 821, 822, 832, 837, 
S39, 852, 865, 869, 872, 873, 877, 
884, 889, 906, 910, 918, 970, 981, 
983, 985. 997. 998, 1030, 1034. No 

special motive can be assigned for 
these omissions; the parts omitted 
refer mostly to political matters, 
while the scribe's interest seems to 
be prevailingly ecclesiastical. But 
they are concerned with all parts 
of the country, Sussex, Wessex, 
Mercia, Northumbria, East Anglia ; 
some refer, wholly or in part, to 
his own district of Kent, e. g. 488, 
852, 865 ; one or two have to do 
with foreign affairs, e.g. 884, 1030; 
while one or two deal with eccle- 
siastical matters, in which he cer- 
tainly was interested, e.g. 660, 
1034. The omissions are made 
quite arbitrarily and without any 
skill; cf. e.g. the omission of 881, 
884, whereby the thread of the 
account of the movements of the 
Scandinavian ' here ' is ruthlessly 
broken. In the above note I have 
dealt only with the omissions of 
whole annals. I have not analysed 
the cases of partial omission in the 
process of epitomising. To do this 
would be to analyse nearly the 
whole of F in detail. But the 
results would be much the same. 



I have already said that to the principal scribe of P are due 
the bulk of the interpolations in MS. "R ^ ; and these interpo- 
lations are mainly taken from E, or from some related MS. It 
is thei'efore clear that this scribe attached great importance to 
the additional particulars supplied by that type of text ; and it 
is not wonderful that he should make it the basis of his own 

§ 33. He was not, however, restricted to E. As the inter- Relation of 
polator of !S he must have had access to that MS. also ; and in mss"*^^^*^ 
several cases his entries show a greater affinity with "R than 
with E '^ ; in a few they are conflated from 7i and E ', while in 
others they are derived exclusively from "K, the entx'ies in 
question not appearing in E at all *. 

In four cases F seems to be nearer to C than to any other 
of our existing MSS."" ; but the resemblances are so unim- 
portant that they are probably accidental. 

§ 34. More interesting is the fact that in one instance (965) 
F has preserved an entry wliich exists only in D of our present 
Chi'onicles, Avhile in another entry (955) there are elements 
which seem to be derived from D. The fact that in both these 
cases the parts akin to D are later additions (whether by the 
original scribe or not), the former being inserted on the margin, 
makes it quite possible that after this part of F was written, 
some MS. of the D type came into the hands of the Canterbury 
monks, that these two entries attracted attention, and were 
embodied in their own MS. F. 

There is, however, another possibility which our subsequent 
investigations will convert into probability, if not into certainty, 
viz. that F is based, not on E itself, or a MS. exactly resem- 
bling E, but on one intermediate between the common original 
which, as we shall see, underlies E and D, and E itself. Let 

' Above, § 27. these the last four are found only in 

2 473, 495, 634, 714, 792, 794, S of our existing MSS. ; the first is 

796, 799, 803, 885, 910,925,940, found also in B and C ; the second 

963 ; and possibly 519, 651, 887. and third in B, C, and t). I 

^ 43°) 937 (see note ad loc, ii. ^ 490, 501, 534, 639. In one 

141), 964. case F is nearer to B, 759^ but this 

* 763, 891, 909, 924, 931, 951 also is accidental, 
(only in the Latin of F), 1029. Of 



The Peter- 
of E are 
not in F. 

The Latin 
entries of 

Otlier ele- 
ments in F, 

US call this hypothetical MS. c. It is plain that c might 
retain some features akin to D, which E at a later stage might 

§ 35. Another fact which may point the same way is that 
F has none of the Peterborough additions of E ^ This argu- 
ment must not be pressed too far. A Canterbury scribe might 
easily omit such passages, even if he had them before him, 
because the local history of a rival religious house would have 
little interest for him and his readers. But there is one of 
these additions, the ravaging of Peterborough by the Danes in 
870^, which is so closely connected with the general history of 
the country, that there seems no reason why the scribe of F 
should omit it, any more, e. g., than he has omitted the ravaging 
of Lindisfarne in 793. Anyhow the possibility must be recog- 
nised that the explanation of the absence from F of the Peter- 
borough additions of E may be simply that they were absent 
from the MS. on which F is mainly based. 

§ 36. On the other hand that MS. certainly contained some 
of the Latin entries of E ; for though F as a rule omits the 
purely Latin entries of E, yet there are exceptions, which prove 
that that omission was not due, at any rate in all cases, to 
ignoi'ance of them ^. Similarly this MS. contained the entries 
now only found in E of existing MSS. anterior to F ; both those 
which occur in the body of the Chronicle, and those which 
occur towards the end, where E begins to be independent of the 
others *. 

§ 37. But besides the materials derived from E or e, and 
from the subsidiary Chronicle A'', F has also additional materials 

1 654, 656, 675, 686, 777, 852, 
870, 963, 1051. 

^ Compare this annal in S and 
E, i. 70, 71. 

^ 876 ad init., 890 (ditto), 892 
(oidy in F Lat.), 928 (see critical 
note, ad loc. i. 107), 942, 964, 994 
(only in F Lat.), 1024 (ditto), 

* 443 (only in F Lat.), 921,927, 
937. 942, 949. 952, 1022, 1023, 
1024, 1025, 1032, 1033, 1036, 

? 1037, 1039, 1040, 1041, I043^ 
1044, 1045, 1046", 1046'', 1047, 

1048, 1052, ib54, 1055, 1057, 
1058. (The dates given here are 
those of E, which F has sometimes 
altered, generally in the right direc- 
tion.) F itself ends at 1058, so 
that its relation to E cannot be 
tested beyond that point. 

^ Subsidiary, that is, from F's 
point of view. 



of its own, many entries being either wholly or in part peculiar 
to itself. Several of these have to do with general and ecclesi- 
astical history, in which the compiler evidently took great 
interest; and the source of many of these is shown by the 
Latin of them to be the general Chronicle appended by Bede to 
his work De Temporum Ratione ^ ; others, as we should natur- 
ally expect, are concerned with the special history of Kent and 
Canterbury, and of these, too, some of the earlier ones are 
derived from Bede's Hist. Eccl.^ In six cases the special 
entries show an interest in, or connexion with, Winchester ^, and 
in four cases they deal with other parts of England * ; in three 
cases they are Frankish ^, while in four others they refer to 
portents in the world of nature *. 

The interpolations made by the scribe of F in S are some- 
times derived from these special sources of his own ^, as well as 
from the additional matter contributed by E or c *. 

§ 38. Something must next be said as to the mutual relations Relation of 

' 3 (which causes a repetition of 
what F had already entered from 
€ under 2), ?I2, 38*, 40*, 45, 46, 
47*, 48*, 49*, 50*, 69*, ? 70, ? 71, 
? 81, 116, 137, 200, 444, 448*, 
482*, 509, 742. The asterisk in- 
dicates that the matter peculiar to 
F is derived from Bede's Chron. 
Many foreign Chronicles are 
written as continuations of Bede's 
De Temporum liatione ; see Pertz, 
i. 3, 4, 21, 61, 62, 91, 97, no; ii. 
216, 237, 238; iii. 122, 155, 169; 
iv. i; xiii. 2, 39, 260; xxiii. i. 
Bede is not merely the ' Father of 
English History,' but to a large 
extent also of mediaeval history 

' 552, 597t, 6oit, 6i4t, 6i6t, 
6i9t, 653t (F Lat. only), 694II, 725, 
742II, 758. 759> 760, 762, 784, 796II, 
829, 870II, 943, 959, 961, 980, 989, 
995II. 997> 1020, 1023. The dagger 
indicates derivation from Bede's 
H. E. The entries marked || are 
long pieces of local history compar- 
able to the Peterborough additions 
in E. 

^ 641, 648, 861, 903, 984, 1041. 
On these see Liebermann, p. 56. 

* Wessex, 856; London, 996; 
Eastern Counties, 798, 1020. 

' 7M, 715,840- 

° 685 (this entry is also in Ann. 
Camb.) ; 733 (this comes from the 
Cont. of Bede's H. E.) ; 806 (this 
entry occurs in some continental 
Chronicles, see note ad loc.) ; 809. 
It must not be assumed that in all 
the cases cited in this and the five 
preceding notes the whole of the 
annal is peculiar to F. Sometimes 
it is only some slight touch that 
is added; e.g. 641, 1020. In 726 
F has a mistake which is all its 
own. In 845 F alone has the 
later title ' eorl '; in 1017 the com- 
ment is added that Edric was slain 
' very riglitly ' ; per contra, the 
moralising of the other MSS. in 
ion is omitted. 

' ?47, 725, 760, 925, 943, 955. 

** And sometimes he inserted in 
S matter from « which he did not 
■use in F; e.g. 155, 519, 530, 593. 


the Saxon of the Saxon and the Latin entries in F. It is plain that the 
entries in I'^lation between them will vary according to the source from 
I*'- which they are taken. Where the Latin entries show clearly 

that they are derived from a Latin source, such as Bede's 
Chronicle, there the corresponding tSaxon entries must be a 
translation of the Latin. Where, on the other hand, the Saxon 
entries are taken from the Chronicles E (e) or S, the Latin as 
a rule will be a translation of the Saxon. I say, ' as a rule,' 
because in one instance ^ certainly, and possibly in others, the 
scribe seems to have made his Saxon epitome from E (e), and 
then to have taken the corresponding Latin from an indepen- 
dent source. Even when the entries come from the Chronicles, 
the scribe seems to have made his Latin translation directly 
from the MS. which he had before him, and not from his own 
Saxon epitome. For it not unfrequently happens that the 
Latin is nearer to ^ and contains more of the original ' than 
does the Saxon epitome. Where the Latin is the fuller, corre- 
sponding additions are often made to the Saxon between the 
lines, or on the margin *. Conversely there are cases in which 
the Saxon contains more than the Latin ^ ; and here, too, occa- 
sionally the defect of the latter has been subsequently supplied ". 
Sometimes the same annal will be fuller in one part in the 

^ 1 88, where the Saxon seems an while F Saxon gives it as 120 
epitome of E, while the Latin is without any qualification ; in 979, 
verbatim from Bede, Chron. s.a. at the accession of Ethelred II, his 
212 ; cf. H. E. i. 5. knowledge of the later history 
^ e.g. 456, 1006. enables him to add: 'tempore suo 
^ e.g. 605, 762, 780, 880, 890, multa mala uenerunt in Angliam 
891. In other cases the additional et postea semper hucusque euene- 
matter in F Lat. does not come runt'; at the end of 1050 the 
from the Chronicle but from some addition that William, Bishop of 
other source; in 597, 653, 673, London, was consecrated by Arch- 
from Bede's H. E. ; in 742 a long bishop Robert, comes from Canter- 
Canterbury document is inserted ; bury sources, as does the date of 
in 871 the scribe adds his own Ceolnoth's election in 830. 
Te^exion: 'peccatise.rigenHhuft'Da,m * e.g. 601, 685, 817, 856, 980, 
campum ceperunt'; in 892 he 1020. In the last three cases the 
gives from his own local knowledge additional matter is from some source 
the exact length of the ' mickle other than the older Chronicles, 
wood' of Andred, as 124 miles, ' e.g. 565, 654, 780, 878, 978, 

which the other MSS. give as 979. 

roughly 120 ('120 miles or longer'); * e.g. 787, 1002. 




Latin, in another in the Saxon version \ There are several 
Latin entries to which there is no corresponding Saxon ^, there 
are a few Saxon entries for which the Latin is either wholly- 
wanting ^, or only inserted later *. An addition is made in the 
Latin and not in the Saxon ®, or vice versa '^ ; though often 
additions or corrections are made in both''. In one case an 
addition in Latin is inserted in the Saxon text, and not in the 
Latin ^. There are other indications that the scribe was em- 
barrassed in his task by this bilingual writing. Thus in the 
Saxon of 596, he writes 'hie' for 'h^r,' and 'cum monachis ' 
for ' mid munecum,' then writes the latter over the former ^ ; 
conversely, he retains Saxon forms and names in his Latin 
entries ; e. g. ' A'Selwolding '° ' ; ' ad os Fedredan cum Smnersce- 
tan et Dorseton " ' ; ' ajDud Acemannnes byri, i. e. at BaSan '^ ' ; 
' unam magnam nauem quae anglice nominatur sceg|) ^^ ' ; ' pro 
una quaque hamele '*,' where the scribe at first wrote ' apud,' 
literally translating the Saxon phrase ' set selcere hamelan,' then 
altered ' apud ' into ' pro.' Occasionally the Latin is influenced 
by the Saxon phrase ; thus at 1055 the idiom ' he scolde been 
tSes cinges swica ' (i. e. ' he was said to be,' German, ' sollte 
sein ') is rendered : ' quod dehuit esse delator patriae '^' But 
on the whole the compiler does his wox'k as a translator well. 
In one place he confuses ' gesettan ' with ' gesittan " ' ; in 

1 e.g. 780, 979. 

^ 26, 30, 31, 33, 44, 52, 53, 443, 
877 (though joined on to 876), 951 
(from S), 1023 (from E Lat.) ; at 
928 the Saxon has been subse- 
quently interlined. 

' e-(l- 735, 766, 943. 

* e.(/. 650, 692, 765. 

' e.g. 806. 

« e.'g. 840. 

' ^-g- 725, 190, 79S, 870, 1009. 

' 802, cf. 790. In one case the 
Latin of F contradicts the Saxon, 
I041, i. 162, and note a. I. 

' He probably did the like in 
509, where ' muneca ' is written on 
an erasure ; cf. ' rex ' for ' cing ' in 
the Saxon of 635, 'cing' written 

above 'rex' in the Saxon of 714; 
'Karolus' altered to 'Karl' in 814. 
'° 790 Latin ; not in the corre- 
sponding Saxon. 

" 845. 

'^ 972, the 'at' has been subse- 
quently erased. 

^^ 1008 ; cf. 105 1, ' in loco qui ab 
Anglis dicitur Na3ss.' 

" 1039. 

^' So in Ann. Wav. 1098 we 
have: 'qui hoc uidere debuerunt,' 
translating the phrase of the 
Chronicle : ' ])b hit geseon sceoldan.' 
Conversely in 755 the 'geflynidon 
Beornrede' seems to echo the 
' fugato Beornredo ' of the Latin.' 

18 886. 



F a link 
the Saxon 
and Latin 

F's Saxon 

value of F. 

another he misunderstands his original-' ; but I have noticed no 
errors so gross as those with which the pompous Ethelwerd 
deforms his pages ^. 

§ 39. The interest of F consists largely in this bilingual 
character, in virtue of which it forms a link between the native 
annals and the Latin Chronicles which ultimately supplanted 
them. Not for many generations did Englishmen essay to 
write history in their own tongue ; while in many mouths ' bar- 
barus ' was used as a synonym for ' English ^.' Trevisa first led 
the way with his translation of Higden. Then Capgrave fol- 
lowed with an original history of his own. But it illustrates 
the decay of Saxon studies that wherever in MS. F attention is 
directed to any fact by pointers placed in the margin, it is 
always against the Latin, never against the Saxon statement of 
the fact that the mark is set. Still Anglo-Saxon historical 
works continued to be read. Thus E,udborne, at Winchester, 
in the fifteenth century, quotes the Anglo-Saxon version of 
Bede, though he thinks it is the work of Bede himself*. And 
in this way some sparks of knowledge may have been kept 
alive, until the revival of Anglo-Saxon studies in the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries ®. 

§ 40. As to the language of F's Saxon annals, while far 
below the level of classical Anglo-Saxon prose, such as we find 
in the best parts of 7i, C, and D, it is not so coiinipt as the 
latest portions of E. Whether it shows any special dialectal 
features owing to the writer's position at Canterbury, I must 
leave to specialists in English dialects to determine. 

§ 41. As to the historical value of F it must always be 
remembered that it is not a living Chronicle, growing with the 
growth of events like A, C, D, and E ; but a dead comj)ilation 
made in the eleventh or twelfth century, out of older materials, 
In the course of his work the compiler has preserved some 




^ 891 ; as to Suibhne, v. note a. I. 

' See below, § 99 and notes. 

^ See my Bede, ii. 308, 321. 

* ib. I. exxviii, note. 

* On the legend (for it is nothing 

more) of a continuance of Anglo-| 
Saxon studies at Tavistock alli 
through the Middle Ages, see 
VViilker, Grundriss, p. 3. 






facts and some traditions Avhicli are not found elsewhere ; but 
as an historian he ranks perhaps with Henry of Huntingdon as 
a secondary authority of no great critical power, who occasion- 
ally throws a welcome side-light on the statements of our 
primary authorities. To quote F, as is often done, without 
qualification as ' the Saxon Chronicle,' as if its statements were 
on a level with the contemporary portions of S, C, D, and E, is 
little short of monstrous. 

§ 42. The analysis of MS. E is a somewhat intricate matter. Composite 
for it is a highly composite document. That m its present form ^^^^'^cter 
it is a Petei-borough Chronicle, admits of no doubt. From 654 
to the very last entry in 1154 it is full of notices bearing on 
the local history of Petei'borough ^ But there is an important Peter- 
difference between the earlier and the later local entries. In borougii 
the case of the earlier Peterborough notices, a comparison with 
other MSS., combined with a study of the language of the 
entries themselves, shows that they are later insertions in a 
non-Petei'borough Chronicle, whereas of the later Peterborough 
notices the explanation is that the Chronicle itself has become 
original, and therefore local ; so that local events naturally find 
their way into it alongside of others of a more general character, 
and are clothed in language of the same texture as the rest. 
The point at which the transition takes place will be discussed 
later ^. 

§ 43. There is another feature of E which cannot fail to Latin 
strike us at once. Though not bilingual throughout, like F, 6°*"^^- 
it contains a considerable number of Latin entries. These 
extend from 114 to 1062 ^, and fall into four groups: — (i) 114- 

1 654, 656, 675, 686, 777, 852, 528, 591, 596, 625, 769, 778, 788, 

963, 1013, 1041, 1052, 1066, 800, 810, 812, 876, 890, 892, 928, 

1069, 1070, 1072, 1098, 1 102, 942, 964, 994, 1024, 1031, 1046, 

1103, 1107, 1114, 1115, 1116, 1054,1056,1060,1062. Mr. Thorpe, 

I124, 1125, 1127, 1128, 1130, by omittiuor nearly all these Latin 

1131, 1132, 1137, 1154- There entries, has almost obliterated this 

is a tiny Peterborough addition in interesting feature in MS. E. It is 

992. true that as history these entries 

^ §§ 50-52. are worth very little, for they con- 

' 114, 124, 134, 202, 254, 311, tain little or nothing which may not 

379. 403, 425. 431, 433. 439. 449. ^^ found in a more original shape 



625 ; all these entries, with one exception \ relate to ecclesias- 
tical affairs, popes, councils, and especially the influence of 
successive popes on the development of the ritual of the 
church ; (ii) 769-812, a group of entries relating to Charles the 
Great and his wars ; (iii) a small group of entries dealing with 
English ecclesiastical affairs ; 890, election of Plegmund of 
Canterbury; 892, death of Wulf here of York; 964, expulsion 
of the secular canons from the ' Old Minster ' at Winchester ; 
(iv) 876-1062 (excluding those of group iii), a series of entries 
relating to foreign, and principally Norman affairs. 

§ 44. The origin of group (iii) need not be specially con- 
sidered. Probably they were marginal annotations in his copy 
which the scribe has mechanically embodied -. Groups (i) and 
(ii) are both taken almost verbatim from the Annals of Rouen ^ 

elsewhere. Bat as illustrating the 
literary history and growth of the 
Chronicle they are of the greatest 

^ Namely 425 ('exordium regum 
Francorum '). 

* See such annotations in S at 
988, 1036; i. 125, note 10; i. 158, 
note 7. 

^ The Annals of Rouen have never 
been edited in their entirety. Pertz 
gave extracts fmm them, xxv. 
490 ff. Liebermann printed a por- 
tion of them iu his 'Ungedruckte 
Geschichtsquellen,' pp. 31 tf., which 
is complete as far as it goes, but 
only begins with 700 a.d. It is 
much to be regretted that editors 
should not print aU Chronicles entire. 
The earlier portions may be historic- 
ally worthless, but for determining 
the literary relations of different 
Chronicles and different centres of 
historical writing they may be in- 
valuable. So in editions of lives 
of saints, the miracles are often 
omitted to our great loss. For 
whatever we may think of their 
value as evidence of the power of 
tlie particular saint, they sometimes 
contain valuable allusions to the 

history of the time at which they 
were written. Allusions of this 
kind have enabled me, e. r/., to fix 
the place where Rufus' fleet was 
wrecked on the Scotch campaign of 
1091 {ride note a. I.) ; and the 
cause of the retirement of the 
Scottish invaders in 1079 {vide 
note a. I.). It may be said that I 
have myself sinned against this 
principle in the present edition. 
The lines of it were, however, laid 
down for me by the character of the 
edition on which my own is based. 
Were I free to make a new begin- 
ning, I should certainly print all 
six MSS. in their entirety. As to 
the Annals of Rouen, the defect is 
practically supplied by the Annales 
Uticenaes (Annals of St. Evroul), 
printed in vol. v. pp. 139 fF. of 
Mons. Auguste Le Prevost's admir- 
able edition of Ordericus Vitalis, 
which are largely based on the 
Annals of Rouen, and in which all 
the Latin entries of E from 1 1 4 to 
812 will be found almost verbatim 
with the exception of 433. A com- 
parison of 812 E with Ann. Utic. 
shows the extraordinary corruption 
of E's entry, derived probably from 



(Annales Eotcmagenses), a body of annals whicli was trans- 
planted to England, and engrafted into more than one Chronicle 
on English soil \ Group (iv) comes from a Norman Chronicle 
resembling in some respects the Annals of Rouen, but not 
identical with them '^. The question when these groups of Latin 
entries were inserted in the Chronicle will be considered later ^, 

§ 45. The MS. is written in one hand to the end of 1121. Divisiong 
After that date the Chronicle is continued in various hands * to 
1 154, where it ends. From 1122-1135 the entries were made 
contemporaneously, or nearly contemporaneously with the events 
recorded *. The account of Stephen's reign was not entered 
annalistically, but thrown together roughly, and without much 
regard to chronological order, after the accession of Henry II ^, 

We need not therefore discuss the sources of these annals 
1122-1154^. The monastic chroniclers, from time to time, 

the original through several inter- 
mediate steps. lu Ann. Utic. 811 
we have : ' Niceforus obiit. Michael 
imperator, gener eius, qui Karolo 
Jmperatori legatos suos cum pace 
mittit ' ; which is thus travestied in 
E : ' Cireneius Karolo imp. . . . 
mittit.' See Theopold, ' Kritiache 
Untersuchungen,' p. 87. 

In 625 E the words ' lohannes 
papa ' have been inserted from Ann. 
Rot. 634, making nonsense. 

In the notes I have not thought 
it necessary to deal with these Latin 
entries, except group ',iii), as the 
rest have no connexion with English 
history. Nor is it to my purpose 
to trace the origin of the Annals of 
Rouen, a good account of which 
will be found in Theopold, u. s., 
pp. 83 if., to which this note 
is much indebted (cf. also Ord. 
Vit. V. Ixviii). Theopold is, liow- 
ever, mistaken in tracing all the 
Latin entries of E to the same 
Bource, p. 87. 

^ See Liebermann, u. s. 

^ This Norman Chronicle I have 
not yet identified ; nor is its identi- 
fication of any importance. 

* The changes are pointed out in 
the critical notes to these annals, 
i. 251, 253, 256, 262; and see 
above, § 26. 

5 See 1127, 1128, 1129, 1130, 
1131 ; and the notes to 11 27, 1131, 
ad fin. 

* See notes to 11 37, 1138, 1140. 
This non-contemporary section goes 
back to 1 132, where the last scribe 
begins. Note the error as to the 
date of Henry's crossing to Nor- 
mandy, 1 1 35, instead of 1 133. 

~' Of the plan of the annals 1091- 
II 21 something will be said later, § 53 
note ; here attention may be called to 
a mannerism of the scribe who writes 
1 1 26-1 131, which gives a unity of 
character to all these annals, viz. 
his fashion of concluding his narra- 
tive with a pious ejaculation, 11 27. 
God scawe fore ; 11 28. God geare 
his saule ; God haue his milce ofer 
•f> wrecce stede ; 11 29. Crist sette 
red for his wrecce folc ; 11 30. God 
adylege iuele raede ; 1131. God hit 
bete, ])a liis wille beS ; Crist raede 
for J)a wrecce muneces of Burch. 
This occurs sporadically earlier, 
1085'' ad fin., 1086. 



recorded such current events as came to their knowledge, and 
were deemed sufficiently important to be entered in the 
Chronicle of their house. We may confine ourselves therefore 
to an analysis of the Chronicle down to 1 1 2 1 . 
Relation to § 46. As far as 1022, E is mainly based upon a Chronicle 
^- which, though not our D (as will be shown later '), was at any 

rate nearer to it than to any other of our existing Chronicles. 
From 1023, E begins to be more independent ; though even 
after that date there are points of contact with C and D which 
will need to be considered ^. 

§ 47. Can we fix the locality of this first continuation of E 
after it ceases to be mainly dependent on D ? I think it may 
at any rate be safely affirmed that the centre of interest is in 
the south. Northern afi'airs are only mentioned when they 
are of national importance, such as the death of an archbishop 
(1023, 1060), the Scottish campaign of Cnut {103 1), the 
expulsion of Tostig (1054), the campaign of Stamford Bridge 
(1066), the retirement of Edgar Etheling to Scotland (1067), 
On the other hand the writer's knowledge of events in the 
south is minute and exact. He gives by far the best account 
of the course of affairs on the death of Cnut (1036)^ ; he knows 
the death-place of Harold Harefoot (1039). His entry of 
Edward the Confessor's accession is shown to be strictly con- 
temporary * ; he knows the names of the Wikings who ravaged 
Sandwich (1046 '^), and of the English abbots who attended the 
Council of Eheims (1046 ^) ^ ; he knows how Harold gave up his 
ship to his cousin Beorn ^, and how the ' lithsmen ' of London 
translated Beorn's body after his treacherous murder by 
Swegen ^ (ib.). He knows the exact day on which the foreign 
archbishop, Robert, returned to Canterbury from Rome (1048)'; 
and he tells, with perhaps a spice of malicious glee, how he left 
his pallium behind him in his hurried flight from England 
(1052) ^ He knows that -<Egelric, Bishop of Selsey, had been 

M 60. => 

' See notes ad loc. 
* 1041 E and note, 

§§ 62, 63. 

tlie annal is of 

The rest of 
course a Peter- 

borough interpolation. 
= i. 167 t. 
* i. 168 h and note. 
8 i. 172 t. 

i. 169 h. 
i. 183 t. 




a monk of Christ Church, Canterbury (1058); and he alone 
tells of Harold's naval expedition against William in 1066 \ 
But the most striking instance of his detailed local knowledge 
is in the narrative of the outrages of Eustace of Boulogne and 
his followers at Dover (1048)^ Whereas D gives the impres- 
sion that the outrage took jdace on Eustace's first landing in 
England, E knows that it really happened when he was on his 
way home after his interview with the king; he know^s too that 
he and his followei's stopped at Canterbury on their way to 
Dover and refreshed themselves there ' ; he knows exactly how 
the scuffle arose, and the numbers slain on either side * ; he has 
all a neighbour's indignation that an Englishman should be 
slain ' on his own hearth '^' ; he asserts, with perhaps a touch of 
excusable bias for his own side, that Eustace's statement of the 
case to the king was partial and untrue", and tells with 
evident approval how Godwin refused to carry out Edward's 
orders against the men of Dover, ' because he was loth to mar 
his own county ^.' 

§ 48. Now it never seems to have occurred to any of our 
editors or historians to ask how all these minute details could 
possibly have been known to a monk of Peterborough **. But 

* 'he for lit mid sciphere to geanes 
Willelme,' i. 197 t. This statement, 
restinEf only on E, has been looked 
on with some suspicion, see refF. ad 
loc. But the authority for it be- 
coniea much stronsjer when we 
discern the real origin of this part 
of E. The words seem to imply 
more than the mere establishment 
of a post of observation in the 
Isle of Wight, as narrated by C. 

* The chronological dislocation of 
this part of E must not be cited as 
evidence against the originality of 
these most interesting annals. It 
is due not to the writers of them, 
but to later copyists. It will be 
seen presently that our E is at least 
twice removed from the original 
annals. There was, therefore, 
ample room for errors in tran- 
scription of numerals to creep in. 

' ' gewende j'a hamweard. pa, 
he com to Cantwarbyrig east, '^a, 
snffidde he Jjser 7 his menu, 7 to 
Dofran gewende,' i. 172 1. 

* i. I72l.-I73h. 

^ 'binnanhis agenanheorS.'i. I73t. 

' ' cydde be daele . . . ac hit 
nass na swa,' ih. m. 

'' ' him wses laS to amyrrene his 
agenne folgaS,' ib. ' FolgaS,' as I 
have shown in the notes ad loc, 
answers in all its meanings to 
' comitatus' or county. 

• Let me confess that I myself 
was equally blind until I began to 
write the present Introduction. 
Conversely this position of the 
writer explains the curiously vague 
designation which he gives to 
Stigand as ' Bishop to the North,' 
1045 E. This would be incompre- 
hensible in any one writing at Peter- 


The writer 
of this part 
a monk of 
St. Augus- 
tine's, Can- 

with the 
cal MS. «. 

when once the true locality of the original writer of this part of 
the Chronicle is grasped, everything becomes clear. What then 
was that locality 1 The answer is plain, I think, to any one 
who will look a little below the surface. The writer was a 
monk of St. Augustine' s, Canterbury. One of the abbots attend- 
ing the Council of Rheims, whose names he alone gives, was 
Wulfric, Abbot of St. Augustine's. Under 1043 his election is 
given ; under 1044 the death of his predecessor -^Ifstan. This, 
which might seem a reversal of the proper order of events, is 
another proof of the writer's minute local knowledge, for 
^Elfstan resigned six months before his death ^. So at io6r we 
have the death of Wulfric ^ and the appointment and consecra- 
tion of his successor, ^thelsige. This position of the writer 
explains, too, the strongly Godwinist tone of this part of E, 
to which attention is frequently called in the notes on these 
annals *. The writer belonged to that very district of Godwin's, 
which ' he was loth to mar.' This feature again would be 
hard to explain in a Peterborough writer, who might be 
expected rather to sympathise with his own earls, Siward and 

We have therefore clear evidence that a Chronicle, which 
down to 1022 was based mainly on a MS. akin to D, was 
continued at St. Augustine's, Canterbury, at any rate down to 
about 1067. 

§ 49. But there is further light available as to this Augus- 
tinian Chronicle. In the analysis of MS. F it has been shown 
that there is a possibility, if not a probability, that F was 
derived not fiom E, but from an earlier MS. which I have 
called e *. That possibility, or probability, is converted into 
practical certainty by the present line of argument. The 
Augustinian Chronicle of the last section is no other than the 
hypothetical e of the previous analysis, on which F, itself 
a Canterbury Chronicle, was mainly based. A comparison 

borough, which was only about forty 
miles from Elmham, Stigand's first 
see. He uses the same vague ex- 
pression of Eadnoth, Bishop of Dor- 
chester, 1046'', ad fin. i. 171 t. 

* See the annal 1043 E. 

* This is also in D. 

' See notes on 1048, 1052, 1055 
E ; and on 1036 C, D. 

* Above, § 34. 


with F will therefore show, within narrow limits, the elements Contents 
of which £ was composed when it had reached the point °f *• 
indicated above \ It did not, of course, contain the Peter- 
borough interpolations. Did it contain the Latin entries of 
our present E 1 We have seen that those entries consist of 
four groups — (i) Ecclesiastical, (ii) Caroline, (iii) English, 
(iv) Norman ; the first two being derived from the Annals of 
Rouen, and the fourth from some Norman Chronicle. It is 
only of groups (iii) and (iv) that any trace is found in F^ 
But it is hard to believe that none of the other entries would 
have found their way into the pages of F if the writer had 
had them before him, for he is distinctly interested in eccle- 
siastical matters ^, and he shows no disposition to avoid conti- 
nental affairs if they happen to come in his way*. I therefore 
conclude that the last two groups of Latin entries were already 
incorporated in c before it was transplanted, but that the two 
first were added later, probably after it had reached Peter- 
borough. Other annals in the earlier part of E, which appear 
first in E of our existing MSS., but which a comparison with 
F shows to have existed also in e, are 286, 921, 925, 927, 942, 
949, 952 ^ Such, then, was the Augustiniau Chronicle. In 
its earlier part it was mainly of the D type, but with a certain 
number of special features of its own ; in its later part it was 
the work of Augustiniau continuators " ; and from 876 to 1062 

^ The locality of the next con tinua- in note 2 (all of which, except three, 

tionofe (after 1067) is uncertain, see refer to foreign affairs), 814, 840 

below, § 53. Anyhow the original « (an addition of his own\ 885, 887. 

must have remained at Canterbury, 1 have not reckoned cases where 

to become the parent of the future F. foreign affairs are directly con- 

We have occasionally a further nected with English, nor notices 

criterion of the contents of e, in relating to the Papacy, 

the additions (cited as a) made to S * Of these 921, 927, 942, 949, 

by the scribe of F; some of which, 952 form a little group of annals 

I from their likeness to E, he must relating to the Scandinavian princes 

have taken from f , though he did of Northumbria ; on which see 

not embody them in his own com- below, §§ 62, 70. 

pilation F. «I say ' continuators' in the 

' Namely 876, 890, 892, 928, plural, for it is unlikely that one 

942, 964, 994, 1024, 1031. person should have been historio- 

^ Above, § 37. gi-apher for over forty years, 1023- 

* See, besides the references given 1067. 

e 2 



When did 


borough ? 

for a 

of this type 

to II2I. 



it contained a sprinkling of Latin entries, partly of English, 
but mainly of foreign origin. 

§ 50. At what point in its growth was the Augu&tiniau 
Chronicle transplanted to Peterborough 1 F unhappily ends at 
1058, and so gives no help for the settlement of the question, 
while the interpolations by the scinbe of F in S end at 941. 
E certainly keeps its southern character, at any rate up to 1066 
inclusive. But from that point to 1 1 2 1 we are in doubt. 

For the existence of a Chronicle closely akin to E and 
extending to 1 1 2 1 we have, I believe, two independent wit- 
nesses, the Annals of Waverley, and Henry of Huntingdon. 
Let us call this Chronicle rj as being a lengthened e. And just 
as a comparison of E with F and a gives us a very fair idea of 
the contents of e, so a comparison of the Waverley Annals and 
H. H. gives us a less effective, but still interesting, criterion for 
the contents of rj. 

§ 51. The Waverley Annals^ were compiled at Waverley 
Abbey, near Farnham, the first Cistercian house in England, 
founded in 11 28 by William GifFard, Bishop of Winchester. 
Up to 999, where the first hand ends, the annals are taken 
from various sources, chiefly, perhaps, from Sigbertus Gembla- 
censis, with the additions of Robert de Monte. The second 
hand extends from 1000 to 1201, and therefore cannot be 
earlier than the beginning of the thirteenth century. And 
from 1000^ to 1121^ the entries are an extremely close and 
literal translation (generally'' very correct) of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, with occasional additions from Robert de Monte or 
from the writer's own knowledge. So closely does the compiler 
follow his original, that he even translates literally the famous 
passage in 1086 E, which tells how the original wi'iter 'looked 
on, and lived formerly in the court of the great Conqueror*. 

' See Ann. Wav., ed. Luard, 
R. S., pp. xxix. flF. 

' The coincidence of the change 
of source with the change of hand 
should be noted. 

^ The editor traces the connexion 
a little beyond this point ; but I see 

no clear evidence of the use of the 
Chronicle after 1 1 2 1 . 

* Gale, who printed the Annals 
of Waverley from 1066 onward in 
his Scriptores, cites this passage as 
a proof that the author was a Saxon. 
Mr. Luard says that this is ' a speci- 



And there are other points which show the close affinity of 
Ann. Wav. to E. They agree with E in peculiar readings ^ 
in insertions ^, and (though this is less conclusive) in omissions ^. 
They have some at any rate of the last group of Latin annals *, 
while showing no trace of the Peterborough additions. But, it 
l may be said, considering that this part of the annals cannot 
have been compiled earlier than 1 200, may it not have been 
derived from our existing E by simply omitting the Peter- 
aidl borough additions'? In itself this is not impossible, especially 
Tit-g as the compiler omits many things in E besides tlie Peter- 
borough interpolations ^. But an examination of the annal The Ann. 

1070 is decisive against it. This entry is one which has not ;*'y-"o* 

' . ° "' denved 

only been interpolated, but recast by the Peterborough editor, from our 1 

and no process of mere omission could restore it to the original 
form which it has in D. Yet in this enti-y the Ann. Wav., 
though in other points agreeing so closely with E, and showing 
no trace of the entries peculiar to D, are in this annal in 
exact agreement with the latter. We seem, then, to have 
clear evidence of the existence about 1200, in the south of 
England, of a Saxon Chronicle extending to 11 21, and resem- 
bling our E in nearly all respects except that it did not 
contain the Peterborough additions. 

men of the very careless way in English history is greatly indebted, 

which his editorial duties were per- ^ 1007 : ' xxx' for ' xxxvi ' ; 

formed'; because ' considering that loii : 'Leofwiue' for 'Leofrune'; 

Wheloc had published the Anglo- 1012 : ' viii ' for ' xlviii.' 

Saxon Chronicle ... in 1644 ^ 1016 aci jmjY., insertion of ' clx 

with a Latin translation, it was scipa,' see note ad loc. ; 1022, inci- 

inexcusable in Gale not to find out dent of Abbot Leofwine ; 1025, 

that . . . this . . . is a 1046", 1047, ^°4^} 1052, 1066 

literal translation from that Chro- (peculiar to E). 

nicle,' p. xxix. This only shows ^ 1010, 101 1, 1014. 

that Mr. Luard can never have * 1024, 1046% 1054, 1056 (?), 

looked at Wheloc liimself ; for 1062 (?). 

Wheloc, as we know, made his ^ Cf, e. g. 1006, 1009, loio, 1015, 

edition from MSS. Sand A, w/wcA(Zo 1017, 1020, 1039, 1043% 1046'', 

not contain any of the annals trans- 1047, 1061,1073, 1077, 1079, 10S3, 

lated hij the Waverley writer. I 1085% 1085'', 1096, 1098, 1103, 

should not have called attention to 1106, 1107, 1109, 1116, 1117. In 

this slip of Mr. Luard's, had he not several of these cases a comparison 

made it the ground of an unfounded with other MSS. shows that the 

charge against a laborious worker, omitted portions were undoubtedly 

to whom, with all his shortcomings, in the text of the original Chronicle. 


'J'his § 52. This seems to show that this Chronicle was not 

trans- ^ transplanted to Peterborough before 1121, that there it was 

planted to transcribed, the Peterborough additions, and probably the first 

borou'o-ii ^^^^ groups of Latin entries, being inserted in the process of 

c. II 21, transcription, and the later entries added in the usual way by 

different hands at different times. It follows, then, that all 

the Peterborough entries up to 1121 inclusive, are intei-pola- 

tions; and the fact that where they do not form complete 

annals, tliey always' come at the end of the annals, causing 

repetition ' or the derangement of the chronology ^, is a strong 

confirmation of this view. 

probably As to the occasion of the transplanting of yj to Peterborough, 

quence of ^ agree with Earle^ in tracing it to the great fire of 11 16, 

the fire of which would create the need for a restoration of the library 

" ^^- as well as of other things \ 

Question of § 53. We have not yet, however, solved the question of the 

of*thrcon^ ^°^''^^% °^ *'^^ section 1067-1121. Earle thought that the 

tinuation section 1083-1090 was composed at "Worcester, and that 

10 7-1121. ^]jg section 1091-1121, or at any rate 1091-1107, was also 

composed there, though by a different author'*. This view 

I believe to be the resultant of two other views, neither of 

which seems to me well grounded : (i) that our D originally 

extended considerably beyond its present termination ; (ii) that 

it is a Worcester MS.^ Anyhow the almost entire absence 

of any mention of Wulfstan, the great Worcester saint and 

hero, seems to me conclusive against the Worcester origin of 

this part of the Chronicle ''^. It is j)ossible that the continua- 

' e.g. 1 1 14. * e.g. 1102. borough direct from Canterbury or 

* Introduction, p. xliii. the neighbourhood. 

* The person through whom MS. * See on these two points, §§22, 
r] was obtained for the use of Peter- 73, 76. 

borough may very possibly have * Introduction, pp. xlvi, xlvii. 

been Bishop Ernulf of Rochester, ' 10S7 ( = 1088) is the only men- 

who was Abbot of Peterborough ti on of Wulfstan in the whole of the 

I107-1114, and before that Prior Chronicles. There is a mention of 

of Canterbury, 1107 E. We know a Pershore abbot in 1086 (1087). 

that he had antiquarian tastes, and Moreover the unity of structure of 

that we owe the Textus Roffensis to the annals 1091-1121 should be 

him. This suggestion strengthens noted. The general plan of them 

the probability that rj came to Peter- is this : first the three yearly courts 




tion up to 1 1 21 was made, like the previous continuation, at 
St. Augustine's ; it is possible that it was made at some other 
place, which formed a halfway house in the migration of the 
Chronicle from Canterbury to Peterborough. 

§ 54. Let us now turn to Hen. Hunt. Here the resemblance Hemv of 
to the Chronicle is less close than in the case of Ann. Wav. ^^^ ^^^^ 
On the other hand, the materials for comparison are more his rela- 
abundant, as H. H. uses the Chronicle from the beginning, and *^"'^ ^^ ^^'J 
not merely from looo as do the Ann. Wav. The close affinity of His affinity 
H. H. with E is obvious. It is seen firstly by their agreement with E. 
in some of E's most palpable blunders : ' iiii werad ' for * iiii 
{i.e. iiii millia) wera,' 456 E (c); 'Nazaleod,' 508 E (c); ' Certices- 
ford' for '-leag,' 527 E (f) ; ' feala ' for ' fea,' 530 E (e) ; 
' Eadrede' for ' CucSrede,' 648 ; ' Nihtred ' for ' Wihtred,' 692 ; 
'Eadberht' for ' CutSberht,' 740; 'Cynebald' for ' Cynewulf,' 
779 E(€); 'Awuldre' for ' Apuldre/ 892 ad Jin.; ' Wic ' 
('Gwic' E) for ' Gypeswic,' 991; ' Leofwine ' for ' Leofrune.' 
ioiiE(€)'. Secondly, H. H. has many entries which either 
wholly or in part are peculiar to E, or to E and F, i. e. € '^■ 

are mentioned, or the reason given 
why they could not be held (this 
feature continues to 1127); then 
the general character of the year as 
marked by taxes, bad seasons, &c., 
is given (this feature begins earlier. 
1085 '' ad fin., 1086 suh init., 1090 ; 
it is also found in the interpolation, 
1 041 ; and it exists in the Ann. 
Wav., showing that it is not speci- 
ally Peterborough work) ; lastly, 
local entries, if any, are inserted at 
the end by the Peterborough editor. 
On the plan of the annals 1126- 
ii3i,seeabove, § 45 note. The view 
that there was at Peterborough a 
Chronicle ending at 11 21 derives 
support from the fact that the 
Chronicon Petroburgense, published 
by the Camden Society, begins with 
1 122. Cf. Earle, p. xlix. 

1 Cf. also 527 (e), 59I' 7io» 799 
(with the vn. U. in H. H.), 833 e, 
885 6, 890 6, 891 (omission of), 998, 
1016 6 ad init ; agreement in nume- 

rals : 488, 765, 766, 10076, I0I2€, 
lOlS 6. 

' 547 «. 571 e 0\ 933 (the drown- 
ing of Edwin Etheling), 949 f, 952 t, 
102', €, 10256, 103X6, 10366, 10396, 
10406, 104I6, I043''6, 1046% 10476, 
1048 ad fin., 10556, 1063, 1069, 
1077, 1079 if. (the dates are, of 
course, those of E). There is a 
very curious proof of the use of 
the later part of E {rj) by H. H. 
at the year 1098. The printed 
texts and some MSS. read : ' Hugo 
consul Salopscyre occisus est ab 
Hiberniensibus.' This is an error, 
as the slayers of Hugh of Mont- 
gomery were Norwegians. Two 
MSS. have the unintelligible read- 
ing 'apud Wilcinges,' other two 
have the intermediate and ungram- 
matical reading 'apud Hybernien- 
isibus.' A reference to E explains 
all these corruptions : ' Hugo eorl 
wearS ofslagen . . . frani utwikin- 
gan ' ; i.e. 'by out- (or foreign-) 



Now E and r) must in any case have resembled each other so 
closely, that it might seem rush to attempt to decide which of 
them was the MS. used by H. H. But it surely can hardly be 
accidental that H. H.'s use of the Chronicle should end precisely 
with 1 121, where the first hand of E, and consequently rj, 
ended. The last entry of E under 1 1 2 1 is of the ' swySe mycel 
wind,' on Christmas Eve, and this (with the exception of some 
verses of his own) is also H. H.'s last entry fur that year. 
After this point, the notices common to him and E are almost 
confined to records of the royal movements ^ ; and that these 
were not derived by H. H. from E is clear, because he has 
them even in years where E is blank, e.g. 1133, 1134^ If, 
however, any one prefers to believe that what H. H. used was, 
not Tj, but our E before the addition of the annals subsequent 
to 1 121, I do not know that I could convince him^ The other 
seems to me more likely. 

wikings.' What H. H. wrote there- 
fore was ' ab utwikingis ' ; from a 
wrong division of the words results 
the reading ' apud Wilcinges,' the 
scribe apparently taking 'Wilcinges' 
as the name of a place ; fi-om 
a wrong division of the words and 
a misinterpretation of ' wikingis ' 
we get 'apud Hibernieusibus,' which 
the next scribe simply made gram- 

' On the ground of these resem- 
blances Mr. Arnold asserts that 
H. H.'s copy of the Chronicle ex- 
tended to 1 1 26 ; see H. H. p. Ivi. 

^ That H. H. shows no ti'ace of 
the Peterborough interpolations of E, 
not even at 870 (where the addition 
is one of genei'al interest, v. s. § 35), 
confirms somewhat the view that 
it was t] and not E vifhicii underlies 
H. H. This argument cannot, 
however, be pressed very far, as 
H. H. might simply have omitted 
them as unsuited to his purpose. 
As to the bulk of the Latin entries 
in E we cannot argue; for H. H. 
uses the Annals of Kouen and 

other foreign sources independently 
of E (77). He certainly incorporates 
E's Latin at 890 ; but this, as we 
have seen, was already in e. The 
use of 7) by both H. H, and the 
Peterborough editor is easily ex- 
plained by the fact that Huntingdon 
is less than twenty miles from 
Peterborough ; and either of the 
two parties may have passed on the 
MS. to the other after he had done 
with it. 

^ Here is one tiny bit of argu- 
ment: — in 694 the true reading 
{'R, B, C, D, ±1') is ' xxxiii wiutra.' 
E has xxiii, and H. H. xxxii. F is 
evidence that € read xxxiii. If we 
suppose that rj also read xxxiii and 
that H. H. used 77, then both his 
corruption and that of E are 
accounted for : H. H. omitted an 
i, and E an x ; whereas xxxii is 
not a likely corruption of xxiii. At 
838 H. H. has an annal which is 
not in E. It would not be safe, 
however, to argue that it must 
have been in 77, as it may have 
come from C. 



§ 55. But in order to finish the discussion of H. H.'s relation Eelation of 
to the Chronicle, we may remark that H. H. was not whollj' :H.'^nry of 
dependent on E for the material which he derived from the don to MS. 
Saxon Chronicle. He had another MS. which was not only akin ^'• 
to our C, but was, I believe, actually our C itself. Firstly, there 
are sevei-al instances where he does not follow the mistakes of 
E, but adheres to the readings of the older MSS.^ In one 
case he has a reading which is only in C, ' Cantwarabyrig ' for 
' Cantwic^.' Again, he has pedigrees in places where E, accord- 
ing to his usual practice, omits them^. He has several very 
important annals, which are omitted either wholly or in part 
by E^ But the two most decisive facts are these: (i) H. H. 
has the Mercian Register in its unincorporated form ^ ; this 
is a feature peculiar to B and C, and that it was C and not B 
that H. H. used is proved by the fact that one of the annals of 
the M. H. which he inserts, viz. 921, is not found in B. (2) He 
has tlie incident of the Norwegian holding the bridge against 
the English at the battle of Stamford Bridge, 1066 C ad Jin. 
This is not only peculiar to C, but is in the very nature of 
the case unique, for it was evidently written down from oral 
tradition long after the event in very broken Saxon ^. "We may 

1 568. Oslaf S, B, C, Oslac E, F 
641. xxxi S, B, C, xxi E; 688 
xxxvii S, B, C, xxvii E ; 745 
xliii S, B, C, D, xlvi E; 796 
Cynulf B, C, Ceolwulf S, D, E, F 
833. XXXV 'R, B, C, XXV D, E, F 
878. Sealwudu S, B, C, D, Weal- , 
wudu E. In a few cases he differs 
from all the MSS. : 584, 614, 694, 
752, 855 ail fin. 

''■ 839 ; this is certainly an error, 
see note ad loc. ; but as the next 
place mentioned is Rochester, it 
was not unnatural that H. H. should 
think the reading of C preferable. 

^ 547 B, C, 560 B, C (with 
variants), 597 S, B, C, 611 B, C, 
626 B, C, 688 S, B, C, 694 S, B, 
C, D, 726 [728] S, B, C, D, 731 
S, B, C, D (placed by H. H. under 
737), 755 S, B, C. 

* 726 [728] S, B, C, D, 838 

S, B, C, D, 853 [852 E] S, B, C, 
894 to 897 S, B, C, D, 901, 904, 
906, 910 to 915 S, B, C, D, 937 
(song on the battle of Brunanburh) 
M., B, C, 942 (song on the fall 
of the Five Boroughs) S, B, C, D, 
943 S, B, C, 944, 945 S, B, C, D, 
921 C, D, only. It will be noticed 
that C is the only MS. common 
to all the references given in this 
and the preceding notes. 

* See critical note 7 at i. 92, and 
notes I and 2 ib. 100. So carelessly 
and inechanically does the good 
archdeacon go to work, that when 
he comes to the Mercian Register 
in C, he copies straight ahead with- 
out the least noticing how the 
chronology ' fetches back.' 

* Of course H. H. might have 
obtained the tale independently 
from oral tradition ; he has many 


assume therefore that H. H. used for the composition of his work 

not only E or rj, but also C. 

Gaimar's § 56. There is yet another work available for the criticism of 

estorie -g ^^^ ^^xat is ' Lestorie des Enjjles solum la Translacion Maistre 
aesiingles. _ '' , 

GefFrei Gaimar'.' Of the author little or nothing is known. 

But his time seems to have been about the middle of the twelfth 

century, and his locality Lincolnshire. He may have been 

a clerk ; he was almost certainly not a monk. The whole tone 

of his work is secular and non-ecclesiastical. He is (in no bad 

sense of the word) a romancer, not an historian. His object is 

to amuse, not to inform. This is shown by the fact that the 

nearer he gets to his own time the more romantic he becomes. 

Even in the earlier part he inserts romantic episodes like that 

of Havelock the Dane, and the story of Osberht, King of 

Northumbria, and the wife of Buern Butsecarl. Edgar's reign 

is a tissue of romance, while William Hufus becomes under 

Gaimar's hands the model of ' a very perfect gentle knight.' 

That there was a chivalrous side to Rufus' chai-acter, to which 

churchmen, in their horror at his public rapacity and private 

vices, did scanty justice, is probably true, and has been recognised 

by Mr. Freeman ^ ; but to exaggerate this side as Gaimar does, 

while omitting all the darker shades, is to write romance, not 

such traditional stories, e. g. the Bede. Nor am I concerned with 

two fine anecdotes about Siward, the question of the other materials 

pp. 194-196. But seeing that so used by him. I deal simply with 

many arguments point conclusively his relation to the test of the 

to the use of C, there is no need . Chronicles, and the materials which 

to resort to that hypothesis here. he affords us for the criticism of 

On the other hand, that H. H. used that text. There is an article by 

D, as Mr. Arnold suggests in one Dr. Liebermann on H. H. in 

place, p. 194 margin, or G. (A), as Forschungen z. Deutsch. Gesch. 

he frequently suggests, I see no xviii. 265 ff. He decides, as I 

reason to believe. There is not the have done, that H. H. used C and 

slightest trace in him of the very E, p. 281. My own results were, 

interesting annals peculiar to these however, worked out independently. 

MSS. :— 921-924 !S. (A, G.J, 925, ' Up to 1066 printed in M. H. B.; 

926, 941, 943, 947, 948, 952, 954^ completely with translation inR. S., 

1058, 1078, 1079 I). Into the edited by Mr. Martin, 

character of H. H. as an liistorian ^ Though here and elsewhere 

I do not enter here. I have indi- Mr. Freeman cannot resist the 

cated -my opinion more than once temptation to cheap and unworthy 

in the notes to the Chron. and to sneers at chivalry generally. 



history. But, with the exceptions noted above, he follows the 
Chronicle pretty closely up to the accession of Edgar. He cites 
it as ' cronicles ^' 'cronices^,' 'croniz^'; as ' la geste *,' 'la 
vereie geste ^' ' la veille geste * ' ; ' le livere '^,' ' li livere ancien *,' 
' li ancieiiz ^ ' ; on the other hand, ' lestorie,' ' la veraie estorie,' 
sometimes mean the Chronicle ^^ and sometimes not ". 

§ 57. The question next arises : can we determine the nature 
of the Chronicle used by Gaimar? First, it is quite clear that 
in the earlier part (up to 891) it was a Chronicle of the northern 
or D E recension 'I Of the northern entries between 735 and 
806 which are peculiar to that recension, all, or nearly all, are 
to be found in Gaimar". And of the two, Gaimar is much 
nearer to E than to D ". His MS. was, however, free from 
some of the errors which subsequently crept into E and its 
immediate predecessors ^'\ After the accession of Edgar, Gaimar 
makes less use of the Chronicle, because the romantic stories 
which he loved were available in greater plenty '". 

of Gaimar 
to the 

His Chro- 
nicle was 
akin to E. 

' 954, 2188 (the references are 
to the lines of Gaimar 's poem). 
^ 2111. 3 2331. 

* 2233. 5 828. 

' 2527. ' 3238. 

' 990. 8 1682, 1786 

'" 1949. 2255, 2335, 3240, 5712. 
758, 2928, 2930, 3937. 

" On this, see below, §§65, ff. 

*^ Besides these instances Gaimar 
follows the reading of D, E, against 
IS, B, C, in 835 (wuniende for 
winnende = G. 2375), and in 836 
(=G. 2391-2), 845"(dux/or ealdor- 
mann = G. 2450; the latter word 
G. always translates ' baron '); 851 
= G. 2466; 853=G. 2501; 888 
= G. 3331 ff. 

" He omits 83S with E, F (G, 
I2416-7) ; like E, F, he jumps 
Tom 893 to 901, though the other 
Chronicles are very full just there 
j(G' 3437 ff-)- He omits the grant 
if Cumberland in 945 with E, F 
, G- 3540) ; he has annals which 
are only in E, or E, F ; 906 ( = G. 
3467 ff.); 921 (-=G. 3501); 949 

( = G. 3549 ff-); 9.'^2 ( = G. 3553ff.). 
»= 568. Oslaf S, B, C, H. H., 
G. 980, Oslac E, F ; 605. Scro- 
mail E, Brocmail G. 1091 ; 608. 
xxxvii S, B, C, H. H., G. 1541, 
xxviiE, F; 692. VVihtred G. 1550, 
Nihtred E, H. H. ; 693. Dryhtlielm 

D, G. 1554, Brihthelm E; 710. 
Sigbald D, G. 1633, Hygbald E, 
H. H. ; 725. xxxiiii D, H. H., G. 
1699, xxxiii E ; 740. CuSbryht 
S, B, C, D, G. 1767, Eadbryht 

E, H. H. ; cf. 855. In most of 
these cases the correction required 
by E is obvious ; but in 710, where 
we have merely the authority of E 
against D, the witness of Gaimar 
gives new and independent weight 
to the reading of D. 

■•* See, however, besides passages 
already cited, G. 4686 ff. ( = 1028 
D, E); G. 5071 ff (=10630, E); 
G. 5009 ff. ( = 1061 D) ; G. 5177 
ff. is nearer to 1066 C, than to D 
or E; G. 5 191 ff. is nearer to 
1066 E. 


His list of § 58. At the end of his work Gaimar gives a list of the 
authorities, authorities which he used^ The only two which concern us 
here are ' lestorie de Wincestre/ and ' De Wassingburc un livere 
Engleis ^' As to the former, it is quite certain that Gaimar 
shows no special affinity with A, the only one of our Chronicles 
which is directly connected with Winchester. I am therefore 
inclined to agree with Mr. Martin ^ that by this is merely meant 
the Saxon Chronicle generally, as having its head quarters and 
origin at Winchester under Alfred *. As to the latter work, 
Washingborough was three miles from Lincoln and belonged to 
Peterborough. The suggestion made by Mr. Martin ® is there- 
fore an attractive one, that owing to this connexion there may 
easily have been a Chronicle at Washingborough akin to the 
Peterborough MS. E. But we have seen that Gaimar represents 
an earlier stage than E in the development of the E tradition ; 
and therefore the Washiugboiough book would be an ancestor 
rather than a descendant of E. But in truth the description 
which Gaimar gives of this book does not agree with the 
Chronicle in any form ; for it contained, inter alia, 

' tuz les empereurs 
Ke de Rome furent seif'tiurs.' 


It has been suggested that it was the Anglo-Saxon translation 

of Orosius, but this must be regarded as very problematical ®, 
§ 59. We must now return from this digression. And w 

have next to consider those parts of E which are related to 

D or yet earlier MSS. 
Relation I have said that E is nearer to D than to any other existing j 

of Eto D. ]\lg. of the Chronicle. This is clear from the following jjeneral 

I'eatures : — (i) in both D and E most of those annals which are 

1 6436 S. ^ 6468 ff. ' Historia Angloruin, Gallice et 

^ Gaimar, R. S. IT. xix. rythiuice,' Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche 

* This is Gaimar's view; and Bibliotheken, p. 172. This might 

I shall endeavour to show later, well be Gaimar. 

§§ 101 fF., that he is probably right ; ' 6472-4. There is an article on 

of. 2234, 2334 ^M 345' ff- Gaimar by Mr. Riley in Gent. Mag. 

5 Gaimar, u. s. In a list of iii. 21-34 (,1857). 

Peterborough books there is a 


based on Bede are taken from the narrative of the Hist. Eccl.^ 
instead of from the chronological summary appended to that 
work (H. E. V. 24), as is the case as a rule'- with S, B, C ; 
(ii) the incorporation in both of a series of northern annals 
extending at least from 733 to 806, which are not found in 
S, B, C ; (iii) the appearance in both of a somewhat shorter 
recension of certain annals ^ 

But apart from these general features of resemblance there 
are minute points of agreement, especially in mistakes, which 
cannot be accidental. Thus at 778 both have ' bedraf on laude ' 
for ' of ; at 835 ' wuniende' for ' winnende,' a very easy scribal 
blunder, which however makes nonsense; at 875 both read 
'Strsetled' for ' Straecled ' (Strathclyde) ; at 887 both have 
' 7 ]?a ' instead of the proper name '7 Oda ' ; at 878 both 
have the same omission after ' geridon,' at 1004 ad fin. after 
' werode,' and at ion after ' gafol beodan*.' 

§ 60. Nevertheless E is not a transcript mediately or inime- E not a 
diately of D. This can be easily proved by reference to the ^^^^^cript 
numerous omissions and corruptions which appear in D but are 
not found in E. Thus at 871 D has an omission due to the 
recurrence of the name Sidroc, but the omitted passage is in E ; 

' 167, 189. 379 (?), 381, 409, 423, a different class of MS. The annals 

443, 449, 565, 583, 603, 604, 605, 697, 699 D, E, are taken from 

616, 617, 624, 625,626, 627, 633, Bede's epitome; but they corre- 

634, 640, 641, 643, 650, 653,654, spond to nothing in the body of his 

655, 664, 667, 668, 673, 678, 679, work, and (possibly for that reason) 

68 r, 684, 685, 688. 690, 692, 693, are omitted in many of the MSS., 

709, 710, 721, 727, 729, 731. see critical note ad loc. I have 

"^ I say, ' as a rule,' for occasion- little doubt that the reason why 

ally even S, B, C show traces of thete annals do not appear in 

the use of the body of Bede's S, B, C, who habitually use the 

work, especially in cases where the epitome much more than D, E, is 

epitome supplied no information : — that they were wanting in the MS. 

45c;, 601, 603, 632, 634*, 635*, 636, of Bede which the former used. 

645*, 646*, 650*, 654, 660*, 661, 8 716 (?), 836, 837, 853, 855, 860, 

670*, 673, 688*, 709*, 716. (The 873 (in the last case the abbrevia- 

annals marked with an asterisk tion is evidently due to some 

refer to the history of Wessex ; the editorial scribe who thought that 

significance of this will appear later, the latter part of this annal in 

§§ 107, 108 notes.) It is curious thnt S, B, C was a mere repetition from 

we are able to say not only that D, E the preceding annalV 

treated their Bede differently from * See also 718, 788, 868, 1006, 

S, B, C, but also that they had 1009 ad Jin. 


so with a passage omitted by D at 885 ad init}. To take one 
decisive instance of corruption :• — at 1009 C and E read correctly 
' J leton ealles peodscypes geswinc tSus leohtlice forwurSan/ 
where D has corrupted the words in italics into ' ealle j^a scypas 
geswinc' Now a scribe who had D before him, and wanted 
to correct its obvious corruption, might have written ' ealra 
)7ara scypa {or scypmanna) geswinc ' ; he could not have divined 
the true reading out of D's chaos ^ The case of omissions in E 
of matter contained in D is, of course, less decisive ; it is always 
rash to say that a scribe could not have omitted this or that (we 
have seen how capricious F's omissions often are ^) ; still it is at 
least strange that E should have omitted so much that is interest- 
ing and peculiar in D if he had that MS. before him *. 
D and E The only theory, therefore, which will account for this striking 

based on resemblance, combined with no less striking difference, between 

coimiion . -TP 111 

originals. D and E is that neither is copied from the other, but that both 

are, in the parts covered hy these references, to be traced back 

to some common original, or originals^, from which each has 

diverered in different directions. 

§ 61. We have seen that behind our present E we are justified 

in assuming two earlier MSS., 7; and €, and wherever in this 

Introduction one of these symbols is added to the symbol E, as 

E (c) or E (7;), it means that in those cases there is evidence that 

^ Compare smaller omissions at cate any special relation of C and 

774, 795, 823, 1006, 1009, loio in Din this part. 

D, but not in E. M 32 note. 

^ Other cases of corruption in D, * The discussion of the annals 

which are peculiar to itself, and so peculiar to D, and of the additions 

tend to prove that E cannot have made by D to annals which exist 

copied D, are 725, 853, 870 (addi- in a simpler form in C or E, will 

tion of ' to Rome '), 878 (' wuni- naturally come later. I will only 

(rende ' for ' winnende '\ loio say here that they are very con- 

("'Wulf for 'Wulfric'), 1034 siderable. 

('.^Ifric' for ' M^enc), 1065 ' I shall show later that this 

(' sende sefter Haralde ' and ' ^a. second alternative is correct ; and 

RySrenan ' for ' sende eft Harold ' that the common parts of D and E 

and ' ))a norSernan '). In one case do not all come from a single 

we have a corruption common to C source. For the present, however, I 

and D : S87 (' micel myst ' for ignore this fact ; and for the sake 

' micel yst ') ; but tliis is purely of simplifying the argument treat 

accidental, both scribes being misled D and E as coming from a single 

by alliteration. It does not indi- common ancestor. 



the text of E correctly represents that of -q or e '. Similarly we 
may call the common ancestor of e and D by the symbol 8. 

The results of our investigations so far may be represented 
by the following figure : — 



Hen. Hunt. 


Ann. Wav. 

Thus the agreement of E with H. H. or Ann. Wav. is evi- 
dence for the reading of -q ; that of E and F (or E and a) 
implies e ; while that of E and D implies 8. On the other hand, 
where D and E differ, if E has the truer reading, then the 
corruption has occurred in the passage from 8 to D ^ ; if D is 
more original, then the error (or alteration) may be due to E, 
or -q, or c ; a comparison with H. H. or Ann. Wav., and with 
Y or a, will sometimes enable us to decide ^. 

^ Of course if E correctly repre- 
sents e, it a fortiori represents -q, 
and therefore E («) involves E(7;), 
but not conversely. 

^ As e. <j. in the case of the omis- 
sions and corruptions cited above 
(§ 6o and note) as peculiar to D. 

^ Thus at 870 ' rid ' S, B, C, D, 
'fdr' E, F; 871 ' c6m ' S, B, C, 
D, ' rad ' E, F ; the change was 
therefore made by f. On the other 
hand at 495 ' (ge)cweden ' 2, B, 
C, F, ' gehaten ' E ; the change was 
therefore made by rj or E. 530 
' Wiht ealand ' S, B, C, F, ' Wiht- 
laiid ' E, H. H. ; the change was 
therefore made by ?/. At 1016 siib 
fin. we have ' gefeaht him (wi3) 
ealle Engla J;eode ' C, D ; ' eall 
Englaland ' E, F ; with, however, 
' uel ])eode ' interlined in E, which 
seems to show that though « made 

the alteration to ' land,' it retained 
the other as an alternative reading, 
and this feature was conservatively 
reproduced by E. The corruptions 
and peculiarities common to E and 
H. H., given above (§ 54 and note), 
must go back at least to rj, and 
some of them, as I have there 
shown, go back to e. At 955 and 
965 F («) has matter which is only 
found in D, which seems to show 
that E or 7; omitted matter con- 
tained in e. The fact that no trace 
of these annals appears in H. H. 
inclines me to believe that they 
had already been omitted by »/. It 
should, however, be borne in mind 
that where F differs from E its 
evidence is not conclusive as to the 
reading of e, if the text of F could 
have been derived from S, for we 
have seen that F had access to that 



Complex § 62. But the relation between E and D is less simple even 

relations of than this. In the first place the parallelism between them is 
curiously discontinuous. Jbrom the beginning to 890 inclusive, 
E runs closely parallel to D, with only scribal variations and 
the insertion of the Latin and Peterborough entries; 891 is 
omitted (the story of the three * Scots ') though it is in all the 
other MSS., including F ; 892 E (e) is nearer to "K than to D '^ ; 
tlien comes a period, 893-958, during which E and F are 
almost barren, containing only a few obits ^, &c., a few noi'thern 
and Northumbro-Danish annals, some peculiar to e, others, 
wholly or in part, common to it and D *. Then with 959, E 
once more runs parallel to D, though with more considerable 
variations down to 1022, after which, as we have seen ^, E 
becomes more independent. Yet even after this point, and 
almost up to the very end of D, there are annals which are, 
in whole or in part, identical in D and E^ Of these phe- 
nomena I do not at present offer any explanation ; some light 
will be thrown upon them in the course of our subsequent 
enquiries ''^. But there is one feature of the latter part of E 
which must be noticed here. 

MS. (above, § 33). A case of this 
kind probably occurs at 887, where 
D, E have ' 7 ^a,,' while F has the 
correct reading ' 7 Oda ' (the cor- 
ruption consists merely in omitting 
one letter, and crossing the d). 

^ There is a lacuna in D, due to 
the loss of certain leaves from 262 
to the middle of 693 ; but there is 
no reason to suppose that the rela- 
tion of E to D was any different 
between these points to what it is 
1-261, and 693-890. Indeed, from 
a comparison of C on the one hand, 
and Florence and E on the other, 
it would be possible to reconstruct 
the missing part of D with tolerable 

* We shall see later that this 
point, c. 892, is a distinct landmark 
in the history of the development 
of the Chronicle. 

^ Among these obits is the notice, 

quite peculiar to E, of the drowning 
of the Etheling Edwin in 933. 

* These common annals are 910 
(part), 923*, 934*, 944*, 945*, 948 
[ = 946 D, omitting D's interpola- 
tion], 954*. The annals marked 
with an asterisk are northern. 
Thorpe has taken an extraordinary 
liberty with the text of 910 E. 
This answers to the latter part of 
a very composite annal in D. 
Thorpe has broken up the entries 
contained in 910 E, and distributed 
them under various years. 924 and 
925 in E seem to come from dif- 
ferent sources, as both contain the 
obit of Edward the Elder. F has 
avoided this error. 

' §46. 

* These annals are 102 8- 103 1, 
1059, 1064, 1071-1076. 

' See below, § 72. 



§ 63. Alongside of its evident affinity with D there appear Eelation of 
from 984 onwards traces of a no less obvious affinity with C. -^ ^^ ^' 
Now, where this agreement of C and E against D merely means 
that they have preserved a true reading which D has cor- 
rupted ', it argues no closer affinity between them than between 
any two equally correct MSS. The case is otherwise, however, 
when we find important entries in C and E, where D is either 
blank or wholly independent ; more especially when we go on 
to notice that many of these entries are local to Abingdon, and 
therefoie thoroughly in place in C, which has always been 
recognised as an Abingdon Chronicle, but seem strangely out 
of place in a Peterborough book ^. Now in regard to these 
entries two theories are abstractly possible : — (i) they may 
have been inserted in E from C ; or (ii) we may trace C on the 
one hand and E and its progenitors on the other, in this part 
at any rate ^, back to some common ancestor wliose home was at 
Abingdon. The former theory may be dismissed. It is most 
unlikely that a Peterborough editor would specially extract 
notices referring to another house *. And it is conclusive against 
this view that 1042 E and 1043'^ ^ are also in F, i.e. they 
were in £ before e left Canterbury at all. On the other hand. 

^ Instances will be found in 994, 
997, 1000, 1009, 1013, 1034; in 
1008 all three are possibly corrupt, 
but C and E agree, while D is 
distinct. Sometimes the agreement 
of E with C consists in the absence 
from both of matter found in 
D, e.g. 1007, 1014, 1016, 1018, 
1019, 1020, 1021, 1034. In these 
cases the additional matter in D 
ie probably a later insertion in the 
original text preserved by C and E. 

^ The Abingdon entries in C, E 
are at 9S4 (985 C), 989 (990 C), 
1016 (td Jinem, 1046" ad init. 
( = 1047 C ad Jin.), 1048 (1050 C) ; 
in loiS there is an Abingdon entry 
in E which is not in C, but this, 
as I have shown in the notes to the 
passage, is a pure blunder. The 
very important annals 1042 E 
(1043 C), 1043" E (1044 C) are 


also peculiar to these MSS. Of 
these the latter, though referring 
to a national matter, the see of 
Canterbury, is also concerned with 
Abingdon, as the person chosen to 
discharge the duties of the primate 
was an Abingdon abbot. 

^ Viz. 984-1022, and in a few 
later cases. The statement in the 
text requires to be thus limited for 
the reason given above, § 60 note. 

* Apait from the mention of 
Abingdon in 1071 E, which is also 
in 1072 D, there is only one Abing- 
don entry in E after 1070, the 
death of Abbot Faricius in 11 17. 
But the death of a man who was 
physician to the king, and had been 
thouglit of for the primacy (see 
note ad loc), was an event of more 
than local importance. 


thei'e is no reasou why our present Abingdon Chronicle, C, may 
not represent an older Abingdon Chronicle, y, just as our 
present Canterbury Chrouiclej F, represents an older Canterbury 
Chronicle, e. 

We conclude, therefore, that the common ancestor of D and 
E in this section (which for the sake of distinction I will call 
8') was itself derived from an Abingdon ancestor, y, common to 
it with C. 8' preserved the Abingdon notices, and in this way 
they passed through c into E and F ; whereas D cut them out as 
not interesting those for whom he wrote. If this is correct the 
genealogy, /or this section of the Chronicle, might stand thus : — 



J] F 


Hen. Hunt. E Ann. Wav. 

Tj, and e. 

Editorial § 64. A few words must be said in conclusion as to the way 
r^Ind^f in which E or his predecessors rj and c treated the materials 
which came to them from older sources. For they are not 
content to be merely copyists, but are something of editors 
as well. 

Owing to the use of a double source in T> (8), e. g. northern 
and southern annals, we sometimes find the same event entered 
twice, in one case twice in the same annal (73 1)- In F these errors 
are sometimes corrected ^, though not invai'iably ^. There are ad- 
ditions and alterations which mark a later time ; thus 5 1 9 E (c), the 
leflexion on the continuity of the royal house of Wessex ; the ex- 
planation of ' se micla flota' C, D, as ' se Denisca flota' ioo6 E (e); 

* 729 and 731 [death of Osric], e ; 855, the mistake has been bung- 

801 and 802 [consecration of Beorn- Hngly dealt with by E or rj. E's 

mod] ; in these two cases the mis- text may be from S. 
take had been already corrected by ^ Cf. 702 with 704. 


the alteration of ' swa heora gewuna is ' C, D, into ' wses ' 1009 E 
sub fin., and again in 1016 E (e) ; while the latter part of 1012 
has been a good deal recast by E (e), though it retains the 
contemporary note ' J^ser nu God swutelacS, 7c.,' which ceased to 
be possible after 1023 {v. note ad loc). Again E, or one of his 
predecessors 7] or e, had an evident dislike to iiedigrees, and 
they are almost always omitted ^ Besides the annals wholly 
peculiar to E or e, there are manj^ additions, small and great 
(apart from the Peterborough and Latin insertions), made to the 
older sources ; thus in 999 E, the excuse for the national 
failure ; 1006 E (e), the appointment of Brihtwold as Bishop of 
Eamsbury (probably an error, v. note ad loc?); 10 16 E (e) a(Z 
init., the number of Cnut's ships ^; 1018 E, erroneous Abingdon 
insertion noticed above *; 1022 E (e). Abbot Leofwine's acquittal 
at Rome ; 103 1 E (e), the submission of Maelbeth and lehmarc. 
E has also many careless scribal errors : ' Jl]]?ehvold ' for '^j^el- 
bald,' 737 E ; ' o]?erbald ' for * oj^erne Eanbald/ 796 E (cf. ' idus ' 
for 'Kal.,' ih); '^]?elred' for '^J^elheard,' 799 E ; ' Leof- 
wine ' for ' Leofrune,' loi i E (c) ^. So too there are omissions, 
due to homoioteleuton, as at 797, 1016 E ; or to other causes, 
855 E, loii E (c)". E has one or two little tricks of style, 
such as the use of verbal forms strengthened by the prefix ge- '', 
which atti'act attention by their repetition. The degeneracy of 

^ 547) 552; 560, 597, 611, 626, tions of the origin of these errors. 

670, 674, 676, 685, 688 (in this Other cases are : 693, Brihthelm/or 

part D is defective, so it is possible, Dryhthelm ; 779, Cynebald for 

though not probable, that the omis- Cynewulf. In 865 there is a curious 

sion may have already been made little instance of progressive cor- 

by the common ancestor of D and ruption in D and E. See note 

E. Most of the omitted pedigrees ad loe. 

are in Fl. Wig.^i, 694, 726, 731, * At 1 01 1 the omission of 'Ham- 

733- 755 arlfin., 855 ad Jin. There tunscire,' in the list of northern 

is a partial exception to the rule in counties ravaged by the Danes, is 

738; and at 593 there is a bit of due perhaps to a wrong-headed piece 

Northumbrian pedigree which is not of criticism ; the name occurs again 

m S, B, C. in the list of southern counties 

^ Eor another bad historical error, ravaged, but in the former case 

see 603 E and note. of course it means Northants, in 

^ Probably a wrong insertion ; the latter Hants, 

see note a. J. '' e.g. 866, 871, 997, 998, looi, 

* § 63 note. 1002, 1009, &c. Sometimes the 


See notes ad loc. for explana- converse occurs, e.g. 874, 1002. 

f 2 






Points in 
which D, 
E differ 
from S, B, 

group of 

the language in the later parts of E is as obvious as it is 
pathetic, the querulous tone of the later entries not less so K 
But whatever its shortcomings, E is, alike for the story of its 
growth and for its actual contents, a most interesting work ^. 
If we owed nothing to its pages but the character of the 
Conqueror, and the description of the feudal anarchy under 
Stephen, our debt to it would be inestimable; and we can 
hardly measure Avhat the loss to English history would have 
been if it had not been written ; or if, having been written, it 
had, like so many another English Chronicle, been lost. 

§ 65. Like MS. E of the Chi-onicle, D is a highly composite 
structure ; unlike E, it does not by anj^ means bear its history 
clearly written on its face. Three points in which it resembles 
E and differs from the earlier type of Chronicle contained in 
S, B, C have been already mentioned^ : — (i.) the expansion of 
many of the annals derived from Bede by the substitution of 
matter taken from the text of the H. E., for the brief chrono- 
logical notices of the epitome which Bede appended to that 
work, H. E. V. 24*; (ii.) the incorporation of annals from a 
northern source ; (iii.) the appearance of certain annals in 
a somewhat shorter recension. To these characteristics of D 
may be added a fourth, which is not shared by E ^, viz. the 
attempt to amalgamate the Mercian Register (which in B 
and C exists in a separate form) with the general body of the 
Chronicle. As to (iii.) no further discussion is needed. On 
the other points something will require to be said. 

§ 66. The first body of northern annals contained in D, E 
begins at 733 ®, and extends to a little after 800. A cora- 

^ See note on 1132. "We have 
a touch of the same thing 1066 D 

^ ' In some respects the most im- 
portant of the whole series of 
Chronicles,' Earle, p. xliii. 

^ See above, § 59. 

* A list of the annals thus ex- 
panded is given above, § 59 note. 

' It is not shared by E, because 
E is almost barren during the 

period covered by M. E. 

* Of course, both in the S, B, C, 
and in the D, E type of Chronicle, 
there is much northern history prior 
to 733 ; but this is derived imme- 
diately from Bede. There are, 
however, noi-thern additions not 
derived from Bede in D, E 702, 
705, 710, 716 ; so it is possible that 
the Gesta began as early as 702. 
Cf. also 603 E. 


parlson of D, E with 3, B, C makes it quite easy to separate 

this northern element. Moreover, its source can readily be 

identified. It is clearly based on the Latin Northumbrian 

annals embodied in Simeon of Dui'ham and Roger of Hoveden '. 

The copy used by them extended only to 802 ; that used by the 

compiler of the original of the D, E type of Chronicle extended 

somewhat further, for the northern element is clearly traceable 

up to 806 inclusive. After that point D runs parallel to C 

without important differences to the end of 904. It will be 

noticed that these Northumbrian annals begin just where Bede"s 

H. E. ends ; and there can be no doubt that they were intended 

to form a continuation to Bede's chronological epitome. The Influence 

continuations of that epitome, which ai'e found in later MSS. iijgtorical 

of Bede ^, and the fact that in several MSS. additions and inser- epitome. 

tions are made in the epitome itself', show how readily that 

epitome might become the basis of a regular Chronicle. In 

this sense also, as well as in others, Bede is the father of 

English history. It w^as natural that this connexion should 

be specially close in Bede's own district of Northumbria. 

§ 67. Can we fix the home of these Northumbrian annals '^ Original 

home of 

* On this body of Northumbrian tinuator regards the former enti-y , 

annals, see Stubbs' Hoveden, I. as implying that Cynewulfs death 

ix-xiii, xxv-xxx ; Arnold's Simeon really took place at that point. In 

of Durham, II. xviii, xix. It seems other words, the continuation of 

to have borne the title 'Gesta Bede in its present form is later 

Veterum Northauhymbrorum.' than the time when the southern 

^ See my Bede, i. 361-363. These Chronicle became known in the 

additions extend to 766, and are north ; i. e. later, at any rate, than 

concerned mainly with Northum- S92, Moreover, Pauli thinks that 

bria. They do not, however, give the notice about Charles Martel 

us the northern Gesta in their under 741 in the Cont. Baedae 

original form. They show evident cannot be earlier than the tenth 

marks of having been influenced century, v. note a. I. It is curious 

by the southern form of the Chron- that Theopold does not seem to 

icle. The death of Cynewulf of have seen this, pp. 29, 70. 

Wessex is placed under 757 [= ^ See my Bede, i. 354-356. These 

Chron. 755]. Now the Chron. under insertions and additions are derived 

755 tells by anticipation the story mainly from the text of the H. E., 

of Cynewulfs tragic end in con- and therefore form an exact parallel 

nexion with his accession ; the to the enlargement of the Bede 

actual entry of his death does not annals of the Chronicle, 
come till 784 [ = 786]. The con- 


York, Lindisfarne, and Hexham have been suggested^; and 

all of them are possible, though I do not think that anything 

very decisive can be produced in favour of any one of them. 

York, and, in its day, Lindisfarne, were to the north very much 

w^hat Canterbury was to the south ; and entries relating to them 

are hardly more conclusive as to local origin than notices as 

to the Archbishops of Canterbury. The special Hexham 

elements in Simeon of Durham are the interpolations of a 

compiler much later than the time with which we are dealing^; 

Probably while lists of bishops were available for many sees. I am in- 

at Ripon. clined to think that more may be said for Ripon. The 

mention of Botwine and Aldbert, abbots of Eipon, under 785 

and 788, points in this direction. Simeon of Durham gives 

Aldbert's successor Sigred ; and, moreover, under 790 has the 

curious story of the resuscitation of Eardwulf ^ which is also 

connected with Eipon. 

The expan- § 68. It may further be asked, was the expansion of the 

sion o le ggfjg passages due to a northern or a southern hand 1 And 

sagesisalso here too the evidence, though slight, points I think decisively 

northern ^q ^}jg north. In 681 the consecration of Trumwine as Bishop 
work. .... . 

of the Picts IS mentioned m an annal based on Bede, H. E. iv. 

1 2 ad Jin. Bede's words are : ' Trumuini [addidit Theodorus] 

ad prouinciam Pictorum, quae tunc temporis Anglorum erat 

imperio subiecta.' The chronicler says : ' her man halgode . . . 

Trumwine [biscop to] Pihtum, foi]3an by hyrdon pa hider.' As 

the ' Angli ' to whose * impeiium ' the Picts were then subject 

were of course the Northumbrians, the use of this word ' hider ' 

betrays a northern point of view, and it is noteworthy that F, 

a Canterbury Chronicle, alters the phrase into ' far]?an hi hyraj) 

pider inn ^' Again in 449, a passage also based on Bede, 

H. E. i. 15, the phrase 'the royal families of the Southum- 

brians,' used in opposition to ' our royal family,' is conclusive 

* By Dr. Stubbs, Hoveden, I. * In 603 E the original reading 

xxviii. may also have been 'leedde ])one 

^ See on these Hexham additions, here hider'; but if so, E has 

S. D. II. xii-xv. altered it into ' Sider.' 


Cited in the notes on 795 E. 



on the same side^. The specific use of the term ' Southumbrians' 
for Bede's 'Mercii' in 697 is also northern, for Mercia was the 
first kingdom with which Northumbrians came in contact on 
crossinsf the Humber. In neither case is the term due to the 
influence of Bede, who does not use it. (Special northern 
touches, not due to Bede, will be found also in 547, 603, and 
641 ^.) Here again it was natural that the enlargement of the 
Chronicle by means of the text of Bede should first take place 
in Bede's own Northumbria. We may then, I think, assume 
that a copy of the Saxon Chronicle in its southern form (ex- 
tending, it would seem, to about 892 ^) was sent to some 
northern monastery, probably Ripon, and there fell into the 
hands of some one who conceived the idea of enriching it, partly 
l)y drawing more largely on the text of Bede, and partly by 
incorporating with it a translation of the Latin Northumbrian 
Annals extending to 806*. 

^ It is noteworthy that a, though 
based on e here, omits this passage. 
From 262 to the middle of 693 
there is a lacuna in D caused hy 
the loss of certain leaves. But as 
these northern characteristics have 
survived in E, a Chronicle which 
in its final form is due to Peter- 
borough, and previous to that was 
shaped at Canterbury, we are quite 
safe in assuming a fortiori that 
they exii^ted in the common northern 
ancestor of D and E. 

^ These three annals also fall 
within the lacuna in D. 

^ The reasons for fixing the limit 
at this point, and also for the 
different fortunes of D and E after 
this point, will appear later ; see 
especially §§ 114, 116. 

* Granting that I am right in 
tracing the Gesta Northanhym- 
brorum'to Eipon, it does not of 
course necessarily follow that their 
amalgamation with the southern 
Chronicle and the expansion of the 
Bede annals also took place there. 
I am, however, inclined to think 
that such was the case. The refer- 

ence to ' the glorious minster,' ' ))set 
msere mynster,' of Eipon in 948 D 
reveals the local patriot, and seems 
to show that Ripon was the home 
of the ancestor of D, at any rate 
up to that point. If this view is 
correct, then I should be inclined 
to seek at Kipon also for the 
ancestor of the two groups of Bede 
MSS., which I have called the 
Winchester and Durham groups, 
Bede, I. civ f., containing the 
additional entries in the epitome 
relating mainly to Wilfrid. Then 
the enigmatical entry '667. Norfer 
abbfts Hcvipsit,^ will also refer to 
Wilfrid, who was in retirement at 
Ripon from 666 to 669 owing to 
the occupation of his see by Ceadda. 
There is nothing impossible in Wil- 
frid having written some work in 
his retirement, but I have found 
no trace of him as an author. Is 
it possible that it can refer to the 
writing of the famous Gospel Book 
which Wilfrid gave to Ripon (^Bede, 
H. E. v. 19 ud fin., and note), 
which has been identified with the 
gold and purple Gospels in the 



tion of the 
in D, 

§ G9. From tliis point to 904 inclusive, D is content to follow 
the earlier Chronicles without modification, the only important 
difference being the use of a double source in 855 \ But with 
902 the Mei'cian Register begins, which the compiler evidently 
had before him ; and the question arose how he Avas to deal 
with it. The question had been solved very crudely by the 
scribe of the MS. from which B and C are copied, who simply 
inserts the EeGfister unaltered in the middle of his Chronicle ^. 
D, on the other hand, attempts to amalgamate it in chrono- 
logical order with the rest of his materials \ It cannot be said 
that he has perfectly succeeded, and indeed the task was not 
an easy one, for the chronology of the M. R. often varies con- 
siderably from that of the main Chronicle*. Still the existence 
of this Mercian material, both in a compounded and in an un- 
compounded form, affords an interesting study of the process by 
which the structure of the Chronicles was built up. The Ripon 
scribe has not embodied the M. R. completely. He omits 902 
(perhaps considering it, rightly, to be identical with 905 of the 
main Chronicle). He also omits 904, 907, 912, 914 (mostly), 
915, 91 6 ^ Conversely several events are entered twice : there 

Hamilton Collection now at Berlin 1 
See Wattenbach's article in Neues 
Arcbiv fiir iiltere deutsche Ge- 
schiclitskunde, viii. 329 fif. In that 
case ' scri[psit] ' would have to be 
understood in the sense of ' scribi 

* Of course the combined north- 
ern and southern Chronicle must 
in turn have travelled southwards, 
for neither D nor E in their com- 
pleted form belong to northern 
seats. There is, however, distinct 
evidence for the existence of copies 
of the Chronicle in the north. In 
the Catalogi Veteres Librorum 
Eccl. Dunelm (S. S.), p. 5, is a men- 
tion of 'Cronica duo Anglica.' 
Could we but recover these, what 
a flood of light they might throw 
on the growth of the Chronicle and 
on English history generally. That, 
however, is not to be hoped for. In 
the same place, there is mention of a 

work called ' Elfledes Boc' This is 
not impossibly the Mercian Register. 
[El- for Ethel-]. From what has 
Ijeen said it will be seen that while 
historical writing in Latin began 
first in the north of England, the 
Chronicles in the native language 
originated in the south. Ingram, 
p. xi, reminds us of Bede's words 
about Bishop Tobias of Rochester's 
skill in the Saxon tongue, H. E. 
v. 8 ; though this will hardly sup- 
port a presumption that he had 
anything to do with the beginnings 
of the Chronicle. 

^ H. H., as we have seen, § 55 
and note, is yet more crude in his 

^ See notes to i. 92, 93, 100, 107. 

* See notes ad lac. 

^ The fact that all these omitted 
annals are in El. Wig. is one proof 
among many that he was not 
dependent wholly on our D. 


are two accounts of the battle of Tottanheal, one under 909, the 
other under 910, both showing points of resembhxnce with M. 11. 
910; the death of Ethelred of Mercia, and the submission of 
London and Oxford to Edward the Elder, are mentioned both 
under 910 and under 912; the ravages of the 'here' from 
Brittany are mentioned briefly in 910, and more fully in 
915. The explanation seems to be that 912 tmd 915 come 
from the main Chronicle, 909 from the M. E,., w^hile the part 
of 910 here dealt with comes from the northern source to be 
presently mentioned. In 924, the last annal of the M. E. in 
B and C \ these MSS. ai-e incomplete. D, after a slight correc- 
tion, furnishes us with the true reading ^. It is, of course, a 
question whether the compiler had the M.R. before him as 
a separate document, or whether he had some Chronicle like 
the original of B, C, in which the M. R. was inserted but not 
amalgamated. For reasons which will appear later, I am 
inclined to think that the former is more probable ^ ; and the 
existence of the M. li. as a separate document seems attested 
by the entry, already cited, of ' Elfledes Boc ' in a Durham 
Catalogue of ]\ISS. The compiler of the early part of E, on 
the other hand, shows no knowledge of the M. K. in any form. 

§ 70. But from the beginning of tlie tenth century there Second 
occur both in D and E fragments of a second group of ^°"r' °^ 
Northumbrian annals, extending roughly from the death of umbiian 
Alfred to the death of Edwy *. These annals occur also in annals. 
Simeon of Durham * and in a completer form ® ; but the cor- 
ruptions and omissions show that even here the annals are • 

' I say ' the last in B and C,' its absence from S. D. any argument 

because I am inclined to think that against this view, for the first 

the copy of the M. R. used by the Chronicle in S. D. does not go be- 

compiler of this part of D may yond 957. 

have extended further, and that ' Historia Regum, ii. 92-95. 

some of his entries between 924 ® Mr. Arnold is clearly wrong, 

and 959 may be derived from a ii. s. p. 93 note, in deriving these 

Mercian and not from a Northum- entries iti S. D. from the Saxon 

brian source. Chron. The phenomena cannot be 

- See note ad loc. explained on that theory. For the 

^ See below, §§ 113, 114. true relation of S. U. to the Chi-onicle 

* 966 D, E, F looks also like a here, see Theopold, pp. 76-83. 
northern annal ; nor is the fact of 


not in their original shape. As in the case of the Mercian 
Kegister, these annals probably existed as a sej)arate document, 
which was used independently by D, E, and S. D. ; for no 
one of the three can be copied from either of the others. 
Comparing the three authorities, we might restore these 
Northumbrian annals with some approach to completeness. 

There is nothing to fix the original place of composition 

of this second group of northern annals ; but I have already 

indicated that the reference to Ripon in 948 D points to that 

monastery as the place where they were embodied in the 

ancestor of D ^ Where the home of the original of E was 

at this time, I do not know. It must, however, have been 

somewhere in the north. 

A southern § 71. From 959 to 982 D and E continue mostly to agree 

qTq-q8'2 together, while remaining independent of C. But there is no 

trace of any specially northern influence, and the tone of these 

annals seems distinctly southern'^. From 983 to the end of 

1018, and to some extent up to 1022, C, D, and E run 

pai'allel to each other, and we have already traced the source 

of the common original of this part of. these Chronicles to 

Abingdon ^. And this seems to show that the preceding 

section 959 to 982 in D, E does not come from Abingdon, 

otherwise it would hardly be so independent of C, the Abingdon 

character of which appears as early as 971, 977, 981, 982 *. 

Relation of § 72. From 1023, if not from 1019, D becomes largely inde- 

^' ^' ^ ''^ pendent both of C and E ; though there are partial and sporadic 

annals.* agreements with both, the rationale of which is very difficult 

^ This reference is not in S. D., this section (apart from the Abingdon 

though he has the rest of the annal. insertions) was originally composed 

A fact which rather tells against a at Abingdon. 

Ripon origin for these annals ; for, * The mere absence of these 

as we have seen, S. D. does not cut Abingdon notices in D would not in 

out Ripon notices when they come itself prove anything, for, as we have 

in his way. seen, § 63, D in the later annals 

^ Except in 966, which is an deliberately cuts out Abingdon 

overlajjping annal from the second notices. Eut they are absent from 

northern group. E, which generally retains them ; 

^ i. e. the common ancestor of C, and the total independence of C 

D, E in this section was an Abing- manifested by D, E during these 

don MS. This does not imply that years is, I think, conclusive. 



to unravel, but which are, in some cases at any rate, best 
explained by the hypothesis of the existence of separate docu- 
ments containing small groups of annals, or even narratives 
of single events, which documents were used in different com- 
binations by the compilers of the various Chronicles ^ 

§ 73. The next point to be determined, if possible, is the Origin of 
locality of this last and more independent part of D. The ?,^ ^^ j^ 
answer generally given to this question is Worcester, and D has 
come to be known as the Worcester Chronicle, and so I have 
called it myself in the first volume of this edition. And thus 
an explanation has been found for the obviously northern 
character of parts of D, in the close connexion of the sees 

' Of such documents we have 
already had instances in the Mercian 
Register, and the two groups of 
Northumbrian annals. Instances 
of the same kind in continental 
Chronicles may be seen by any one 
who will look through Pertz, M. H. 
G. i. 63, 64, 69, 70, 88, 95, &c. ; 
ii. 184; V. 9, 10; xiii. 38, 80; xv. 
1292 ; xvi. 439, 730; xvii. 33, 332; 
xix. 223, 274, 541. The annals 
after 1022, in which D is parallel 
to C, are 1035-1038, 1040-1042, 
1052, 1055, 1056; the relation of 
1049 C to 1050 D is very curious, 
in parts they are verbally identical, 
and in other parts quite indepen- 
dent, and something of the same 
kind may be seen at 1055, 1056. In 
1065 and 1066 D is evidently made 
up of a conflation of the materials 
used by C and E ; cf. § 23. This 
will seem less strange if we bear in 
mind the possibility that the annual 
records of events were not made at 
once in the formal Chronicle, but 
were kept in the shape of rough 
notes, which were reduced to order 
and entered in the Chronicle every 
few years. The relation of the later 
hands in E to one another dis- 
tinctly favours a theory of this kind. 
When the rough materials had been 
utilised in this way, it would be 

natural to pass them on to some 
allied religious house, where they 
might be combined with similar 
materials from some other source. 
The idea underlying this suggestion 
was struck out in a conversation 
with Mr. G. F. Warner. Since 
writing the above, I have read 
Mr. Hewlett's Introduction to his 
edition of the Chronicle of Robert 
de Torigny (^or de Monte) in the 
Rolls Series, where he shows that 
this is precisely what happened with 
that Chronicle. The rough sheets 
on which Abbot Robert jotted down 
from time to time the continuations 
of his Chronicle were lent to the 
various houses which had received 
copies of the work at an earlier 
stage, in order to enable them to 
bring their copies up to date. In 
MS. Cott. Domit. VIII (which also 
contains MS. F of the Chronicle), 
he thinks that we have a transcript 
of such sheets made without refer- 
ence to the earlier part of Robert's 
Chronicle. Mr. Hewlett applies 
many uncomplimentary epithets to 
his investigations, ' wearisome,' 
' technical,' ' repulsive ' ; really to 
any one who cares for questions of 
literary history they are most in- 
teresting and ingenious. 



Objections of York and Worcester from 972-1023 ^ This answer is 
Worcester "^^^'^7 I'igliti but I think not quite. The only Woixester notices 
theory. peculiar to D are 1033, ^^41^ ^^^ 1049^. Of these, 1033 might 
tell almost as much in favour of Pershore, as Brihteah had 
been Abbot of Pershore before his elevation to the see of Wor- 
cester ^ ; 1047 merely records the death of Living and succession 
of Ealdred, though the epithet given to the former, ' se Word 
snotera,' i. e. the eloquent, seems to argue some touch of per- 
sonal knowledge ; 1049 relates the earthquake ; but though 
Worcester seems mentioned as the chief centre of disturbance, 
the shock was felt as far north as Derby, and therefore any 
place in the neighbourhood of Worcester will answer the con- 
ditions of the problem. Moreover, if D received its final shape 
at Worcester, how are we to account for the total absence from 
it of the very name of Wulfstan, who fills such a large space in 
the Chronicle of Florence* 1 There are Pershore notices at 1053 
and 1056^. But on the whole the notices in 1037, 1045, io54> 
and 1078 incline me to decide in favour of Evesham, though 
the argument is somewhat weakened by the fact that the first 
and third notices are found wholly or in part in C, and the last 
partly in E ^. But it is strengthened by the fact that in this 
way we are able to explain the undoubted Scandinavian element 
in D ^, partly by the well-known favour which the Danish kings 

more pro- 

^ From the appointment of Os- 
wald to York in 972 to the death 
of Wulfstan II in 1023, the two 
sees were held continuously by the 
same prelates. We have, however, 
found a diiferent explanation for the 
presence of this northern element, 
above, §§ 66-68, 70. 

- To these should perhaps be 
added the details about Ealdred in 
1054 and 1058; cf. 1051-3, 1056, 
1060-1, 1066. 

^ See note a. I. 

* See above, § 53 and note. 

^ Of 1056 the substance is also in 
C ; but the addition in D that Earl 
Odda was ' god man 7 cloene, 7 
swiSe aeSele ' betrays a special local 

* Note however in D the charac- 
terisation of Abbot ^gelwig , as 'se 
woruld snotei-a,' i. e. ' rerum pru- 
dens,' which argues personal knovi'- 
ledge. The Pershore notices are 
quite consistent with the theory of 
an Evesham origin, for Pershore is 
only about six miles from Evesham. 

' See the annals 1028-1031, 
1045, 1046' I047' 1048, 1049, 1050; 
compare also the Scandinavian 
words which occur in D : 1016 ad 
Jin., feolaga ( = Icel. f^lagi ; no ex- 
ample of this is given in Bosworth- 
Toller) ; 1040, hamele ( = Icel. ham- 
la, copied by E) ; wyrra, 1066 D 
(see Glossary) ; witter, 1067 D 
(Icel. vitr) ; ? Irensid, 1057 D (Icel. 
jarn-siSa) ; 1075, gra-scinnen (cf. 



showed to Evesham \ partly by the connexion with Odensee in 
Denmark, which was founded as a priory of Evesham in the 
reisn of William Eufus ^. 

§ 74. It is curious that in 1056, 1057, 1059, 1060, D has Peter- 
some entries relating to Peterborough which are not in E, the ^^^^^ -^^ 
Peterborough Chronicle. Nor can they be derived from any of D. 
the immediate predecessors of E ; for, as we have seen, the stock 
of that Chronicle did not reach Peterborough till c. 1121. We 
must suppose, therefore, either that there existed at Peter- 
borough some earlier local annals, and that some of these found 
their way to the home of D, and were there incorporated in it, 
though they were not incorporated in the new Peterborough 

Icel. gr^-skinn) ; 1076, hofding 
(= Icel. hofSingi, E has 'yldast'); 
brydWp, ih. ad Jin. ( = Icel. briiS- 
lilaup, E has ' brjd-ealo '). The 
earliest occurrence of the Scandi- 
navian ' lagu ' for the native ' d6m ' 
seems to be 1018 D : cf. ' unlagu,' 
975 D. 1052 C, D, 1086 E. Other 
Scandinavian words in the Chronicle 
are orrest, 1096 E (Icel. orrusta, 
the native word is 'eornest'); 
holm, in sense of island, 1025 E 
( = Icel. holmr); li]), T052 C, D, E; 
liSs-mann, 1036'' E ; scip-liS, 1055 C 
ad fin. ; scilian of niille, 1049 C (r. 
Glossary); swein, 1128 E (Icel. 
.sveinn) ; padde, 1137E; taper-SRx, 
1031 S; til, 1137E; hrC, 1040 C 
(Icel. har) ; h^-sseta, 1052 E; 
htistiTig, 1012 C, D, E. The pro- 
portion seems certainly rather 
greater in D. 

* See Chron. Evesham, pp. 74, 

75> 83. 325, 326. 

- See on this, Ord. Vit. iii. 203 ; 
Chron. Evesh. pp. xliv. 325 ; Lan- 
gebek, Scriptores, iii. 383 note ; 
Mon. Angl. ii. 4, 25, 26. At first 
sight it might seem as if this foun- 
dation of Odensee from Evesham 
under Rufus was too late to explain 
anything in the composition of D ; 
but in the first place it points to 
some previous connexion between 
Denmark and Evesham (else why 

should the Danish king have re- 
sorted specially to Evesham for 
monks to colonise his new founda- 
tion ?) ; and in the second, I shall 
show presently, §§ 75, 76, that D 
did ni>t finally assume its present 
shape till after 1100. There are 
Scandinavian elements also in Fl. 
Wig., apart from those which he 
has in common with D; see 991, 
993, 1009, 1021,1029, 1030, ? 1040, 
1049, ? 1065. It is at least possible 
that these also may have come 
through Evesham ; cf. Crawford 
Charters, pp. 143, 144, where a dif- 
ferent theory is suggested. An 
Evesham origin will also help to 
explain the absence of any mention 
of St. Wulfstan ; for though Wulfstan 
was personally friendly to Evesham, 
Ang. Sac. ii. 253, 257 ; Hyde Reg. 
pp. 48, 49; Chron. Evesh. p. 89, the 
relations between the Abbey of 
Evesham and the Bishops of Wor- 
cester became at a later time very 
strained ; and this bejian at least as 
early as 1 1 39, possibly earlier, ih. 
99 ; cf. Maitland, Domesday, pp. 
85, 158, 159. A northern element 
seems traceable in 1052 D, v. note 
ad loc. ; but Evesham had a treaty 
of confraternity with St. Mary's, 
York, and possibly with other 
northern houses, Hyde Register, 
M. s. 



Life of St, 
of Scot- 

Chronicle ^ ; or that there was some one employed on the com- 
pilation of D who had a special interest in Peterborough ^. 

§ 75. Another source which appears very clearly in the later 
part of D is some document connected with the life of St. 
Margaret of Scotland. From this there is an evident insertion 
in 1067, where it breaks the connexion of the original aunal, 
and has, I believe, seriously misled chronologists who did not 
notice the character of the interpolation^. The details in 1075 
probably came from the same source, and probably also the 
account of Margaret's father in 1057. But the evident 
anxiety of the compiler in 1067 to trace Margaret's descent 
from the royal house of "Wessex shows that the insertion was 
not made until after the marriage of her daughter Edith- 
Matilda to Henry I in 1 1 00. It answers exactly to the remark 
of E on the occasion of that marriage that the bride was * of the 
right kingly kin of England,' iioo E. 

§ 76. It follows then that tliis part of D cannot be earlier 

pilationof tijan 1 100*. It is true that D is mutilated at the end; but 
D subse- 
quent to I have shown (§ 22) that it cannot have extended much beyond 

its present termination in 1078. It follows, therefore, that 

there is an interval of over twenty years between the final 

compilation of D and the last event recorded in it. It follows 

also that the later changes of hand are not due, as in the case 

of the later hands in E, to the fact that various scribes were 

keeping the Chronicle up to date by contemjiorary entries, but 

Final com- 


■ Any sueli earlier annals may 
have perished in the attack on 
Peterborough in 1070, or in the fire 
of 1 1 16, and so have not been 
available for the compilation of E. 

^ Such a link, e.ff. in the case of 
Worcester, would be supplied by 
the fact that St. Wulfstan was 
educated at Peterborough, Fl. Wig. 
i. 218. But even if we adhere to 
the old view that D belongs to 
Worcester, this particular link 
would of course be much too early 
to account for the annals in ques- 

^ See notes ad loc. 

* Another mark of later editing 
in this part of the Chronicle is the 
reflexion in 1065 D, 1064 E that 
the shires ravaged by the northern 
insurgents were ' many winters the 
worse ' ; cf. ' & sy53an hit yflade 
swiSe,' 1066 D ad fin., which im- 
plies later experience. Note too 
the late words ' corona,' ib., ' pri- 
sun,' 1076 D, where E has a native 
phrase; and the territorial designa- 
tion ' Englaland ' in 1017 I), where 
C and E have preserved the older 
' Angelcynn.' The forms of names 
and words are also often later in D 
than in E. 



rather to the fact that diflPereut hands were employed on the 
transcription and compilation of the materials available ; and I 
have already expressed the doubt whether the earliest is 
separated from the latest hand by an interval of more than 
a few years ^. 

§ 77. We must, therefore, recognise the fact that D as weD in its 
have it is a late compilation, some of which dates from after ^^j^^^^^ 
iioo, and none of it probably from much before iioo'^. Of late corn- 
course this Chronicle went through various stages of growth pilation. 
before it assumed its present shape ^ : and in tracing this 
development, and in comparing D with the other Saxon 
Chronicles and with the Latin Northumbrian annals pre- 
served by Simeon of Durham, we have seen clearly that D is 
largely made up of ancient materials *. But where the narra- 
tive of D is not supported in either of these ways, the question 
must be faced whether it is based on documents approximately 
contemporary, or whether it merely represents the traditions 
cun'ent about the year iioo, as collected and embodied by the 
last compiler. Nor will a comparison of D with Florence of 
Worcester, who of the Latin chroniclers is the nearest to D, 
help us to prove an earlier date for any of these entries. For 
Florence survived till 1118, and therefore cannot furnish any 
additional evidence of antiquity, though the fact that some of 
these entries are not in Florence may throw additional suspicion 
on them. 

§ 78. These entries, which are peculiar to D, fall into two Entries 
classes : — (i.) annals which are found in D alone ; (ii.) insertions ^"^^ ^^^ 
by D of additional matter in older annals ^ Of the two classes, 

^ See above, § 24. 

^ This comparative lateness of D 
makes it more than possible that 
where in the later portions of the 
Chronicle D and E are parallel, E 
may be nearer to the original source 
than D. I am inclined to think 
that this is the case, e.g. in 1057, 
1072 (= 1073 D). This also ex- 
plains how all the way through E 
has often preserved the true reading 

which D has corrupted. See above, 

^ See below, §§ 114, 115. 

* See above, §§ 66, 69-72, 74. 

* I am speakingstrictly of matter 
peculiar to D ; and this in itself 
excludes the cases already discussed, 
§ 65, of the amalgamation of north- 
ern with southern annals, most of 
which are common also to E. 




J) is con- 

the latter seem to me, generally speaking, to be ojien to greater j 
suspicion than the former. Of the annals between 900 and 
967, which ai'e peculiar either wholly or in part to D, I do not] 
speak here, because I have already given reasons for supposing 
that, though unsupported by the other Chronicles or S. D., 
tliey may be derived from the Mercian Register or the laterJ 
group of Northumbrian annals^. There is, however, an obvious! 
interpolation in one of the southern annals in D about this 
point, viz. the passage describing the manner of Edmund's 
death in 946 : 'fwses wide en's . . . his cwen.' A comparison 
of the text of D with that of S, B, C makes it clear that] 
this is just such an addition as a modern editor of a text would 
place in a note ". The notice of the consecration of ^Ifwig inj 
1 01 4 is an obvious insertion, and breaks the thread of the! 
narrative. The account of the meeting of Edmund Ironside and! 
Cnut has been recast by D ^. The assertion that Harold 
succeeded Cnut immediately is an addition of D in 1035, anc 
it is wrong ■*. The beautiful little anecdote about the death of 
JEthelric of Selsey in 1038 may be compared with the account 
of Edmund's death in 946 ^ Of the other insei'tions in the later 
parts of D, most have been dealt with alreadj^ under other heads. 
§ 79. On the other hand there is very little in D of that 
linguistic degeneration, which is such a marked feature in the 
later parts of E. Beyond the occasional use of a foreign word 
like ' corona ' or ' prisun,' there is little in the language which 
marks a late period". This fact, and the existence of the frag- 

^ 926 D, which relates the sub- 
mission of the Scotch, Welsh, and 
Northumbrian princes to Athelstaii, 
is one of the unsupported annals ; 
and, in view of what has been said, 
it is impossible absolutely to refute 
Kobertson's contention that it is a 
later insertion. See however note 
ad Joe. 

^ Fl. Wig. has also details as to 
Edmund's death ; but his account 
is at any rate not derived solely 
irom D. The use of the pedantic 
word ' cleptor ' seems to point to the 

earliest life of Dunstan, Stubbs' 
Dunstan, p. 29, as his source. 

^ 1016 D. This may perhaps 
count as one of the Scandinavian 
additions alluded to above, § 73. 

* See note ad loc. 

^ On the conflate reading of 
1042 D, see note ad loc. 

* ' We find little to distinguish it 
from the language of the tenth 
century, and we feel that we have 
to do with the preserved and culti- 
vated diction of a cloister,' Earle, 
Introduction, p. xlii. 


raent H, wliich cannot be earlier than 1113, should warn us 
against arguing as if E was a normal specimen of the English 
written in the first half of the twelfth century. 

§ 80. The junction of the southern Chronicle with the Gesta D unskil- 
i^orthanhymbrorum is, on the whole, not unskilfully done ; but ^"^^ ^°'"" 
in some cases the work of compilation is performed very clum- 
sily, and the recurrent ' Her,' . . . ' her ' . . . in the same 
annal without any connecting particle shows the mechanical 
union of annals derived from different sources'. Moreover, 
this taking of matter from different sources leads sometimes to 
the entry of the same event twice under different years ^, in 
j one case twice under the same year ^. 

§ 81. But apart from these deficiencies in literary craft, D is and care- 
from first to last very inaccurately and carelessly written ; it is ^^^f^y 
full of mistakes and omissions. Some of these have been already 
cited (§ 60) to illustrate the relation of D to E, and to show 
that D cannot be the original of E or of any other of our existing 
Chronicles. A full list of the annals in which the more impor- 
tant of these errors occur is given in the note ■*. The tendency 

^ See e.g. 906, 909, 913, 943, thought to be a doublet may be 

9.54' 975) 979» 9^^ ! iii 94.^ ^'^d 988 seen by comparing D, E with S 

no less than three separate sources under 722 and "ji^ ; B, C has made 

seem to be conflated in this way. the correction in the reverse way ; 

In 988 all three elements stand out 872 and 873 D, E compared with 

distinct ; in the second part of 943 S, B, C exhibit a similar tendency, 

two of them have been amalgamatetl; * 155, 716, 725, 726, 731, 743, 

but if the words ' ymbsajt . . . 7 se 755, 759, 774, 777, 799, 806, 823, 

cyning Eadmund,' ' [;a,' and '/he 838,851, 853, 855, 860, 866, 868, 

him . .. gyfode' be omitted, this 870, 871, 875, 876, 878, 885, 886, 

part of the annal would be restored 887, 890, 892, 894*, 895*, 896, 897*, 

to the form which it bears in B 901*, 904, 905, 910, 911*, 915, 918, 

and C. Instances of unskilful in- 934, 937, 945, 975, 994, 997, 998, 

sertions have been already pointed 999, 1004*, 1005, 1006, looS, 1009, 

out, § 78. loio, loii, 10I2, 1013, 1014,1016, 

2 Cf. 702 (northern) with 704 1034, 1052''*, 1065 (on 1067, 1068, 

(southern), accession of Cenred see notes ad loc), 1073*. The an- 

duvilicated ; 729 N and 731 S, death nals marked with an asterisk con- 

of Osric repeated (these are also tain omissions, the larger number 

in E) ; 801, 802, consecration of being due to homoioteleuton, the 

Beornmod (not in E) ; 1047 and surest proof of non-originality. The 

1049 are possibly doublets. mistakes here enumerated are pecu- 

^ 73i)<^'^athof Bryhtwoldentered liar to D. Where a mistake is 

twice. This is not in E. A pos- common to D, E, it shows that it is 

sible attempt to correct what was due to one of their common ances- 

II. g 


to write w for ^j^ and p for w"^ is well known to all students of 
English MSS. ; but the confusion points to a later time when 
native names, including that of the divine progenitor of Anglo- 
Saxon royalty, had become unfamiliar. 
Deliberate § 82. Some of the alterations found in D have been made 
alterations deliberately. He occasionally omits pedigrees, 716, 755 ad Jin., 
though in this he is much less trenchant than E^. But the 
most important of these deliberate alterations are those which 
are due to the party standpoint of the compiler. Though not 
so strongly Godwinist as E (e), he clearly takes that side and 
edits his materials in that sense. The most glaring instance 
of this is his account of the arrest of the Etheliug Alfred in 
1036 ; but instances of the same tendency occur at 1052'^, 1053, 
1056, 1065, and 1066*. 
Relation § 83. It remains to say something further on the relation of 

*^f P *?^r.c D to the older existing MSS. S, B, C. And in this discussion 
older MSS. -ii, it- n • 

B may be practically neglected. It is a mere pale reflexion of 

C, and stops at 977, so that it cannot have influenced the com- 

Itisnearest position of D. Of the two remaining MSS. it is obvious that 

to C, J) jg i^uch more closely related to C than to 3 ; from 983 to 

1022 it runs, as we have seen, closely parallel to C, and in this 

part C is wholly independent of i?. Like C it uses the Mercian 

Kegister, though in a different way ; and of this there is no 

trace in S. In the annals 901, 903, 904, 905, 915 [= 918 3]' 

tors. Such cases will be found in 1006 E ; cf. 626 W., but this may 
828, 833, 835, 836, 845 ; common be Wheloc's error, 
omissions occur 851, 865, 882, all ^ Many of the pedigrees in S, B, 
due to homoioteleuton. Other C occur in the part where D is de- 
alterations common to D, E are fective, 262-693, and therefore the 
deliberate, and mark a later time, point cannot be fully tested. D has, 
743) 7.^°' 7.S2, 835, 836, 85T ; see however, the pedigrees at 694, 726, 
notes ad loc. In a few cases D, E 731, 855, all of which E has cut out. 
have preserved the right reading * See the notes on all these pas- 
against S,B, C, e.g. 885 (Sture). sages. 

1 788, 794, 796. '= This point, 915 B, C, D [= 918 

^ 800, 855 (Poden for Woden ; S], clearly marks a stage in the 

this is overlooked by Thorpe). All growth of the Chronicle, for it is 

these cases of confusion occur in after this annal that B, C insert the 

proper names. This is rare in other Mercian Register unaltered, while S 

MSS., viz. Awuldre for Apuldre, for a time is wholly independent. 

8q2 E ; forspeldon for forsweldon. See below, § 93. 


B, C, D exhibit a recension differing in important particulars 
from S; while they have not the interesting annals, 919-924, 
which are peculiar to S. It is true that in the earlier part of 
the Chronicle up to 898, where S, B, C are practically identical, 
D, E not infrequently agree with S against the other two ; but 
this, as a rule, only means that 31 D [E] have preserved the 
true reading, which B, C have corrupted' ; and does not point 
to any special affinity of S and D. But, on the other hand, but not 
D cannot be copied from C. This is most clearly seen by the ^°P'®v 
many cases in which D has passages which C has omitted ^ • 
and we are thus confirmed in the opinion which has already 
been put forward that C and D are not derived the one from 
the other, but are to be traced back to some common ancestor 
or ancestors. 

§84. I have already said'' that of the Latin chroniclers Relation of 
Florence shows the greatest affinity with D. The materials ^lo^'e^^^e to 
for comparison, however, are somewhat diminished by the fact 
that in the early part of the history, 565-731, 827, many 
annals are taken direct from Bede and not from the Chro- 
nicle ; while in the second half of the ninth century most of 
the entries, with but slight variations, agiee bodily with the 
text of Asser*. That Florence had a Chronicle of the D, E 
type, i. e. a Chronicle in which the northern and southern 
elements had already been conjoined, seems clear from many 

^ 33» 7o3> 718' 7.30> 74O) 754> from C ; as are also the cases to be 

762, 784, 790, 821, 823, 860, 867, cited later, § 90, where C has read- 

870, 877, 885 ad Jin. In all these ings (generally errors) peculiar to 

cases I believe that S, D, E have itself. That D was not copied from 

preserved the true reading. So in 3, in addition to the arguments 

the part where D is mutilated, E already used, a few instances of 

often agrees with S against B, C ; omissions in "K which are not in D 

456, 485? 49i> 534j 577. 614, 628, will decisively show : 868, 876,878, 

632,635,639, 645, 648; here too 894 ac?_^»., 911. 

the readings of S, E are right, and ^ § 77. 

D, if we had it, would probably * 849-887, with occasional escep- 

agree with them. tions. I have deliberately avoided 

^ 730 (whole annal omitted by the statement, so frequently made, 

B. ^)j 755. 855 ad fin., 878, 883, that Florence took these annals 

894,896, 1009, loio; all the cases direct from Asser. I incline rather 

too already cited where D agrees to the view that they both took 

with S against B, C, are evidences them from some common source, 

that D cannot have been copied This view would explain the fact 

g 2 



not depen- 

wholly on 

instances \ The special affinity with D is shown by those cases 
in which Florence has entries which are peculiar to D ^. But 
this does not by any means exhaust the relations of Florence 
to our Chronicles. He has the annals 919-924, which are 
found only in 3!^; he has also annals 980-982, 1030, 1039, 
1055, 1065, which are peculiar to C, and the Mercian Eegister 
complete, not merely the fragments of it embodied in D *. Like 
D, Florence incorporates the M. R. with the main body of the 
Chronicle, but much more systematically ^. AVhether Florence 

that though Florence is as a rule 
briefer than Asser, yet he has here 
and there phrases which are not in 
the latter, e.g. ' sui patris rogatu,' 
i. 74 ; ' in sancta . . . solennitate, 
ib. 103 ; or Florence may have 
added these himself. Anyhow these 
annals are not the work of Florence. 
There was no reason why he should 
desert his usual mode of dealing 
with the Chronicle, unless he had 
some Latin authority at hand, 
which he considered equal or su- 
perior to the Chronicle. As to the 
form of Chronicle used by Asser, 
the annals 853, 872, 873 show that 
it was of the S, B, C type ; while 
851, 874, 876, 886 show that it was 
not our S. In one point he is 
nearest to C (855 C rtfZ_/iH. = Asser 
860 ad inif.), but in other points he 
does not share the peculiarities of C 
or B. AH that we can say then is 
that his Chronicle was of the south- 
em type, and probably not identical 
with any of our existing MSS. Into 
the discussion of the date and 
character of the so-called Asser, 
I am fortunately not bound to 
enter. I trust the many problems 
connected with it will soon be 
solved for us by Mr. W. H. Steven- 

' 705. 737, 744> 757, 7.S9, 760, 
761, &c. The northern elements 
are, however, sometimes omitted : 
710, 716, 741, 785, 795, 796, 798, 
806. I'er contra he has a northern 
entry in 800 which is not in the 

Chron. Other points, not northern, 
in which Fl. Wig. follows the D, E 
recension are 584, 978, 980 ( = 977, 
979 FL), 1028, 1071-1075. 

2 925, 926, 940 (part), 941, 946, 
947, 948, 95^, 954 (part), 957, 958, 
965, 1016 ipart), 1018 (part), 1021, 
1026, 1033, 1034, 1038, 1043, 1045- 
1049, 1 05 1, 1052% 1052^ (part). 
1054, i057-io'''i, 1063, 1067, 1068. 
The dates are those of D ; Florence's 
dates sometimes differ slightly. On 
the other hand he has not the annals 
943, 955 D. The latter he may have 
omitted, because he knew it to be 
wrong ; v. note ad loc. 

^ In Fl. they are numbered 916- 
921 ; on the chronological question 
something will be found in the notes, 
ii. 116, 117. Fl. has also 931, 932, 
934 S ( = 932, 933, 935 Fl., agreeing 
with the original numbering in S). 
In the following cases also Fl. is 
nearer to S than to any other of 
our existing MSS. : 643, 722 com- 
pared with 725, 838, 894, 898; 
while in 710, 787, 805, 833, 845, 
909, 943 he seems to agree with the 
'&, B, C recension against that of 
D, E. In 705 the two recensions 
seem conflated. 

* See Florence 904-924. In 999 
and 1009 also, Fl. shows a decided 
affinity with the text of C. 

* From 901 to 915 the four Chro- 
nicles, S, B, C, D, are so closely 
parallel that it is hard to say to 
which of them Fl.'s text of the 
main Chronicle is most nearly allied. 



took the M.R. from C or had it as a separate document I cannot 
say; I think the former is more likely \ In some cases 
Florence gives a text compounded of C and D - ; in another, 
1038, D and E seem conflated; while in the later part of the 
Chronicle Florence and his continuators use E or some closely 
allied document ^ If we were justified (as we are not) in 
assuming that no type of Saxon Chronicle existed besides those 
which have come down to us, we could explain nearly all^ the 
phenomena of Florence by supposing that he had access to 
MSS, resembling our S, C, D, E ; nor, considering Florence's 
diligence in collecting materials, is this at all an impossible 
supposition ^, But when we consider how many Chronicles 

Only in 901 and 905 is there a 
marked diffeience between S and 
B, C, D ; in 901 Fl. seems to have 
conflated the two versions ; in 905 
he agrees with B, C, D. Also in 
the chronology he agrees with 
B, C, D against 'R. On the whole 
I think he is nearest to C. In Fl. 

914 there seems a slight conflation 
of the texts of C and D. From 904- 

915 Florence's text = main Chron. 
'&, B,C, D + M.R. ; in 916-920 it 
= S + M. R. Again in 965 Fl.= 
964 S + 965 D. 

^ Per contra he has not 971, 977, 
peculiar to B, C, and his 10 10 is not 
from C. 

^ Florence 978, 1017, 1053, 1056, 

^ -16.1079-1109,1113-1115,1118- 
1123, 1126, 1128, 1130. In loio 
and 1023 also Fl. seems nearer to 
E than to any other MS. In 926 
Fl. seems to embody 927 E, F. 
But this is one of the second group 
of Northumbrian annals, which Fl. 
may have known in their original 
form and not merely through the 
Chronicle. On the other hand Fl. 
has not E's 1025, 1032, 1033, 1036 ; 
and in the case of such a zealous 
researcher as Florence the argument 
from omission is worth something. 
Anyhow Theopold is clearly wrong 
ia treating D as Florence's sole 

authority among the Chronicles, 

p. 9.^- 

* There are a few cases in which 
Fl. seems to diifer from all our 
Chronicles, e.<j. 694, 852, ioi6. 
The only case of any importance 
is the last, where Fl. has an inter- 
esting passage which seems certainly 
based on a Saxon original, but is 
not in our existing Chronicles ; r. 
note ad loe. Of Florence's mate- 
rials other than the Chronicle I am 
not called upon to speak here ; they 
are very numerous, and most of 
them can be identified. Of Flor- 
ence's value as an historian I have 
said something in the notes ; see on 
1 1 1 8. Green's estimate of him seems 
to me distinctly one-sided and un- 
fair, C. E. p. 3S'i. 

'•' Florence three times cites the 
Chronicle by name, 672, 674, 734: 
in the two first cases he speaks of 
it in the singular, ' secundum An- 
glicam Chronicam ' ; but in 734 it 
is noteworthy that he uses the 
plural, ' secundum Anglicas Chroni- 
cas,' which seems to show that he 
had at any rate more than one MS. 
The Chronicle is also twice cited, in 
the singular, in the West Saxon 
pedigree at the end of Fl. Wig. i. 
271, 272. In his preface to W. M. 
II. xxi, Dr. Stubbs has suggested 
that a ' Latin Chronicle . . . possibly 



have perished, and how differently the materials are combined 
even in our existing Chronicles, it would be rash to assume 
that this is the explanation. 
Relation of § 85. And here something must be said on the relation 

William of William of Malmesbury to the Chronicle. W. M. is a more 
of Malmes- . . . • i i ti- -ni 

bury to the ambitious writer than either the dihgent r lorence or the super- 
Chronicle, ficial Henry of Huntingdon. He is not content, as they are, 
with the annalistic form, but aims at being an historian rather 
than a chronicler '. Hence it is less easy to trace his relations 
to the Chronicle than in the case of the other two writers. 
Something, however, may be made out. W. M. refers to the 
Chronicle several times, and, like Florence, he sometimes in 
speaking of it uses the singular ^, and sometimes the plural ^. 
He describes it as ' quaedam uetustatis indicia chronico more et 
patrio sermone per annos Domini ordinata*.' That he had a 
Chronicle of the D, E type is clear from many instances ^. But 
he also embodies many entries which are found only in E ^, and 

underlies the Chronicon ex Chronicis 
of Florence of Worcester.' The 
suggestion is an interesting one ; 
and if it could be proved, it would 
detract very much from Florence's 
merits as a translator and compiler 
from the native Chronicles. My 
ovv^n impression is distinctly the 
other vvay, that Florence, except in 
the Asser passages, drevsr directly 
from the Chronicle without any 
Latin intermediary. On the sub- 
ject of lost Chronicles, see below, 

§ 121. 

^ ' Ipse mihi .sub ope Christi 
gratulor, quod continuain Anglorum 
historiam ordinauerim post Bedam 
uel solus uel primus,' ii. 518 ; cf. ib. 


* i. 13, 120, 229. 

^ i. I, 1 2, 26, 30, 32, At i. 2S0 the 
Chronicle may be referred to in the 
vague phrase ' Angli dicunt.' 

♦ i. I. 

' 737(1-67); 757,759, 774, 778, 
789, 790 vi. 74); 797 (i- 183); 9S0 
(i. 184); 1028, 1030 (i. 221). To 
these may probably be added 449 

(i. 44, where W. M. evidently inter- 
prets the words of the Chron. as 
meaning that the Angles came to 
Northumbria in that year) ; 565 (i. 
13) ; for though D is defective here, 
E probably represents the D, E re- 
cension. It is otherwise with 430 ; 
see next note. 

^ 430 (i. 26, ' Patricius ' for 'Pal- 
ladius ' ; this reading seems not to 
have been in D, for it is not in F, 
and therefore was probably not in 
f, but was introduced either by 77 
or E) ; 1012 (i. 207, W. M. follows 
the wrong reading of E, ' 8,000' in- 
stead of '48,000'); 1036 (i. 227, 
W. M. follows E in the erroneous 
date for Cimt's death, and as to the 
share of London in the election of 
Harold) ; 1036 (i. 229, as to the 
death of the Etheling Alfred, W. M. 
says ' chronica tacet ' ; this is true of 
E, not of C or D) ; 1039 (i. 228, 
death of Harold at Oxford, only in 
E) ; 1048 (i. 241, the account of 
Eustace at Dover is clearly from E, 
V. s. § 47) ; 1052 (i. 243, the men- 
tion of Kalph and Odo as comman- 




others which are found only in D * of our existing Chronicles. 
In one or two cases W. M. has readings which differ from all 
our MSS., and suggest that he had a Chronicle of a distinct 
type ^. On the whole, I think these features probably come 
from some other source, and that the relations of W. M. to the 
Chronicle may be expressed by saying that he either had two 
MSS., one resembling D, and the other resembling E ; or that 
he had a MS. which combined some of the features of both. 
The examples of Henry of Huntingdon, and probably of 
Florence, show that there is nothing improbable in the former 
supposition, and we know that W. M. had MSS. of the two 
recensions of Bede ^. 

§ 86. In tracing backwards the development of the Clironicle, B taken 

out of 

I depart slightly from the chronological order in order to clear °"' 

the way by disposing of ]MS. B, the history of which admits of 
being very shortly told. I have already said^ that it is a pale B a shadow 
reflexion of C. Their affinity is indeed obvious, and is closer ° ^' 
than that of any two existing MSS. of the Chronicle, with the 
exception of S and A. In the first place, they both insert the 
Mercian Eegister at the same jDoint and in the same form, and 
in both that document ends in the same abrupt and incomplete 
way, showing that the original was either mutilated or illegible 
at that point ^. There are also other annals outside the Mercian 
Eegister which are peculiar to B and C ^ But besides all this 

ders of the English fleet is only in 
E) ; 1066 (i. 280, ' Haroldus . . . 
arripuit diadema, quamuis Angli 
dicant a rege concessum,' probably 
a reference to E, which alone says 
' swa swa se cyng hit him geu3e ') ; 
1088 (,ii. 360 IF.); 1089 (,ii. 374); 
1090 (ii. 363). 

1 925, 926 (i. 142, 146) ; 941 (i. 

157); 946(1-159); 948,952,954 
(i. 162) ; in 1041 W. M. seems to 

conflate D and E (i. 228, 'inter po- 

cula ' from D, ' apud Lamudam ' 

from E). In 885 W. M. quotes as 

from the Chronicle a pedigree which 

is not in E ; but it is in D, i. 1 20. 

In 765 he agrees with D rather than 

E, i. 74. In 591 the MSS. of W. M. 
vary in the same way as do the 
MSS. of the Chronicle. At 1066 
W. M. has what is a late addition 
in C, the story of the Northman who 
held the bridge at Stamford Bridge. 
But possibly both got it from oral 
tradition ; w. s. § 55. 

^ 592 (i. 21, Wodnesdic for 
Wodnesbeorh) ; 652 (i. 23, ' Wirt- 
gernesburg '). See on this question 
W. M. I. XX, liii ; II. xxi, xxv, 

^ See my Bede, I. xciv, note. 

' §83. 

° 924 B, C, and note ad loc. 

* 957,971:977- 




neither is 
a transcript 
of the 


B and C 
come from 
a common 

they agree together iu the most marked way iii mistakes', in 
omissions^, in insertions^, and in other varieties of readings*. 
That the points in which they agree with one another and differ 
from the rest are sometimes of the minutest character, such as 
the spelling of a name with a k instead of a c ^, only illus- 
trates more forcibly the closeness of the connexion. And yet, 
with all this, neither is a transcript of the other. C is not 
copied from B ; for it has annals ^ and parts of annals ' which 
are omitted by B. B is not copied from C ; for C has its own 
omissions which are not in B *. 

§ 87. Hence we must trace them back to a common source 
which exhibited these peculiarities shared by B and C ^. We 

^ 633 (J)ser for ]:set) ; 673 (yEjiel- 
briht fur ^Jieldryht) ; 703 (xxxvii 
for xxvii) ; 716 (Ceolwold_/oj' Ceol- 
red) ; 741 (xxvi J^or xvi) ; 763 (Ead- 
briht jfor Eanbriht ; C repeats this 
error in 764, and both have it again 
in 790 ; in 785 both have Eanbriht ; 
the other M8S. all spell the name 
with an initial I) ; 860 (Wulfheard 
for Osric, v. note ad loc.). In one 
case, 796, B and C have a common 
correction of an error which runs 
through all the other MSS., Ceo- 
wulf, S, D, E, F; Cynulf, B, C, 

2 12,461 f=465S,E); 501,519, 
568, 680, 725 (the omission here 
was probably deliberate, the scribe 
considering that the latter part of 
725 S was a doublet of the latter 
jjart of 722 S) ; 730 (the whole 
aunal omitted in B, C, though it is 
in S, D, E, F) ; 823, 827, 860, 877, 
885 (homoioteleuta) ; 878, 883 (the 
omission here is very noticeable, as 
it leaves the passage without any 
proper construction) ; 894. 

3 2, 100, 455, 456, 495, 508,577, 
584, 606 (the addition of Gregory's 
parentage) ; 642 (the addition of the 
epithet pa ealdaii cyricean, on the 
significance of which see below, 
§113. note); 635,639,643,644,647, 
654, 673, 694 (these also are little 
explanatory touches, and show a 

later hand); 853, 871, S79, 889, 

9.=19. 975- 

* 1, 30, 33, 35. 46, 70, 85, 189, 
381, 430, 473, 485, 491, 514, 530, 

534, 5.52, 565. 571, 577> 59i> 607, 
614, 628, 632, 635, 639, 641, 642 
(here the distribution of the entries 
between the years 641 and 642 
differs from S) ; 644, 645, 649, 655, 
658, 661, 688, 705, 710, 717, 746, 
754> 784, 812, 821, 823, 836, 845, 
867, 870, 876, 878, 882, 890, 915, 

* 477. 644, 645. 

« 675, 921,976. '758,868. 

^ 755, 855 ad fin., 896 ; all these 
are cases of homoioteleuton. 

^ We shall see later (§ 113), that 
of these peculiarities common to B 
and C some had their origin at Win- 
chester before the Chronicle was 
transplanted to Abingdon ; while 
others, such as the insertion of the 
Mercian Register, were due to 
the Abingdon editor. But besides 
the special points common to B and 
C, B has certain peculiarities of its 
own : 71, 653, 670 (here the terri- 
torial ' WestseaxnaZaMcZ ' seems late ; 
it is due to the mistake in C [r] of 
Westseaxna for Westseaxan ; the 
genitive thus created required some- 
thing to depend on) ; 672, 679, 680, 
682, 685, 688, 709 (be westan Sele- 
wuda for be westan wuda, S, C, 


may call this common source T. But this common source must 
be carefully distinguished from that common source to which 
we have already traced some of the later parts of C, D, E ; 
for the parallelism of C, D, E only begins about 983, whereas 
B ends with 977 ; and after the same point there is a change 
of hand in C. These two facts warrant us in assuming that 
r, at the time when it was copied by the scribes of B and C, went 
no further; and this date, like 892 and 915, marks a stage 
in the development of the Chronicle. Moreover, B is written 
in one hand throughout. It is pretty clear that B is a tran- 
script made with a view to its becoming the stock of a new 
Chronicle, and that for some reason or another this stock 
remained barren. 

As to the home of V, the notice of Abingdon in 977 and r au 
of Thame in 971, two annals peculiar to B, C, i. e. to F, point v,q„'^^'' '^^ 
conclusively to Abingdon, and this fits in with what has been 
already said as to the Abingdon character of the common 
ancestor of C, D, E from 983 to 1018. In other words, the 
compiler of C found ready to his hand a Chronicle extending 
to 977 and a coutiiuiation extending from 983 to 1018, both 
of which had already passed under the hands of Abingdon 

§ 88. In one point B jirobably originally resembled S, viz. B had 
in having the Genealogical Preface. In Cott. Tib. A. iii. f. 178, °'gg^g^J'' 
is a leaf containing the genealogy of the West Saxon house logical 
(cited by me as y8), which, apart from scribal variations, -^^^^^"^ 
resembles that in S, except that it is continued down to 
Edward the Martyr \ It has been suggested that this leaf 
really belongs to B ; and the suggestion is highly probable. 
The writing is very similar, there are the same number of lines 
to the page (23), and though the size of the page in Tib. A. iii. 

D, E, F) ; 716, 734, 737, 755, 758, tance. On the connexion of B with 

784, 837, 868, 871, 876 acij^M., 8S0, St. Augustine's, Canterbury, see 

882, 893, 894, 897 (insertion of above, § 18. 

'witan' after ' J>a gejiungenestan,' ^ I have given the variants from 

because ' pa geji. witan ' was a cur- this leaf in the critical notes, i. 2-5. 

rent phrase) ; 906, 915, 937, 942. It is printed in full in Thorpe, i. 

This last and 709 are the only 232, 233, who also gives a fac- 

variants of any interest or iinpor- simile. 



is rather bigger than in B, I believe the difference to be due to 
B having shrunk in the great Cottonian fire. The part of the 
page actually covered by writing is of the same size in both. 
And this probability is very greatly strengthened by the fact 
that the genealogy is brought down to exactly the point 
reached by the Chronicle. B ends, as we have seen, at 977 ; 
the genealogy ends imperfectly : ' Ipa feng Eadweard to, 
Eadgares sunu, 7 heold . . .' The writing stops at the beginning 
of a line, so that the incompleteness is not due to mutilation. 
It is due to the fact that the original continuator of the 
genealogy did not when he wrote know how long Edward 
' held the kingdom ' ; for the very good reason that in 977 
Edward was still alive. He was murdered in 979; and thus 
we can fix within two years, 977 x 979, the time, not indeed 
when B was transcribed, but when T was compiled. The 
Genealogical Preface was probably therefore in F ; B preserved 
it, while C preferred a different introduction to the Chronicle'. 

1 Wanley, pp. 84, 199, and 
Hardy, Cat. i. 576, both held the 
view adopted in the text ; MS. notes 
by Sir F. Madden, in Tib. A. iii, 
and in B, show that he shared it. 
Professors Earle and Pauli were in- 
clined to take a different view, see 
Earle, pp. xxv, xxvi. In a later 
section (§ 134 note) I have shown 
that the Junius transcript (Junius 
66) and the Joscelin transcript of 
the genealogy (Laud Misc. 661) 
are both taken from /3, and afford 
no evidence of the existence of any 
Genealogical Preface toB other than 
/3. The question turns largely on 
Joscelin's copy of the West Saxon 
genealogy in his Collectanea, Cott. 
Vitell. D. vii. f. 138. This copy is 
taken from S as lar as Alfred, with 
various readings from 'historia Sax- 
onica monasterii Augustini Cant.,' 
which we know to have been Josce- 
lin's designation for our B. These, 
vv. II. , agree with j3 in all cases 
except one, where for the ' xxxi ' of 
S it is noted that the 'hist. Sax. 

Aug.' reads ' xxi ' ; as a matter of 
fact 13 reads ' xs,' but this might 
easily be a slip of Joscelin's in- 
fluenced by the ' xxxi ' of the text 
before him. After the reign of 
Alfred, Joscelin continues ' hie de- 
sinit hist. Sax. [ecclesiae] Christi 
Cant, quam habet doctor Wutton 
[ = a:]. Tradit iam hist. Sax. [S. 
Augustini] Cant, quam habet loannes 
Tvvyne Cant.' ; and then continues 
the genealogy up to Edward the 
Martyr. This latter part also agrees 
closely with 13 except in two minute 
particulars : for ' Eadmund,' /3, Jos- 
celin has ' Eadmond,' and for * Sa 
fengc Eadwig to Eadmundes sunu 
cinges,' /3, he has ' Sa feng Eadwig 
Eadm. sunu ci . . .' [i. e. cinges, not 
' to rice ' as Professor Earle read the 
burnt margin, so that the divergence 
is reduced to the accidental omission 
of ' to']. It was on the ground of 
these differences that Professor Earle 
doubted the view that /3 belongs to 
B, but they are obviously too slight 
to support his conclusion. More- 



§ 89. The relations of C to B, D, E, so far as they are parallel, Eelations 

have been already discussed in dealing with those MSS. We 2! ^*? -^' 
/. -i-r. P T),^ dealt 

have seen that its kinship is closest with B so far as B ex- with 

tends ; but that C, D, and E must all, in the parts in which already. 

they coincide, be traced back to some common original or 

originals \ It only remains, therefore, to discuss the relation 

of C to S. We have seen^ that S, B, C up to 892 belong Relation 

to an earlier recension, which differs considerably from that °^ ^ *° ^' 

which underlies the corresponding part of D, E. From 894 

to 915 31 seems to stand over against B, C, D. After 915 

[= S 918] the parallelism of 31 to the other MSS. ceases for 

a time, from 933 to 975 the parallelism of 'K is intermittent, 

after 975 it ceases altogether, i. e. it ceases just about the 

point where V ended ; another indication that we have about 

this point a well-marked stage in the development of the 


§ 90. But though belonging to the same class as S, C is not C not a 
copied from it ; S has several omissions which are peculiar to '^•'P^ 
itself, and prove that it cannot be originaP. Nor can S be 
copied from V, which, as we have seen, had several omissions 
which are not in S * ; still less can S be copied from B or C, 
which, besides the omissions which they both derived from F, 
have each omissions peculiar to themselves *. We must there- 
over, if B had a genealogy other ^ §§ 59, 65 ff. 
than /3, would it not be strange that ^ g ,j_ §53, 868, 871, 876*, 87S*, 
.Joscelin in his Collectanea should 883, 886, 894*, 911 ; those marked 
have used B, but when actually with an asterisk are cases of 
transcribing B itself should have homoioteleuton. These show equally 
taken the genealogy from a different that B cannot be copied from S, 
MS. ? I may add tliat JNIr. G. F. though Theopold strangely asserts 
Warner, who with his usual kind- the contrary, p. 14. 
ness went most carefully into this * See above, § 86. 
question for my behoof, was con- ^ ih. § 86, and nofe. As to C, 
vinced that the scribe of /3 was cf. 674, 856 ad fin., 894 ad fin., 
identical with that of B. If, how- 896*. So in the part indepen- 
ever, any one still prefers the opin- dent of S there are omissions 
ion of Professors Earle and Pauli, peculiar to C; 1009, 1010*, 1017, 
it might be suggested that )3 be- 1020. In one annal, 722, there is 
longed originally to the lost MS. F, an agreement of S and C in a 
which we know to have ended at curious little blunder, but this must 
the same point as B. be accidental merely. 

' §§ 63. 69, 71, 72, 83, 86, 87. 



ties of C. 

C anAbing 
don book. 

i'ore trace S and T back to some common original, the readings 
of which have however, as a rule, been more faithfully preserved 

Besides the omissions already noted, C has other special 
readings " ; it has several annals wholly or in part peculiar 
to itself^, and also makes additions to older annals'*. Some 
of these additions certainly have the look of later non-contem- 
porary insertions. On the other hand, the annals peculiar to 
C are of great interest, and often form our most valuable 
authority for the times to which they refer. Even where D or 
E are parallel with C, C will generally be found to be more 
original than either. It is oidy in the early part of the 
Chronicle that the inferiority of C ajipears, and this is 
largely due to the corruptions introduced by its immediate 
predecessor T. 

§ 91. That C is an Abingdon MS. has long been recognised. 
From 971 to 1050 it contains many Abingdon notices ^ On 
most of these something has been said alieady, and reasons 
have been given why some of them are common to B and 
others to E ^ 

^ This is certainly true almost 
without exception wherever S. is 
supported against B, C by the au- 
thority of L» or E or both. Even 
where D and E are not parallel 
to S, B, C, and are therefore not 
available as evidence on either side, 
I am inclined, as a rule, to prefer 
the authority of S to that of B, C ; 
for the agreement of these merely 
testifies to the reading of F, which, 
as we know, was a highly individual 

'^ 81, 167, 418, 449, 556, 738, 
743, 764- 78.5, 839 (Cautwara byrig 
jfor Cwantawic), 845, S53, 872 
(Scireburnan _/o;' Winburnan), 879, 
888 ( = 887), 999 (J)a ylcodan ])a 
deman, v. note ad loc), 1001, 1009, 
1013, 1016. In all these cases the 
reading of C is probably, in many 
certainly, wi'ong. 

^ 976, 978-982, 1023, 1030, 
1045*, 1046*, 1047*, 1049*, 1050, 

1051, 1052*, 1053*; the asterisks 
indicate that only parts of those 
annals are peculiar to C. 

* 1009 (' ])e we heton Durkilles 
here'); 1012 ('7 hiiie Jasr ]>a, 
bysmorlice acwylmdon,' which cer- 
tainly looks like a later hagio- 
graphical development) ; 1014, ad 
init. (* J)e on Englalande wasron ') ; 

1016 (' Suruh Eadrices reed ealdor- 
mannes,' which looks like a later 
attempt to throw all the blame on 
the national scapegoat ; see note 
on 980 C, and the references there 
given ; later in the same annal t' 
inserts ' eal be norSan Temese, 7 
swa ut Jiuruh Clseighangran ') ; 

1017 ('7 eft hiue het ofslean '). 

^ 971 B, C, 977 B, C, 981 C, 
982 C, 985 C, E, 1016, ad fin., C, E, 
1044 C (1043 E), 1047 C (1046 E), 
1048 C (1050 D, ad fin.), 10^0 C 
(1048 Ej. 

' Above, §§ 63, 87. 


Another feature of C which has already attracted notice is its C ant?- 
strongly anti-Godwinist tone \ For this peculiarity I cannot ^"dwmist. 
account by the position of the Abingdon compiler. In the Chro- 
nicle of Abingdon, which deals so minutely witb the property of 
the abbey, and charges even the great Alfred with spoliation ^, 
there are no such charges brought against Godwin, though 
they are not uncommon elsewhere. Godwin signs many grants 
to Abingdon ; and, even if some of these grants are spurious, 
the attaching of his signature to them only shows the more 
strongly that he was not regarded as unfriendly, while Harold 
appears as actively favouring the acquisition and recovery of 
property by the abbey *. 

§ 92. C ends with the battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066 ; C incom- 
the last paragraph telling in much later language, probably P ^^^' 
from oral tradition, the story of the stout Northman ' who 
kept the bridge so well' till he was laid low by a dastardly 
manoeuvre which even the Etruscans did not practise against 
Horatius. The addition of this paragraph on a new leaf was 
intended to give a sort of ending to the obviously unfinished 
annal *, an incompleteness due probably to mutilation. We 
cannot therefore tell how far the l\rS. originally extended. But 
even before this point the compiler's materials began to fail 
him. The years 1057-1064 are vacant in C. After 1056 half 
a page is left blank, as if to receive any entries for which 
materials might be forthcoming at a later time. And this gives 
confirmation to the idea, already put forward^, that the inter- 

^ See notes to 1036, 1052, 1053, who also remarks, ib. 65: 'it is 

1056, 1065, 1066; and above, at least suspicious that . . . Wash- 

§ 82. ington, one of the best properties 

^ i. 50-52, 125 ; ii. 276, See in the county [Sussex], which 

note on 901, i??/r«, ii. 113. had belonged in Edgar's time to 

^ 1.469,475,484. There is, how- Abingdon Abbey (K. C. D. No. 

ever, as the Kev. C. S. Taylor kindly 1250), is entered in Domesday as 

points out to me, some evidence on a possession of Earl Gyrth.' 
the other side : the same Chron., * We may compare the shorter 

i. 457-459, 475, seems to show that and obviously late ending to the 

God win "had been appealed to in Gospel of St. Mark found in a few 

vain to right a wrong done to the MSS. and versions ; cf. Westcott 

monastery by a certain Brihtwine ; and Hort, Appendix, p. 38. 
cf. Pearson, Historical Maps, p. 64, ^ § 72, and note. 


mittent parallelism of C, D, E with one another in the later 
parts of the Chronicle is due to the use of separate documents, 
each covering only a short period of time. The existence 
of such a document, e.g. for the reigns of Harold Harefoot 
and Hardacnut, seems evidenced by the fact that for those 
years C is strictly parallel to D, whereas for the first two years 
of the Confessor C is parallel to E. 

Of the use made of C by Henry of Huntingdon and Florence 
enough has been said already ^. 
Relation of § 93. We have seen that up to 892 H, B, and C are prac- 
^ *° °^^^^ tically identical ; they represent the same recension of this part 
of the Chronicle, only exhibiting such scribal variations as are 
to be expected in any group of MSS., however closely allied '^. 
We have however also seen that these variations, slight as they 
are, are sufficient to show that no one of the three MSS. is 
copied from either of the others ^. It remains therefore to 
trace back 3! on the one hand, and T (the common original of 
B and C) on the other, to a common source which, for reasons 
which will appear presently (§§ 100, loi), I call se. An 
analysis of this common stock of all the Chronicles will be 
attempted later (§§ 105—108). For the present I leave it on 
one side, and proceed to trace the development of S from this 
point. From 894 to 915 [ = S 918] S runs parallel to B, C, D, 
though it exhibits a somewhat individual recension*. After 


§§55, 84. ^ This is shown especially by the 

See above, §§ 59, 65, 89. For omissions, see above, §§ 86, 90. 

readings in this part peculiar to S, The omissions peculiar to S in this 

see 38if, 508, 560, 653-t-, 792, section are at 787, 835*, 8i:;3, 855*, 

796, 800, 827, 835*, 836, 83S*, 866, 868, 871, 874," 876*, 878*, 

851 (here S has an entirely different 882*, 886. Tliose asterisked are 

arranarement of the events in the cases of homoioteleuton. There is 

annal from that in the other MSS.), an omission also in 860, though it 

879, 882-}'. In the cases marked has been supplied above the line 

with an asterisk I should say that by the first hand. At 8S3 it might 

the reading of S was undoubtedly be a question whether S has 

right, and in those marked with omitted, or the others have added, 

a dagger, undoubtedly wrong. In * vSee above, § 89. Readings 

the other cases it is somewhat peculiar to S in this section are 

difficult to decide, and except in at 895 ad Jin., 896 ad Jin., 897, 

851 the differences are very uu- 898, 901, 905, 910, 918 [= 915 B, 

important. C, D]. Some of these differences 



915 there is a marked break in B and C, which insert at this 
point the Mercian Register, while S continues with annals 
919-924, which are peculiar to itself. These annals are, how- 
ever, strictly a continuation of the preceding annals 894-918 3, 
and deal with precisely the same subject, viz. the wars of Alfi'ed 
and Edward the Elder against the Danes. Two views are 
abstractly possible : either the compiler of 31 had a copy of 
these annals, which extended further than that which underlies 
the other MSS. ; or the compiler of 3 was himself the author 
of these annals, and continued them in his own copy after a 
transcript of the earlier ones had been made and sent to other 
places. The former theory is much the more likely, and accounts 
for the different recension which 3 exhibits in this part of the 
Chronicle. Moreover, the omissions to be found in this section 
also of 3 prove that 3 is not an original here \ 

§ 94. From 925 to 9753, B, C are very fragmentary; a 
few obits and successions, three or four poems, and some notices 
of the northern wars of Athelstan and Edmund, make up the 
whole of the common matter which they contain, and which 
evidently comes from some common source or sources". But 
into this common source 3 has inserted several annals and 
parts of annals which are peculiar to itself; and of these by 
far the greater number have to do with Winchester, and it isSaWin- 
this part of the Chronicle which most clearly stamps 3 as in Chester 
origin at least a Winchester book ^ ; a fact which has been looi ; 
frequently noted. And this character it retains to the end of 
lOoi; for though the only Winchester entry between 975 and 
1 00 1 is at 984, the details in looi relating to Hampshire and 

are of considerable importance. 
See notes ad loc. 

^ Omissions peculiar to S in this 
section are at 894*, 903, 911. In 
the next section also S cannot be 
original, for there is an omission, 
due to homoioteleuton, which posi- 
tively extends over two annals, 
942-3 ; see note ad loc. That 
there is a distinct break after 924 
is shown by the fact that at that 

point half a page of the MS. is left 

' 933, 937, 941, 942, 943, 944. 
945, 946, 973, 975. 

3 931*, 932*, 933* (part), 934*, 
9.51*, 955 (part), 962, 963*, 964*. 
Those marked with an asterisk are 
Winchester insertions. Another 
indication of this may be found in 
the crosses placed against Frithe- 
stan's name at 910. 


Devonshire would be much more likely to be written down at 
Winchester than at Canterbury, S's second home. 

After 975 S becomes wholly independent of the other Chroni- 
cles, and we have seen that T, the common parent of B and C, 
ended about the same point, viz. at 977, the two last entries, 
976 and 977, being peculiar the one to C, the other to T. We 
see once more at this point a well-marked stage in the develop- 
ment of the Chronicle. And, indeed, the death of Edgar was 
an event which produced effects which were likely to react on 
historical writing. From that point to looi the entries in 
S are very meagre, only a few I'oyal and episcopal obits ; the 
sole exceptions being 993 and looi. And this barrenness 
continues to the end. From 1002 to 1070 there are but ten 
after looi § 95. But though equally meagre, the entries are different in 
aCante"^^ character; six out of the ten refer to Canterbury, one being 
bury book, merely a spui'ious Canterbury Charter (1031), while the last, 
1070, refers to the standing quarrel between Canterbury and 
York. After this the Saxon entries cease, and the Chronicle 
tails off into the Latin record of the Acts of Lanfranc '. The 
book, such as it has now become, is a Canterbury book. And 
I believe that at some time after lOOi the book was bodily 
transferred from Winchester to Canterbury. It is not a case 
like those which we have met with in the course of our in- 
vestigations, where a MS. belonging to one religious house is 
transcribed for the benefit of another house, which continues it 
in its own way. Had this been the explanation we should 
expect to find two things: (i) that the MS. up to the point 
where the change of locality takes place would be all in one 
hand; (2) that the community which had been at the pains to 
procure the transcript would take the trouble to keep it up to 
date ^. To neither of these expectations does S answer. There 
are several changes of hands before looi; while not even the 

* The entries in S between looi an asterisk are Canterbury entries, 
and 1070 aie 1005*, 1006*, 1017, ^ B is, liowever, as I have 

1031*, 1040*, 1042, 1050*, 1053, already shown, § 87, an instance 

1066, 1070* ; those marked with to the contrary. 



martyrdom of Archbishop iElfheah finds any record in its pages ; 
though the MS. was made use of to receive a few casual jottings 
from time to time. These facts become more intelligible if we re- 
member that the date at which S was transferred to Canterbury 
was probably very late. Earle suggested that the transfer was 
due to the exertions of the Canterbury monks to repair the damage 
done by the fire of 1067 \ while Mr. Warner dates the first of 
the Canterbury hands, quite independently, to about 1075. 

§ 96. What caused the suspension of historical writing at Death of 
Winchester after looi I cannot positively say. From the death historical 

'■ J J wilting at 

of Edgar, as we have seen, S becomes very meagre. The death- Winches- 
blow may have been struck by the ravages of the Danes. We **''" ""^'" 
may note the special reference to Winchester in 1006. 

Meanwhile considerable light will be thrown on the question The inter- 
of locality by an examination of the interpolations in S piior po'^tions 
to 1 00 1. These are fairly numerous, especially in the earlier 
part of the Chronicle ; and by far the larger number are due, as 
I have already stated, to the scribe of F, who also wrote the 
Latin Acts of Lanfranc, and probably the Charter at 1031. 
For most of these additions he was indebted, as we have seen, 
to the text of € ; some, however, come from other sources, and 
of these independent insertions nearly all have to do with Kent 
and Canterbury-. Other insertions are in earlier hands, and 
of these too the majority are concerned with Canterbury ^. It 
is clear that a MS. which required so many Canterbury additions 
could liardly have had its original home at Canterbury. 

§ 97. That the MS. e, from which most of the interpolations MS. e must 
were taken, was an Augustinian MS., while S, in which they borrowed 

^ Introduction, p. xxiii. 

^ The insertions due to the scribe 

of F are the fuHowing: 11, 27t, 

47t, 99t, loit, i55t, i67t, iSgf, 

^83t, 379t, 38it, 409t, 423t, 

443t, 449t, 5o8t> 

534t, 547t, 56ot, 

59it, 592t, 593t, 

6o4t, 6o7t, 6i6t, 

725*, 748*, 760*, 768t, 7S4*. 925*, 

941*. Those marked with a dagger 






















come from e ; those asterisked refer 
to Canterbury. 

^ These earlier interpolations will 
be found at 688, 710, 728, 870*, 
890*, 903, 923*, 925*, 942*, 943*, 
956*, 959*, 961*, 988* (Latin), 
993*, looi. Oil the hands in which 
these are made, see above, § I4. 
The asterisk again indicates a Can- 
terbury reference. 



of St. were inserted, was at Christ Church, need cause no difficulty. 

Augus- Borrowing of MSS., common eveiywhere, would be specially 

the monks easy between two monasteries in the same place. F, which 

pI^^^k^* we have proved to be based on e, was also a Christ Church 

book. The Latin Acts of Lanfranc are probably also from an 

Augustinian source. They are concerned mainly with Lan- 

franc's dealings with the monks of St. Augustine, and we have 

seen that a marginal note in '& testifies to the existence of these 

Acts in an Augustinian MS.^ We seem to have evidence of 

the existence of both 3 and F in the Christ Church library at 

the beginning of the iburteenth century ; for in the catalogue 

of that library made under Hemy of Eastry, Prior of Christ 

Church, Canterbury, 1 285-1 331, we find among the ' Libri 

Anglici,' ' Cronica uetustissima a[nglice],' i. e. S ; and ' Cronica 

latine et anglice,' i. e. F ^ 

llelation of § 98. A few words must now be said on MS. A (W., G.). 

" ° The consideration of it cannot be separated from that of S, 

upon the history of which it throws some light. As already 
stated, the original MS. (with the exception of three leaves ^) 
perished in the great Cottonian fire, and for the bulk of it we 
are dependent upon AVheloc's edition. The fragments of the 
MS. which remain show that Wheloc is, on the whole, very 
correct. Still there are minute differences *, which prevent us 

^ See above, § 15. 

=< MS. Cott. Galba E. iv. f. 134 r". 
eol. I. For a knowledge of this 
most interesting MS. I am indebted 
to my friend Mr. Herbert, of the 
British Museum. Since the above 
was written, Dr. M. R. James has 
kindly pointed out to me that F 
is proved to be a Christ Church 
book by a curious mark la in the 
top corner of the first leaf of the 
chronicle, standing either for ' liber 
Anglicus,' or ' Latine et Anglice.' 
See an article by Dr. James in the 
Guardian oi May 18, 1898. 

^ These fragments, much injured, 
extend from 823 to 871, printed in 
Thorpe, i. 1 10-141; see above, § 17. 

* e.g. 826 (= 827 S), 833, 8ki, 
853, 8*54 (=8553), 865, 867, 871. 
In one or two cases the difference 
seems due to the fact that Wheloc 
silently coriected his MS. That 
he did allow himself considerable 
latitude in dealing with his MSS. 
is shown by the fact that he some- 
times places the interpolated matter, 
which he can onli/ have got from 
S, under quite different years from 
those which it occupies in the MS. : 
155 under 145; 167 under 189; 
409 under 435 ; 565 under 560. 
In view of these facts it would 
be well worth while, as Horst has 
suggested, for any future editor of 
the Chronicle to collate Lambard's 



from arguing with absolute certainty from the printed text to 
the MS. 

That A (W.) is a copy of S can hardly be doubted. It agrees An evident 
with TL in the minutest points \ and in the most obvious °°P^" 
blunders '^. There are, however, differences. Most of these are 
slight scribal variations of no importance ^ ; some may be due 
to Wheloc or his printer. But in other cases the variations 
are more serious, and seem to imply deliberate alterations on 
the part of the scribe *. There are also some omissions in 

transcript of A which is now at 
Dublin, Engl. Studien, xxiv. 8, 9 ; 
where also Horst rightly refutes 
the untenable view of Kupfer- 
schmidt, that A is not copied from 
S, ih. xiii. 182. Both these essays 
seem to me to be vitiated by the 
assumption that the Chronicle can 
be treated as a single whole, and 
that consequently the mutual rela- 
tions of the MSS. are the same in 
all parts of it. 

1 e.g. 661 (o}) S, A, on B, C, of 
E) ; tlie fact that A (W.) omits the 
words 'set Icanho ' in 654, which 
are in S, might seem an argument 
against A's copying of S. It really 
tells the other way. So obscure is 
the position of these words in S 
that Professor Earle, like A, passed 
them over altogether, while Mr. 
Thorpe brackets them as if they 
were a later addition. 

^ 653 (Middelseaxe for -engle) ; 
655 (Penda for Peada) ; 716 (7 
inserted before sefter) ; 722 {7 for 
J)e, C also has this) ; 787 (omission 
of NorSmanna) ; 855 (Freawining 
for Frealafing) ; 868 (omission) ; 
874 (omission of Ceolwulfe, and he 
for hit) ; 882 (scipheras for scip- 
hlsestas, and forslsegene_/or forwun- 
dode) ; 886 (omission, and hie for 
he) ; 887 (bersedne for bersedde) ; 

892 (insertion of this number 
wrongly in the middle of 891) ; 

893 (him for hi) ; S94 (him for 
hi) ; 897 (wicgefera for -gerefa) ; 
911 {frilS for riht) ; 941-2 (omis- 

sion) ; 945 (to eal/or eal to) ; 973, 
adfn. (omission of J)a). 

' 35, 47, 167, 473, 495, 584, 650, 
660, 670, 716, 734, 741, 755, 773, 
792, 851 (here for men, a reading 
also in C), 853, 851;, 865, 867 ad 
fin., 875, 876, S78, 880 (to/o>- of, 
a reading also in E) ; 892, 894, 895, 
896, 897, 901 (Tweoneam for 
Tweoxneam, a later form ; cf. the 
modern Twinham) ; 905, 913, 922, 

962, 97.^- 

* 30 (the annal recast by A, 
yet the form gefulluhtud shows 
that he is following S) ; 449 (in- 
sertion of to fultume) ; 457 (feower 
weras for fin wera, a misunder- 
standing of A, or possibly of 
Wheloc) ; 568 (A agrees with E, F 
in reading Oslac/o?' Oslaf S, B, C) ; 
592 (Woddnesbeorlige for Woddes- 
beorge) ; 606 (A gives Gregory's 
father, but not his mother also, as 
do B, C ; S gives neither, but pos- 
sibly something has been erased) ; 
614 (xlviyb/* Ixv) ; 672 (Seaxburh 
heold an gear rice for Seaxburg 
an gear ricsode ; possibly A dis- 
liked saying tliat a woman ' reigned,' 
and wished to imply that it was 
a mere usurpation) ; 694 (xxx manna 
for xxx m., /. e. millia ; we cannot 
be sure whether this erroneous ex- 
pansion of the contraction is due 
to A or to Wheloc ; see note ad 
loc.) ; 911 (Eadweard cyng 7 his 
sunu for E. c. 7 his witan) ; 918 
(gefengon Cameleac done biscop 
on Ircingafelda ; the insertion of 


A ("W.), but these can be accounted for as mere scribal slips ^ 
And taken all together, I do not think that the variations imply 
that A (W.) had any other source besides S. The MS. ended 
with looi, and had none of the later annals in S; while of 
the other insertions in the text of S none appear in A(W.) 
except 688, 710, 728, looi ad Jin? ; and none of these refer to 
Canterbury, and are all in early hands. Moreover, A (W.) has 
pedigrees and other matter which have been erased in A to 
make room for interpolations^. All this seems to show clearly 
that A (W.) was copied from A before the latter was removed 
to Canterbury from Winchester ^. And the existence of this 
copy may have enabled the Winchester folk to send their old 
Chronicle to Canterbury. If the copy was made with the idea 
of continuing it from time to time, the idea was not carried 
out ; and A (W.) remained, like B, a barren stock and a further 
testimony to the decline of historical writing at Winchester. 

The date at which A was transferred to Canterbury cannot 
be exactly fixed ; but we have seen that it was probably quite 
late in the eleventh century, between 1067 and 1075". Of 

done seems to show that A took 
the phrase, as I have taken it, to 
mean ' bishop of Archenfield,' not 
' captured at A.,' v. note arJ lac.) ; 
921 (he h]Soti.e for se cyng friSian 
wolde, a stylistic alteration) ; ib , 
ad fin. (arasd hsefde for ared) ; 
923 (JNIanigeceaster for Mame- 
ceaster '). 

1 654 (on this, see above, p. xcix, 
note I); 676*, 685*, 755*, 816, 
894*, ^uh fin. Those marked with 
an asterisk are cases of homoio- 

^ There are entries in 31 at 27, 
loi, 595, which seem to be inter- 
polations in the latest hand (the 
scribe of F), which, nevertheless, 
are in A (W.) at the years 26, 92, 
and 596. The explanation is that 
the interpolator ot S erased these 
entries at the years where they 
formerly stood (as in A) and re- 
inserted them under their present 

dates. The majority of A's inter- 
polations are inserted by Wheloc 
in his text between square brackets, 
and he also gives S's continuations 
at the end. It is curious, but for 
us fortunate, that knowing the 
more ancient MS., he should de- 
liberately have based his text on 
the younger. Wheloc also places 
465, 58S, 761, 879 in brackets, as 
if he had taken them from S and 
not from A (W.). If this was really 
so, then A must accidentally have 
omitted them, as they are certainly 
an integral part of the text of the 

^ 547' 552, 560, 616, 626. 

* Earle supposes that A was 
copied from S at Canterhury 
(Introduction, p. liii) ; but I can 
see nothing in favour of this. Mr. 
Arnold rightly argues for the other 
view, H. H. p. lii. 

^ See above, § 95. 


tlie use by Florence of certain parts of the Chronicle now only 
to be found in 3, I have already spoken (§ 84). 

§ 99. Another of the Latin chroniclers, and the earliest, must Relation of 
now be taken into account, Ethelwerd, or, as he calls himself, f ^^'" 
* Patricius Consul Quaestor Ethelwerdus.' The bombastic title Chronicle. 
is but too typical of the general characteristics of his style. 
He was a descendant of Ethelred I, the brother of Alfred the 
Great, and almost certainly identical with the alderman ^thel- 
weard mentioned at 994, and with the Ethelwerd 'dux,' who 
signs charters from 973 to 988 ^ His Chronicle extends to 
the death of Edgar in 975^. Up to about 892 ^ he is mainly 
dependent on the Chronicle, from that point to the end he is 
largely, if not entirely, independent of it; and we can easily 
imagine that for the later period his own knowledge and that 
of his older contemporaries would furnish him with independent 
material. Even in the earlier period, however, he has many 
details peculiar to himself, the source of which it would be 
interesting to learn. I do not think, however, that they oblige 
us to svippose that Ethelwerd used a form of Chronicle differing 
very widely from those which have come down to us. These 
details probably come from some independent source. It He used a 
seems clear that the Chronicle used by Ethelwerd was of the ^1^ ^-^^ ^ 
earlier southern type represented by S, B, C ; there is no trace type. 
in him of the northern additions of D, E, and in other respects 
also Ethelwerd conforms to the earlier type ^. And in several 
points he seems nearer to 3 than to B, C °, and shows no 
affinity with the special peculiarities of B, C ®, or of C ''. On 

^ See M. H. B., Introduction, * Cf. e. g. 530, 547, 560, 568 

pp. 81, 82; Text, pp. 499, 514; (Oslaf. not Oslac) ; 722, 729, 731, 

Crawford Charters, pp. 118-120; 833, 836, 845, 873, 885 (btufe /or 

infra, notes to 991, 994. Sture). The dates are those of S. 

^ Here again we see the impor- ^ S53 (omission of ' bsed ' by the 

tance of this date. As Ethelwerd original scribe of S) ; 878 (omis- 

lived at least till 988 there was no sion of the passage about the raven 

reason why he should not have banner) ; 883 (shorter form of the 

continued his Chronicle beyond annal as in S) ; 886 (omission of 

975 ; and had he done so he would the sentence about Paris), 

have been a strictly contemporary * e.g. 639, 694, 860; and the 

authority. absence of the Mercian Register. 

^ Noteagain the significance of this ^ e.g. 837, 839, 871. 
date. See M. H. B. p. 518, note a. 


the other hand there are passages in which he seems to differ 
from S \ On the whole, the conclusion seems to be that 
Ethelwerd used a Chronicle which was not our S, but was 
closer to it than to any other of our existing Chronicles^. 

IV. Op the Origin of the Cheonicle. 

The § 100. We have seen that up to 892 S, B, C, and also those 

common p^i-ts of D, E which are common to them with S, B, C, must be 

ancestor 71; 

of S B C traced back to a common original which I have called se ^. The 

D, Eupto question naturally arises: Was this common original the auto- 
autograph. gi'^pJi of the writer (whoever he may have been) who compiled 
the Chronicle up to 892 ? To this question we may, I believe, give 
a decided negative, and for the following reason. It is now fully 
recognised that from about the middle of the eighth to the middle 
The chro- of the ninth century there is a chronological dislocation running 

nological through all our extant Chronicles, a maioritv of the events 
dislocation. , . , , , . , i 

which can be tested proving to be two years, and some, towards 

the end of the period indicated, three years behind the true 

chronology. This was first clearly shown by Dr. Stubbs in the 

^ 851 (insertion of ' Thanet,' digerere, praestat silere ; cuius mihi 

which is in the other Chronicles, esset intentio animo, si non essent 

but not in S) ; 855 (insertion of uerba fastidio. . . . Haec ita polli- 

Scef in the pedigree, which is not ceor, si . . . diuinus fauor . . . me 

in S ; but here Ethelwerd seems praeter scopulos confragosi sermonis 

to differ from all the Chronicles) ; euexerit, ad quos Elwardus, dum 

874 (insertion of Ceolwulf's name, tinnula et emendicata uerba uena- 

which is not in S) ; 876 (insertion tur, miserabiliter impegit,' i. i, 3. 

of the passage about the hostages Earle calls him ' the most mon- 

omitted by S). strously absurd of all pedantic 

^ Of Ethelwerd's weakness as a translators,' p. Ivii. Professor York 
translator some examples will be Powell suggests to me that Ethel- 
found in the notes ; see especially werd may have been brought up 
161, 381, 593, 658, 661, 710, 755. abroad, and that this is the cause 
It is not my province to discuss of his imperfect mastery of his 
the characteristics of Ethelwerd native tongue. This would hang 
except in relation to the Chronicle. well together with the dedication 
W. M.'s judgement is interesting of his work to his (in every sense 
as showing how fully he recognised of the word) distant relative, the 
Ethelwerd's indebtedness to the lady Matilda. There is an article 
Chronicle, and how justly he ap- on Ethelwerd by Mr. Riley, in 
praised his style: ' De Elwardo, Gent. Mag. iii. 120-131 (1857). 
illustri et magnifico uiro, qui ^ See above, §§ 62, 68, 83, 89, 
chronica ilia Latine aggressus est 93. 



Introduction to the first volume of his edition of Hoveden ' ; 
and it has since been worked out with great care and elabora- 
tion by Dr. Ludwig Theopold in an excellent monograph^. 
This dislocation is purely mechanical, and is due to the scribe 
passing over now and again (as may easily be done) some blank 
annal against which nothing is recorded ^. But the fact that it 
runs through all our Chronicles shows that it must already 
have existed in the common original from which they all in 
this part ultimately spring*. But the mistake was due to a 
copyist, and not to the original compiler of this part of the 
Chronicle. The proof of this lies in the fact that we have 
evidence of the existence of a Chronicle in which this dislocation 
had not taken place. This evidence is to be found in the 
so-called Annals of Asser or Annals of St. Neot ^. Of little The 
value in themselves for history, for they contain little or nothing "°*^^ ' 
which may not be found better elsewhere, they are of great 
importance for the criticism of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ; 
for, while founded largely on that Chronicle *, they have pre- 

St. Neot, 

* pp. xc, ff. For details, see the 
notes to the annals in question. 

^ 'KritischeUntersuchungenuber 
die Quellen znr angelsachsischen 
Geschichte des Achten Jahrhun- 
derts,' Lemgo, 1872. It is a pity 
that this admirable piece of criticism 
has not appeared in a more attrac- 
tive form than that of a German 
' Inaugural Dissertation.' 

^ See Theopold, m. s., pp. 59 IF. 
The phenomenon occurs on a smaller 
scale in one or more MSS. of other 
parts of the Chronicle, sometimes, 
as here, through overlooking of a 
blank annal, sometimes through the 
mechanical repetition of the same 
number; of. e.g. 456-472; 640- 
658; 800, 801; 811-818; 851- 
892 (here C is for a long time a 
year in advance of the others) 1917, 
918 (S is three years ahead of the 
rest) ; cf. the repetition of the num- 
bers 1046, 1085 in E, and the omis- 
sion of the numbers 1044, 1069 
in D. 

* Another mistake which runs 
through all the Chronicles is the 
three years given as the length of 
Egbert of Wessex's exile, instead of 
thirteen ; see 836 and notes. 

^ Printed in Gale's Quindeeim 
Scriptores (1691), pp. 141 ff. 

^ See the annals 455, 488, 495, 
579, 597, 601, 605, 611, 616, 634, 
636, 642, 644, 651, 654, 655, 664, 
665 ( = Chron. 668), 670, 672-674, 
676, 685, 703, 705, 709, 714, 729, 
731, 740> 757 ( = 754), 757 ( = 755), 
763 ( = 761), 786 ( = 784). 794 (= 
792), 796 ( = 794), 799 ( = 797)> 802 
( = 800), 8251 = 823), 839 ( = 836), 
842 ( = 839), 891, 892, 894, 895, 
901, 902-904, 909-912 ( = 903-905, 
910-913). 'i'he annals 565,678 are 
possibly taken direct from Bede. 
From 851 to 887 the annals are 
taken from Asser or Florence. Con- 
versely passages from the Annals of 
St. Neot have been incorporated in 
the text of Asser; and these, though 
enclosed in brackets, are sometimes 


served the true chronology, which in all our MSS. is disjointed. 

Dr. Theopold was the first to point out this interesting fact ^. 

It follows therefore that behind the MS. se, the common 

ancestor of all our Chronicles up to 892, we discern another 

MS. JE, extending to the same date, the autograph of the writer 

who compiled the Chronicle up to that point. 

e § 101. To whom are we to attribute this earliest form of the 

ginal national Chronicle 1 I have no hesitation in declaring that in 

n of the' i^y opinion the popular answer is in this case the right one : it 

ronicle ig the work of Alfred the Great ^. I do not mean that the 

fred actual task of compiling the Chronicle from the earlier materials 

was necessarily performed by Alfred, though I can well fancy 

that he may have dictated some of the later annals which 

describe his own wars. But that the idea of a national 

Chronicle as opposed to merely local annals ' was his, that the 

idea was carried out under his direction and supervision, this 

I do most firmly believe. And we may, I think, safely place in the 

forefront of the Chronicle the inscription which encircles Alfred's 

Jewel: SELFRED MEC HEHT GEWYRCSN, 'Alfred ordered 

me to be made * ' ; and I Ic jve chosen the symbol JE for this 

quoted as if they were part of the as King of the Danes, 901, 904 
text of Asser. As to the form of ( = 905 Chron.). This may point 
Chronicle underlying the Annals of to the fact that this is the more 
St. Neot, it follows from the fact original version, S having altered 
that they imply a Chronicle older it in the supposed interests of Ed- 
than the common original of oui ward. They show no trace of the 
existing Chronicles that it must Mercian Eegister. 
have been of the earlier or southern ^ u. s. pp. 51 ff. 
type ; and of our three surviving ^ For this the high authority of 
Chronicles of that type, S, B, C Dr. Stubbs may be quoted : ' I be- 
they are, up to 892, nearest to S. lieve it, like the rest of our verna- 
They have the southern continua- cular literature, to owe its origin to 
tion from 894 to 912 [ = S 913], Alfred, to have been drawn up ori- 
stopping two years short of the point ginally from Latin annals, and to 
which that continuation reaches in have been continued in the national 
B, C (i. e. r), and several years short tongue,' Hoveden, I. xc. The state- 
of the point which it reaches in S. ment about ' Latin annals ' will re- 
in this part, where, as we have quire, I think, a little modification, 
seen, S seems to represent a some- See below, § 106 note, 
what different recension from B, C, ^ Such as, e.g., the Latin Gesta 
D, the Annals of St. Neot seem to Northanhymbrorum. 
agree with the latter, speaking of * This is just what Gaimar says, 
the rebellious Etheling .^thelwold who is the earliest author (twelfth 



original Chronicle partly because it is the initial of the great 
king's name, and partly because it expresses the fact that this 
original stock branches out on the one side into our 'R, and ou 
the other into our E, the two Chronicles which are the furthest 
apart from one another in character, as they are in time, of 
all our existing Chronicles. And the impulse thus given was The im- 
continued during the remainder of Alfred's reign, and under {^^^g^j''""" 
Edward the Elder. Florence indeed says of the latter that he under 
was 'litterarum cultu patre inferior',' and this is no <ioubt ^^^^^J"^'^^ 
true ; but in regard to the Chronicle he seems to have followed 
in his father's steps. The annals in S (which here, as we have 
seen, is the most complete of the MSS.) from 893 to the death 
of Edward have the same character as those immediately pre- 
ceding 892 2. They are national and contemporary records of 
the finest and most authentic kind '. But with the death of Decline 
Edward the impulse was exhausted ; the glories of the reigns of gj^^^rd's 
Athelstan and Edgar, real as they were, left little trace on the death. 
pages of the Chronicle. Not till we get to the second and so 
different contest against the Danes under Ethelred do we find 
any annals which can at all compare with these. And in 

century) who directly connects Alfred Alfred's laws were found side by 

with the Chronicle ; vv. 3451 fF. side with the Chronicle. 

II fist evcrivere un livre Engleis, ^ i. Ii7. 

Des aventures, e des leis, ^ Professor Earle has pointed out 

E de batailles de la terre, how the opening words of 893, ' J)e 

E des reis ki firent la guere. we gefyrn ymbe sprsecon,' point 

Cf. ib. 2321 ff., to be cited presently, back to what has preceded, p. xvi. 

p. cxii, note 4. Ingram suggests If this does not absolutely prove 

that it may have been Plegmund, ' identity of authorship,' it at least 

Archbishop of Canterbury, 890-914, implies unityof effort, and continuity 

who superintended the compilation of inspiration. Note also how the 

of the Chronicle up to 891, p. xii. list of distinguished slain in 905 is 

The suggestion is an interesting and connected with the similar list in 

perfectly possible one (Alfred men- 897 ad itiit. 

tions 'Plegmund my archbishop' ^ Of the annals 893-897 Professor 
among his helpers in the translation Earle says: 'Compared with this 
of the Cura Pastoralis, ed. Sweet, passage, every other piece of prose, 
pp.6, 7); but in the nature of things not in these Chronicles merely, but 
it does not admit of proof. The throughout the whole range of ex- 
mention by Gaimar of the law.s, tant Saxon literature, must assume 
' des leis,' almost looks as if he knew a secondary rank,' p. xvi. 
of MSS. like S and A, in which 



f the 

al Preface 


f the 



the latter case we may be pretty sure that the inspiration came 
from no royal source. 

§ 102. The view taken above of the relation of Alfred to 
the Chronicle derives some confirmation from the Genealogical 
Preface in S. The genealogy is carried down to Alfred, and 
there it stops ; and nothing is said as to the length of his reign, 
for the excellent reason that when the preface was written the 
length of the reign could not be known ; and later scribes, with 
more self-restraint than they sometimes manifest, have refrained 
from supplying the deficiency ^ We have thus the strongest 
evidence that the preface to S was drawn up in the reign of 
Alfred, and was intended for a Chronicle compiled in that reign. 

§ 103. Another fact which points the same way is the strong 
resemblance between the phraseology of the Chronicle and that 
of Alfred's translation of Orosius. Of this many examples 
are given in the notes, but the force of them can hardly be 
estimated when thus dispersed, and I therefore tabulate the 
principal ones here. The quotations from the Chronicle are 
taken from the text of S, 


60 b. c. luliua . . . Brettas mid 
gefeohte cnysede. 

3. Her swealt Herodus from him 
selfum ofsticod. 

47. Eac swelce Orcadus ]>a, ealond 

81. Titus . . . se J)e ssede Jjset he 
\)oue dseg forlure ]>e he noht to gode 
on ne gedyde^. 


Ac . . . Atheniense hie mid ge- 
feohte cnysedan, p. 96. 

he hiene selfne ofsticode, p. 28. 

on norShealfe [is] OrcaduB l)set 
igland, p. 24. 

He [Titus] wses swa godes willan 
J)aet he ssegde ]>3st he forlure fione 
dseg Jje he noht on to gode ne 
gedyde, p. 264. 

^ I have already shown how a 
later scribe did continue the genea- 
logy to the exact point to which his 
own Chronicle extended ; see above, 
§ 88. 

^ See note ad loc. This is one 
of the most interesting of all the 
parallels ; for the story is not in the 

Latin Orosius, but was introduced 
by Alfred himself into his transla- 
tion, perhaps from Isidore. VVe can 
fancy how this saying of the ' deli- 
ciae generis humani ' would come 
home to 'England's darling'; see 
ii. 113. 



409. Her Go tan abrsecon Rome- 

755 ad init. Her Cynewulf be- 
nam Sigbryht his rices. 

ih. p. 48 [hie] ])a on J)ses wifes 
gebseruin onfundon. . . . 

865. [hie] genamon fn]> wi]) 
Cantwarum, 7 . . . under pam frijie 
. . . se here hiene on niht up 

867. baer waes ungemetlic wsel 

871 ad Jin. Jjies geares wurdon 
viiii folc gefeoht gefohten wi)) ])one 
here, . . . butan ])am ])e him . , , 
cyninges ])egnas oft rade onridon. 

879. J)y geare gegadrode on hlo]) 

891. wis Ssem rsede here. 

ib. on el))iodignesse beon. 

S93. seo ea . . . liS ut of jpsem 

894. hsefde se cyning his fierd 
on tu tonumen, swa J)aet hie waeron 
simle healfe set ham, healfe ute, 
butan J)aem monnum J>e ])a burga 
healdan 8Colden^ 

901. 7 ssede Jjaet he wolde o'Ser, 
oS5e ])aBr libban, oSSe J)Eer licgan. 

911. hie ofForon '5one here 

918. [hie] bedrifon hie on anne 
pearruc, 7 besseton hie ])3er utan. 

ih. aet sumum twam citron, . . . 
])a slog hie mon set aeg])rum cirre 70.^ 

^ This again is a most interesting 
parallel. See note ad loc. ; and cf. 
note on 896. 

0a Gotan .... iowre burg abrae- 
con, p. 48 ; cf. ib. 2 : hu Gallie . . . 
abraecan Romeburg. 

JEhev J)sem Persa cyning benom 
Jione ealdormon his scire, p. 96. 

Swa hit nion on ])ara waepned 
monna gebserun ongitan mehte, 
p. 194; cf. p. 52. 

he genom frij) wi]) J)aet folc, 7 
hiene si])J)an aweg bestsel, p. 218 ; 
Galua friS genam wiS hie, 7 hi 
under ])aem friSe besw^c, p. 210. 

J'ser wa;s ungemetlic wtel ge- 

he leng mid folc gefeohtum wiS 
hie ne mehte, ac oftraedlice he waes 
mid hlo):'um on hi hergende, p. 118 ; 
cf. p. I 8. 

lie scipa gegaderode 7 wicengas 
wurdon, p. 116; cf. pp. 5, 226. 

on ))aem raede here, p. 124; cf. 
p. 154. 

felc Jiara J)e on elSeodignesse 
Wcere, p. 248. 

Seo Wisle liS tit of Weonodlande, 
7c., p, 20. 

Hie heora here on tu to daeldon, 
o})er aet ham beon [sceolde ?] heora 
lond to healdanne, o5er ut faran to 
winnanne, p. 46. 

to tacne J)aet hie oJ»er woldon, 
oSSe ealle libban, oj'jie ealle licgean, 
p. 138 ; cf. p. 190. 

Tarentine . . . ])a o])re hindan 
offoran, p. 154. 

[he] hiene bedraf into anum faes- 
tenne 7 hiene Saer hwile besaet, 
p. 146 ; cf. p. 224. 

he sige hsefde set twam cierrun, 
p. 228. 

2 I have continued the parallels 
into the reign of Edward, consider- 
ing the Alfredian impulse to be 



No doubt some of these phrases are ordinary phrases which 

any two historical writers might use -^ ; but iu many cases the 

resemblance goes much beyond this, and the total impression is 

strong that the two works are akin. Professor Wiilker assigns 

the Orosius translation to the years 890-893 ^ and if this is 

right, as it very well may be, then the two works would be 

practically contemporaneous, and their kinship is sufficiently 

accounted for. 

s'egative § 104. On the other hand the affinity with Alfi'ed's Bede is 

vidence of j^^dj ]ggg ^lose, and even in those parts of the Chronicle which 

he Ijcde 

ranslation. are derived from Bede there is no trace of the influence of 

the Saxon version^. This is true even of the northern (D, E) 

recension of the Chronicle, iu which, as we have seen (§ 59), the 

jaart derived from Bede is so much greater : and this tends 

to prove that that northern recension must have been made 

very soon after the i-eception in the north, about 892, of the 

Alfredian Chronicle ; a view which receives further confirmatiou 

from the fact that in E that Chronicle does not extend beyond 

that point. But this seems to me fatal to Wiilker's theory 

(supported also by August Schmidt in his useful monograph 

on Alfred's Bede *, and by Professor Schipper ') that the Bede is 

earlier than the Orosius. All preceding writers, with the one 

excej)tiou of Dr. Bosworth, rightly place the Orosius before the 

Bede «. 

Jirculation For the sending of copies of the Chronicle to different re- 

^J'^^'^. ligious houses, we have an exact and instructive parallel in the 

traceable beyond Alfred's death, 
see above, p. cv. No doubt there are 
parallels between the Orosius and 
the later parts of the Chronicle, and 
several of these are given in the notes. 
But they are neither so numerous 
nor (with the exception of the one 
quoted under 975 E) so striking as 
in the earlier part of the Chron. 

^ Many more such parallels might 
have been inckKbd, had I desired 
simply to swell the list as much as 

^ Grundriss, p. 396. 

^ So Grubitz rightly, p. 22. 

* Untersuchungen liber ^Elfred's 
Beda-iibersetzung, Inaugural Dis- 
sertation, Berlin, 1889, p. 8. 

' Sitzungsberichte d. kais. Akad. 
d. Wissensch. in Wien, 1S98. For 
a copy of this I am indebted to 
Prof. Schipper himself. 

* See the list given by Wiilker, 
M. s. p. 393. Moreover, if the Bede 
translation is later than 893, we can 
explain why the chronological epi- 
tome at the end of the H. E. is 
omitted in the translation, the reason 




sending of copies of the translation of the Cura Pastoralis to 
the various bishops \ 

§ 105. The question next arises : What materials would Alfred Alfred's 
find available when he came to carry out his scheme for a national "^^^^nals. 
Chronicle 1 We have distinct evidence from Bede that already 
some system had grown up of recording at any rate the acces- 
sions and number of regnal years of the kings in Northumbria, 
and that means were taken to keep the various records in 
harmony with one another ^. For, speaking of the brief reigns Lists of 
of the heathen kings who succeeded Edwin in Bernicia and ^°^^" 
Deira, he says : ' Infaustus ille annus, et omnibus bonis exosus 
usque hodie permanet, . . . propter apostasiam regum Anglorum 
. . . Unde cunctis placuit regum tempora computantibus, 
ut, ablata de medio regum perfidorum memoria, idem annus 
sequentis regis, id est Osualdi, . . . regno adsignaretur ^.' The 

being tliat it had already been in- 
corporated in the Chronicle. The 
above argument is even more fatal 
to Pauli's rather wild view that 
the Gesta Northanhymbrorum were 
first embodied in the Chron. in the 
twelfth cent. See Forschungen zur 
deutschen Gesch. xii. i6i. 

^ 8ee Alfred's preface to that 
work, ed. Sweet, pp. 2-8 : ' to selciim 
biscepstole on minum rice wille [ic] 
ane onsendan ' ; and note the noble 
simplicity of the statement how the 
work of translation had to be carried 
on ' ongemang oSrum mislicum 7 
monigfaldum bisgum Sisses kyne- 
rices,' pp. 6, 7; cf. the Preface to 
the Boethius : ' j3i]lfred kyning . . . 
for ))3sm mistlicum 7 manigfealdum 
weoruld bisgum \e hine oft £eg)ier 
ge on mode ge on lichoman bisgo- 

^ This may perhaps be the basis 
of the developed legend of the Scoti- 
chronicon, that every monastery of 
royal foundation in England was 
bound to have an official chronicler, 
and that at the first council of a new 
reign all these chroniclers had to 
meet together and compare and 

correct their records of the late 
reign. Cited by Gibson in his pre- 

^ H. E. iii. I, and note ad loc. ; 
cf. iii. 9 : ' Unanimo omnium con- 
sensu firmatum est, ut nomen et 
memoria apostatai'um de catalogo 
regum Christianorum prorsus aboleri 
deberet, neque aliquis regno eorum 
annus adnotari.' And as a matter 
of tact, in the list of Northumbrian 
kings found at the end of the Moore 
MS. of Bede, the names of Osric and 
Eanfrid are omitted ; v. M. H. B. 
p. 290 ; Palaeog. Soc. vol. ii, plate 
140. The date of this list is c. 737, 
and I ought to have printed it in 
my Bede. Cf. Grubitz, p. 23. When 
Nennius, § 3, enumerates ' annales 
Saxonum ' among his authorities, 
he evidently refers to the Saxon 
genealogies, ih. §§ 57 if. There is 
no trace of the use of any Saxon 
annals in the strict sense in his 
work. These genealogies are of 
special interest, for iu their original 
form they are older than Bede, 
dating from about 696, Z. N. V. 
pp. 78 fif. And of these the prin- 
cipal ones are Northumbrian. 



"West Saxon Genealogical Preface to S may give us a fair idea 
of the nature of tliese records ; and they probably supplied 
the chronological framework when the West Saxon traditions 
came to be written down. The existence of such records for 
Northumbria is vouched for by Bede, a specimen of them is 
found at the end of one of the earliest MSS. of Bede ', and from 
them the few ISTorthumbrian notices in the early part of the 
southern Chronicle which do not come from Bede are most 
likely derived^; and something of the same kind px'obably 
existed in Mei'cia ^. 

§ 106. For Kent the beginnings of such a record appear in 
Bede himself*, but it is clear that other records were also kept 
at Canterbury ; the successions of archbishops ^ the accounts of 
the missionary enterprises which proceeded from Canterbury, 
the documents received from Eome, would all find a place in the 
Canterbury archives, and in this way the habit of historical 
record would grow up ^ And just as the first impulse to the 
recording of native customs was due to Eoman influences ^ 
so too the first reduction to writing of native traditions was 
probably owing to the same cause. In fact the impulse which 
gave rise to Bede's incomparable work itself emanated from 
Canterbury : ' Auctor ante omnes atque adiutor opusculi huius 
Albinus abba reuerentissimus, uir per omnia doctissimus, ex- 
titit^' And it is interesting to remember that Albinus was 
Abbot of St. Augustine's ; for we have seen that the develop- 
ment of the Chronicle is far more closely intertwined with 
St. Augustine's than with Christ Church. Grubitz is therefore 

^ See last note. 

'^ 547> 560, 588, 593 (part), 670 
(part), 731, 738. The occupation 
of the north by the Danes would 
account for the paucity of northern 
notices in the southern recension of 
the Chronicle. 

3 626, 755 adjl7i. 

* H. E. i. 15. 

^ In other sees also lists of bishops 
would be kept. 

^ Bede, H. E. Pref. : ' Albinus 
. . . omnia quae in ipsa Cantuario- 

rum prouincia, uel ... in contiguis 
eidem regionibus a discipulis beati 
papae Gregorii gesta fuere, uel 
monimentis litterarum, uel seniorum 
traditione cognouerat.' In Essex, 
East Anglia, and Lindisfarne his- 
torical writing seems also to have 
been practised, ib. 

'' H. E. ii. 5 : ' Qui [Aedilberct] 
. . . decreta . . . iudiciorum [d(5mas] 
iuxta exempla Romanorum . . . con- 

' H. E. Pref. 



certainly right in tracing a number of the earlier annals of the 
Chronicle to Canterbury \ This does not, however, constitute 
the Chronicle a Canterbury Chronicle ; it only means that 
Canterbury was one of the sources from which Alfred drew his 

§ 107. "When and where the earlier West Saxon traditions West 
were written down is difficult to say. It is natural to think ^^j^tj^ns 
of Winchester as at once the civil and the ecclesiastical capital 
of Wessex, and the civil capital for a time of England. And 
the time is almost certainly later than Bede, for I have shown 
elsewhere how scanty were Bede's sources of information for 
the history of Wessex ^. In the same work I have expressed 

^ Kritische Untersuchung iiber 
die angelsachsischen Annalen bis 
zum Jahre 893, Gottingen, 1868, 
pp. 10 fF. Whether we can pick out 
with certainty these Canterbury 
annals, as Grubitz professes to do, 
is another question. To Canterbury 
he would assign, wholly or in part, 
733. 734> 7.36, 737, 74i. 746, 748, 
754, 758-761, 763, 764, 772, 773, 
780, 785, 790, 792, 794, 796, 797, 
799, 802-805, 812-814, 816, 819, 
821, 822, 825, 827-833. The at- 
tempt of Grubitz to fix these Can- 
terbury annals definitely to St. Au- 
gustine's on the ground of the men- 
tion of Abbots Forthred (803) and 
Felogild (830) will not hold : Forth- 
red was a Mercian abbot (see Stubbs 
in D. C. B.), and though Felogild's 
abbacy is uncertain, ib., it certainly 
was not St. Augustine's. He does 
not occur anywhere in the Clirono- 
logia Augustiniensis appended to 
Thorn e and Elmham. A further 
question which arises is this : were 
these Canterbury and early West 
Saxon annals in Latin or in Saxon ? 
I incline to the latter view, for the 
following reason. If the table of 
parallel passages from the Chron. 
and Orosius given above (§ 103) be 
examined, it will be found that they 
almost all fall either before or after 
the period covered by these early 

Canterbury and West Saxon annals. 
Had these annals been Latin, there 
was no reason why the translation 
of them should not have been in- 
fluenced by the diction of the Oro- 
sius ; that they show so little of that 
influence seems to me to indicate 
that they already existed in a Saxon 
form. I may add that the list was 
formed before this argument had 
occurred to me, and therefore was 
not drawn up with a view to sup- 
porting it. This is what I meant 
by saying (§ loi, note) that the 
statement about the Saxon Chron. 
being based on Latin annals needed 
modification. The only parts of 
which that can be predicated with 
certainty are : (i) the introductory 
annals from universal history, (2) 
the Bede passages, (3) and (4) the 
two groups of northern annals. 

^ Bede, ii. 141. So rightly, Gru- 
bitz, p. 27. In the early days of the 
conquest the Saxons would be too 
busy with fighting to have any time 
for writing. It was with a true in- 
stinct that Professor Earle took as 
one of the mottoes of his edition of 
the Chronicle a sentence from Robin- 
son Crusoe : ' And now it was that 
I began to keep a journal of every 
day's employment ; for indeed at 
first I was in too much hurry.' 




my scepticism as to the possibility of raising a sound historical 
superstructure on the basis of these traditions ^ ; and this 
scepticism is increased by the evidently artificial system of 
chronology which has been often noticed to run through the 
arrangement of them^, as well as by the aetiological character 
of many of the traditions ^. At Winchester probably also were 
kept those later historical West Saxon annals which led up to 
"Winchester the full development of historical writing under Alfred. But 

the head ^jj ^}-ijg ^j^gg j^^^ constitute Alfred's Chronicle a Winchester 

(juarters ^ . . . .■ . 

of the Chronicle, except in this sense, that being a national Chronicle 

Chronicle, its home was naturally at the national capital ; and to the same 

place I would refer the continuation of it up to the death of 

Edward the Elder *. 

1 Bede, ii. 28. 

^ Arrangement in fours and 
eights. It is possible to exaggerate 
this symmetry, but it certainly 
exists : 457, 465, 473, 477, 485 ; | 

49i> 495; I 5^9. 527; I 530, 534. 
538; I .540, 544; I 552, 556, .s6o; I 

584. 588 ; 1 593. 597, 601 ; I 607, 

611, The symmetry was probably 
once greater than now appears, when 
it has been disarranged by the in- 
troduction of annals taken from 
other sources. Attention was called 
to this point by Lappenberg, i. 76, 
77 ; E. T. i. 77 ; Earle, p. ix ; Gru- 
bitz, p. 26. 

^ See notes to 465, 477, 501, 508, 
514. 5i9» .'^27, 544; and cf. Earle, 
pp. ix, X, who says, not too strongly, 
' parts of this section are pure dream- 

* Cf. the Winchester entries 909, 
910. The question whether the 
Chronicle up to 892 is a Canterbury 
or a Winchester Chronicle seems to 
me a little beside the point. It is 
both, and it is neither. Alfred 
would naturally collect his materials 
wherever he could find them, at 
Canterbury, Winchester, and where 
else. As Professor Earle has pointed 
out, it would have been impossible 
to compile a Chronicle at the end of 

the ninth century if partial Chroni- 
cles had not existed before, Introd. 
p. vi ; cf. Gibson, Preface, p. vi. 
It is of course quite a different 
question whether S. is not a Win- 
chester manuscript. I have tried 
to show that it is, and that in the 
tenth century it h as been interpolated 
with Winchester entries ; above, 
§ 94. The view that Winchester was, 
so to say, the official head quarters 
of the Chronicle under Alfred (and 
probably under Edward) is strongly 
supported by the passage of Gaimar 
alluded to above, p. cv, note. 
Croniz ad num un livere grant : 
Engleis I'alerent asemblant. 
Ore est issi auctorizez, 
K'a Wincestre, en I'eveskez, 
La est des reis la dreite estorie, 
E les vies e la memorie. 
Li reis Elfred Tout en demaine, 
Eermer i fist une chaine. 
Ki lire i volt bien i guardast, 
Mais de son liu nel remuast, 

vv. 2331 ff. 
The view that the early West Saxon 
traditions were written down at 
Winchester is strongly supported by 
Grubitz, p. 29 ; and is confirmed 
by the regularity with which the 
Bishops of Winchester are entered 
634-754, a point already emphasised 



§ 108. Further, for some of the beginnings of the national Bede. 
story recourse was had to Bede, the chief events of whose 
historj- lay ready to hand in annalistic form in the summary 
which Bede appended to his work ^ ; the earliest parts of which 
were filled in from some epitome of universal history, the source 
of which I have not yet been able to trace ; but I agree with 
Earle (pp. viii, ix), and Grubitz (p. 29), in thinking that this was 
only done in the last stage of the compilation of the Chronicle 
(up to 892) in order to furnish an introduction to the whole; 
and therefore I do not regard Bede as the father of historical 
writing in the south in the same way as he undoubtedly is in 
the north of England. 

$ 109. Of one influence which has powerfully affected the Influence 
formation of many Chronicles, I mean the tables of Paschal Tables, 
cycles, I do not see any direct trace in our Chronicles. The 
margins of such tables, in which each year occupies a single 
line, offered a convenient means of entering brief historical 
notices in chronological order ; and when the convenience of 
this was discovered, the margin of such MSS. seems often to 

by Earle, p. xi ; cf. Liebermann, 
p. 56. I may remark generally 
that my analysis of the Alfredian 
Chronicle is much less elaborate 
than that given by Earle and by 
Grubitz. I cannot feel that cer- 
tainty about their results which 
would justify me in embodying 
them. The only stage which seems 
to me to be clearly marked is the 
end of ^thelwulfs reign in 855, 
where the elaborate pedigree, an- 
swering to the passage in the Genea- 
logical Preface where ^thelwulf's 
descent is traced back to Cerdic, 
seems to mark the close of an 
earlier West Saxon Chronicle, Earle, 
p. xii ; Grubitz, pp. 17, 18. These 
writers also think that the fact that 
Asser does not use the Chronicle 
beyond 887 shows that there was 
an edition of the Chronicle which 
stopped at that point, Earle, p. xv ; 
Grubitz, p. 32. The inference is 
uncertain, and is denied by Kupfer- 


Schmidt, u. .s. pp. 171, 172 ; but, if 
true, it would merely mean that we 
must move back the compilation of 
the Alfredian Chronicle some four 
or five years. 

^ The annals taken from Bede 
are B.C. 60; A. D. 47, 167, 189, 
381, 409, 430, 449 (part\ 538, 540, 
547. 565, 596, 601, 603, 604, 606, 
616*, 625, 626 (part"). 627, 632*, 
633*. 634*, 635*, 636* Cpart). 640 
(part). 642, 644, 645*, 646*, 650*, 
651, 6?3, 654* (part), 655 (part\ 
6^7*, 658* fpart), 661* (part), 664*, 
668, 670*. 673*, 675 (part), 676*, 
678, 679*, 680, 685 (part). 688*, 
690* (part), 694* (part\ 703*, 704, 
705 (part), 716*, 725 (part), 729. 
731*, 733, 734. Those marked 
with an asterisk are not taken at 
any rate wholly from the epitome; 
and these, as we have seen (§ 59, 
note), have mainl\' to do with Wes- 
sex ; cf. Grubitz, p. 22. 



have been made more than usually ample for this very purpose ^ 
Many Chronicles, both foreign and English, owe their begin- 
nings to this system ^. None of our actual Saxon Chronicles 
are written in this way. It is possible that some of the earlier 
materials on which they are based may have been so written ; 
and the system may have left its mark in the way in which 
a MS. sometimes shows that the scribe originally planned his 
work on the assumption that a single line would suffice for 
each annal, so that when longer entries had to be made be was 
forced to alter the arrangement^. And at first these single-line 
entries did suffice. For, as we have seen *, the object originally 
was not to write a full record of events, but rather to keep 
apart the ever-receding years which tend to melt into one 
another in the haze of unassisted memory. And we have one 
Chronicle partly Anglo-Saxon, which is written in this way, 
and is of special interest because it comes from Christ Church, 
Canterbury ®. 

V. Of the Growth of the Cheonicle. 

§ 110. We are now in a position to see more clearly the 
various elements out of which our Chronicles were compounded, 
and the various stages of their growth. We have : — 

(i) The Alfredian Chronicle up to 892, itself compiled from 
earlier materials under Alfred's supervision, and on lines laid 
down by him : S, B, C. 

(2) The northern recension of the same Chronicle, augmented 

' Liebermann, Ungedruckte Ge- 
schichtsquellen, p. i. 

^ For English examples, see Lie- 
bermann, U.S., pp. 2, 9, 13, 84; for 
foreign examples, Pertz, i. 86, 91, 
96,102; ii. 184, 247, 251, 252, 254; 
iii. I, 19, 136, 137, 149, 152, 155, 
i6c, 166, 169, 171, 185 ; iv. 5, 7 ; 
V- 9. io> 37, 51 ; X. I ; xiii. 38, 39, 
50, 80, 87, 88, 718 ; XV. 1289, 1293, 
1298; xvi. 503, 507, 598, 618,632, 
729; xvii. 33, 275; xxiii. i; Ord. 

Vit. V. Ixx. The system is, how- 
ever, English in origin, Grubitz, 
11. 9 ; Pertz, i. ad init. 

^ See critical notes to i. n8, 126, 
132 ; so of the annals partly printed 
by Liebermann, u. s., pp. 84 ff., 
Hardy says : ' in no case is more 
than one line of manuscript given 
to any year,' Catalogue, ii. 453. 

* See above, §§ 6, 7. 

^ Liebermann, u. s., pp. I S. ; 
above, § 30. 



by the incorporation of passages from the text of Bede, and of 
the Northumbrian Gesta : D, E \ 

(3) The official continuation of the Alfredian Chronicle, 
894-924. This exists most completely in S, but up to the 
end of 915 it exists also, though in a slightly different, perhaps 
more original, recension in B, C, D (not in E at all). 

(4) The Mercian Register, 902-924. In its original form 
this exists only in B, C, but is partially incorporated in D, 
whose copy perhaps extended somewhat beyond 924 ^. 

(5) A group of Northumbrian annals, 901-966, existing 
fragmentarily in D and E ; more completely in Sim. Dun. 

(6) A somewhat fragmentary continuation from the death of 
Edward the Elder (925) to the death of Edgar (975), consisting 
of ballads ^, obits, and other scraps *. All the MSS. have pieced 
out these meagre entries in their own way : 'K, with "Winchester 
annals ^ ; B, C, with Abingdon notices which extend the con- 
tinuation to 977^; D, with northern and other matter, his 
additions being the most considerable of &\V. E's additions 

3- The 

4. The 

5. The 

6. A fra 
tion, 92. 


^ In this section I take little or 
no account of F. Its character has 
been definitely determined above, 
§§ 32-41; it is a later epitome, and 
only incidentally illustrates the 
growth of the Chronicle. 

^ The existence of this Mercian 
Register must lead us to modify a 
little the strong statement of Lap- 
penberg : ' Mercien hat uns weder 
. . . schriftliche Gesetze noch selbst 
eine diirftige Chronik hinterlassen,' 
i. 216; E. T. i. 221. That the 
earlier materials on which the 
Chronicle is based should, as a rule, 
have disappeared, need not surprise 
us ; for, as Dr. Stubbs says, the com- 
position of the Chronicle probably 
' stopped the writing of new books, 
and ensured the destruction of the 
old,' Hoveden, I. xi. Bede's great 
work had something of the same 
effect ; cf. my Bede, I. xlvii, and 
the parallel there suggested of the 
synoptic Gospels. 

' On the poems of the Chronicle, 
see Abegg, Zur Entwicklung der 

historischen Dichtung bei den Angel- 
sachsen, 1894. He divides them 
into two classes : I. Annalistic 
verses due to cloister learning. II. 
Popular Ballads. In the former 
class he places the poems on Bru- 
nanburh, 937 ; cf. C. P. B. I. Iv. ; 
the freeing of the Five Boroughs, 
942 ; Edgar's coronation, 973 ; and 
death, 975 S, B, C; the death of 
Edward the Confessor, 1065 C,D. In 
the latter he places the poems on 
the glories of Edgar, 959 D, E ; the 
death of Edgar, 975 D, E ; the de- 
struction of the monasteries, 975 D ; 
the capture of Canterbury, loii C, 
D, E ; the death of Alfred Ethel- 
ing, 1036 C, D; the marriage of 
St. Martjaret, 1067 D ; the marriage 
of Earl Ralph, 1076 D, 1075 E. 

* Owing to the fragmentary 
nature of this continuation it seems 
to me impossible to determine the 
place where it originated. 

* See above, § 94. 
« ih. § 87. 

' *. §§ 70. 71- 

1 2 



are mostly from the same source as D's, but he has oue or two 
of his own \ At this point B ceases altogether ; S becomes 
iudependeut, but at the same time nearly barren. 

(7) For a few annals after this point, C on the one hand 
and D and E on the other have independent continuations, 
but from 983 to 1018 they are practically identical, the main 
differences being due to the fact that certain Abingdon notices 
in C, preserved in E, have been omitted in D, which has also 
a few insertions of its own ^. This continuation seems all of 
one piece, and has a strongly mai^ked unity of subject, the 
struggle against the Danes under Ethelred and his lion-hearted 
son ^. It ends appropriately with the reconciliation of the two 
races under Cnut on the basis of Edgar's law. As to the place 
where this continuation was originally written, the indications 
are not very sure ; but such as they are they seem to me to 
point to Canterbury '*. Notices as to archbishops are indeed, 
as T have already implied ^, national rather than local matters, 
and by themselves are no safe indication of origin. But the 
lamentation over the 'too speedy' flight of the Kentish fyi-d 
in 999®, the details in 1009, the lamentation over the ruin of 
Canterbury, ' captive that once was head of the English kin and 
of Christianity,' the minute narrative of vElfheah's mai-tyrdom 
in 1 01 2, all seem to me to point to Canterbury as the home of 
this continuation. 

(8) Soon after this point, 1018, the relations between the 

^ See above, § 62. 

* It might be thought that it was 
a more natural explanation to sup- 
pose that D was copied from a MS. 
in which these Abingdon notices 
had not yet been inserted ; but for 
reasons given above, § 63, the view 
of the text seems preferable. 

^ See notes to 1016, 1018D. For 
marks of contemporary writing in 
this section, see notes to 1009, 1012, 

* 986 (ravaging of Rochester) ; 
988, 990, 991, 994, 995, 996, 999, 
1006, 1009, loii, 1012, 1013, 1014. 
Earle would place the composition 

of this section at Abingdon, p. 

' See above, § 67. 

® ' wala ■^ hi to raSe bugon 7 
flugon.' The addition in E, ' forl)am 
]>e hi usefdon fultum ]>e hi habban 
sceoldan,' mai/ be a further Kentish 
addition of E, wishing to excuse his 
local fyrd. Note, too, the distinction 
between the West Kentings, 999, 
and the East Kentings, 1009. The 
distinction occurs nowhere else in 
the Chronicle ; cf K. C. D. iv. 266 : 
' pegenas ge of East Cent ge of West 
Cent,' a document of 995 x 1005. 





three surviving Chronicles C, D, E, become too complicated to 

be expressed in any single formula. All we can say is that in 

some cases two or more of them used common materials ^ But 

we have every possible variety of relation between them. 

Sometimes all three agree together ; sometimes all three are 

independent ; sometimes C, D agree against E ; sometimes 

C, E against D ; sometimes D, E against G. C ends abruptly 

in 1066, D ends incompletely at 1079, E alone continues to 


§ 111. Having thus traced the Chronicles to their ultimate Develop- 

source it will conduce to clearness, though it may involve some "^®°* . , 

' ° •' our exist- 

repetition, if we reverse the process, and endeavour to trace ing Chroi 
the development of each of our existing Chronicles from the ^]^^ ^^"^ 

tilG COUl" 

common Alfredian stock. Starting from tlie autograph of,„oiistoc] 
the original Chronicle up to 892, JE, we have seen that all our 
MSS. ultimately come from a transcript, se, extending to the 
same point, but faulty in having a dislocated chronology caused 
by the inadvertence of the scribe^. That at least one other 
transcript existed in which this error did not occur, is proved 
by the fact that the correct chronology is found in the Annals 
of St. Neot, though they are evidently derived ultimately from 
the Saxon Chronicle \ 

§ 112. Of se copies seem to have been made and sent to 
different monasteries. One of these remained at Winchester, 
where it became the basis of our S, and received successively History 
the official continuation up to 925 *, and the second continuation °^^' 
up to 975 ; the former of these the scribe seems somewhat 
to have edited ^, while he eked out the poverty of the latter 
with some local annals. After 975, S is continued in complete 
independence but somewhat meagrely up to looi; after which 

^ See above, § 72. Norman entry. And of this con- 

2 il)^ § 100. tinuation, as we have seen, p. civ 

' ib. The copy of the Chronicle note, the recension underlying 

underlying the A. S. N. had the A. S. N. agrees with B, C, D, 

official continuation up to 913 S rather than with S. 

(=912 A. S. N.) inclusive. That * It is noteworthy that a change 

is the last English entry in A. S. N., of hand takes place in S at 925. 

which end with 914, a Franco- ^ See above, § 89, 93, 100. 


date the MS. was transferred bodily to Christ Church, Canter- 
bury \ where it received a few Canterbury additions, ending 
up with the Latin Acts of Lanfranc. But before the MS. left 
Winchester, a transcript was made which is our A (W.). The 
subsequent fate of this MS. is obscure, as it received no 
further additions. 

§ 113. The history of B and C is, as we have seen, closely 
connected with Abingdon I It may be a question when the 
transcript of ae which underlies them came to Abingdon, 
whether immediately after 892, or not until it had received 
the official continuation up to 915. If the former was the case, 
then the monks of Abingdon must have subsequently received 
and inserted a copy of the continuation up to that point. I am 
inclined to think the second alternative is the more probable, 
as it will better explain the curious 'harking back' in the 
chronology in order to insert the Mercian Register, which could 
not be incorporated in strict chronological order ^ because the 
Chronicle, as they received it, already went beyond the point at 
which the Mercian Eegister began *. Anyhow, whether the copy 
sent to Abingdon extended to 915 or only to 892, it had marked 
scribal peculiarities distinguishing it both from the copy which 
underlies our S, and from that which underlies our D, E ^ Next, 
after 924, where the Mercian Register ends, comes the meagre 
continuation, 934-975, to which one or two Abingdon entries 
were added, bringing it up to 977. This Abingdon copy ex- 
tending to 977 is the hypothetical MS, which I have called ^^ 
At this point two copies were made of it. One is our B. This 

1 See above, §95. ^ib.^^S-j,gi. tion of B, C in 642 [ = 643 S], ' se 
^ ib. §§ 55, 69, 86 ; and i. 92, Cenwalh het atimbran pa [ealdan 
100, where it is shown that the B, C] eiricean on Wintunceastre.' 
M. E. really begins with six blank This insertion to distinguish the 
annals, 896-901. But no one would 'old church' or cathedral at Win- 
begin an independent work in this Chester from the 'New Minster' 
way ; therefore the M. E. must have (afterwards Hyde Abbey), would 
begun yet earlier. Perhaps the be much more likely to be made at 
compiler omitted the earlier entries, Winchester than at Abingdon ; but 
because they were in substance it cannot have been made before 
identical with what he already had 903, as only in that year was the 
in the main Chronicle. New Minster hallowed, 903 F. 
* This is confirmed by the addi- = Above, §§86,87. « i6.§87. 


was apparently sent to St. Augustine's, Cauterbmy, but remained 
a barren stock, and developed no further. The other is our C, 
in which after 977 there is a change of hand. For a few years 
C continues independently; then with 983 begins the section 
which comprises the story of the second Danish struggle up to 
1018 ^, after which C is continued, as we have seen, sometimes 
in agreement with, and sometimes independently of D and E. 
It ends, probably mutilated, at the end of a folio in the middle 
of the year 1066, though a much later baud has completed 
the annal after a fashion, by adding the story of the gallant 
Northman at the battle of Stamford Bridge. 

§ 114. Another transcript of ae was sent to some northern Origin 
monastery, probably Eipon". Here it was enlarged by the o'*!''' 
addition (i) of passages taken fiom the text of Bede ; (2) of the receusiou. 
Northumbrian Gesta. This enlargement must have taken place 
very soon after the reception of the southern Chronicle, for 
before this northernised recension had extended beyond the 
original limits of 892 a copy of it was sent to some other 
northern monastery, where it became the basis of our E, of 
which more anon. The other copy remained at Ripon, and History o 
here received both the official continuation up to 915, and the ' 
Mercian Register extending perhaps somewhat beyond 924, 
which two documents the scribe endeavoured to weld together 
in chronological order ^, not always quite successfully *, or 
completely °. Similarly the next continuation (up to 975) is 
combined with some of the second group of Northumbrian 
annals alluded to above ®. It is possible that some of the other 

^ But for some time after this of the copy of the southern Chronicle 

point, C must have been copied which was originally sent to Abing- 

from some older MS., and is not don. The Abingdon scribes, having 

original; for apart from questions of a Chronicle extending to 915, were 

reading, there is no change of hand obliged to append the M. R. out of 

between 982 and 1047, probably order; the Ripon scribes, whose 

none between 978 and 1049. original Chronicle only extended 

^ That this copy extended no to 892, received independently 

further than 892 is proved, I think the continuation up to 915 and the 

conclusively, by the barrenness of M. R., and so were able to amalga- 

E after that year. mate them. 

* This strongly confirms what * See above, § 69. 

was said above about the compass * ih. ^ ib. §§ 70, no. 


additions which are found in D between 924 and 983 may have 

been inserted at this stage ; though it is also possible that some 

of them may not have been added until the final transcription 

of this part of the MS. at the end of the eleventh or beginning 

of the twelfth century ^ It should also be noted that the 

continuation, 934-975, differs towards the end in the D, E 

recension from that in the S, B, C recension. The poem on 

Edgar's coronation is reduced to prose, the poem on his death 

is different, while there is a poem on his accession, where none 

exists in the other recension. That during the compilation of 

most of this section the original MS. was still at Ripon is made 

probable by the northern character of many of the entries, and 

almost certain by the mention of Ripon in 948. From 978 to 

981 D, E have a continuation of their own; but from 983 

to 1018 they have the annals of the Danish struggle, though 

one or two insertions are made by D. 

Question § 115. To what locality are we to refer the incorporation of 

)f the date ^j^jg section into the original of D M Some time between 966 
vhen D ° ^ 

(the last northern entry) and 1033 (the first Worcester entry), 

the MS., or a transcript of it, was transferred to some place in 
the Worcester diocese, probably Evesham ^ ; and ths question 
arises whether we can fix the date more precisely. My impres- 
sion is that this took place soon after 975. The continuation, 
978-981, special to D, E, seems to me distinctly southern in 
tone ; and the additional details given by D in 1016 as to the 
meeting of Edmund Ironside and Cnut at Olney seem to indicate 
local knowledge or tradition. The insertion of the consecration 
of iElfwig to York in 1014 might seem to point to a northern 
origin, but is not really inconsistent with the opposite view, 
because of the close connexion at this time of the sees of York 

^ See above, §§ 75-78. D, E in this section, which was 

^ This question must be kept ahnost certainly Abingdon. And 

distinct from two others : (i) the this confirms what follows, for it 

question where this section was would be easier for an Abingdon 

originally composed, which I believe MS. to get to Evesham than to 

to have been at Canterbury ; (2) the Kipon. 

question of the home of the MS. ^ Above, § 73. 
which was the common parent of C, 



and Worcester \ It must, however, be admitted that this argu- 
ment is not wholly conclusive, because these passages also may 
have been inserted at the last ti-anscription of the MS. And 
consequently the locality of this section, as it is found in D, 
must be regarded as somewhat uncertain. But from 1019 
onwards the details as to Cnut and Scandinavian affairs, the 
Worcestershire, and more especially the Evesham notices, seem 
to me to fix the locality quite clearly. The character of the 
varying relations of D to C and E from this point onwards has 
been already sufficiently defined^. It ends mutilated in the 
middle of 1079, though a very much later hand has added a 
brief notice under 1080, which really belongs to 1130. 

§ 1 1 6. We have now to trace the development of E. Its History o 
separate history begins with a transcript of the northern 
recension of the Alfredian Chronicle, which did not extend 
beyond 892 ^. This was sent probably to some northern monas- 
tery, where for some time it remained comparatively barren *. 
It did not receive the official continuation, 894-924, in any 
shape, or the Mercian Register. Consequently all that it has 
during this period is a few obits and a selection from those 
Northumbrian annals, a different selection from which is found 
in D. It did, however, receive the next continuation, 934-975, 
in the same recension as that which is found in D, though it 
abbreviates it by omitting the poems at 937, 942, and one of 
those at 975 ®. For the next section, 983 ® to 1018, it is parallel 
to C and D, often being nearer to C than to D. And the same 
question arises as to the locality of this section in E, as arose 
with reference to it in the case of D. Somewhere between 966 

^ Above, § 72. 

^ ih. §§ 62, 72, no. 

^ ?6. § 114. 

* Possibly because the Danish 
troubles interrupted communications 
with the south. It may have been 
this northern ancestor of E which 
was used by Gaimar. See above, 
§§ 57> 58- The idea of Kupfer- 
schmidt that the scribe of E omitted 
the annals 894 ff., because as a 

northerner he disliked the part 
which Northumbria was represented 
as playing, seems to me too fanciful 
for serious discussion, Englische 
Studien, xiii. 184, 185. 

^ These omissions may, however, 
have been made at one of the later 
transcriptions, that of 77 or of E 

* After the continuation, 978- 
981, common to it with D. 


and 1036 the MS., or a transcript of it, migrated to St. Augus- 
tine's, Canterbury \ but the exact point is not clear; 1023 and 
1 03 1 are perhaps rather northern in character; on the other 
hand the insertion in 999 E as to the want of support given to 
the Kentish fyrd looks rather like the local patriot attempting 
to excuse the failure of the local forces. But this may have 
been inserted at a later stage. This Chronicle was continued 
at St. Augustine's to about 1067; and again at St. Augustine's, 
or some other southern home, to 11 21. Then it was trans- 
planted to Peterborough, where its development has ah-eady 
been traced so fully that the tale need not be repeated here ^. 

§ 117. From the original remaining at St. Augustine's a 
bilingual epitome was made for the use of the neighbouring 
monastery of Christ Church ; and in this various local notices 
were embodied. This is our F. It was compiled late in the 
eleventh, or early in the twelfth, century. It ends defaced and 
mutilated in 1058. 

VI. Of the Eelative Value of the MSS. of the 
Chronicle, etc. 

§ 118. The investigation just concluded naturally raises the 
question of the relative value of the different MSS. of the 
Chronicle, and of their several parts. There is an uncritical 
habit, still much in vogue, of quoting every statement of every 
part of every Chronicle as if they were all of the same value ^ 
I have already (§ 41) entered a caveat against this practice in the 
case of F, and of course the spuriousness of the earlier Peter- 
borough interpolations in E lias long been recognised. I think, 
from what has been said, it results further that something of 
the same attitude of reserve must be adopted towards some of 
the unsupported assertions of D. 

On the whole I think the general tendency of our inquiry 
has been to lower somewhat the prestige of S, by disproving 
its claim to be an original, and showing that it is at least, 
as Plato might say, at the second remove from truth, a copy 

1 Above, § 47. ' ih. §§ 45, 50 ff. ^ cf, Theopold, p. n. 


of a copy ^ Our obligations to it are greatest for the reign of 

Edward the Elder. 

In the same way I think the authority of D is somewhat and of D 

lessened by a consideration of the late date at which it assumed ^0"^^^^^^* 

, . . . . lowered, 

its present shape ; which makes it possible that entries in the 

earlier part, which cannot be proved to be based on older 
documents, may have been inserted at the latest stage of com- 
pilation. This does not, however, detract in the least from the 
value of those parts of D which may reasonably be supposed to 
embody more ancient materials, some of which have survived 
in D alone. 

As to C our inquiry has had, I think, a twofold effect. As The value 

to the earlier part it has shown that C and B both come from ?^ *^.I^"^' 
uro I • 1 PIT • • 1 . . in dineien 

a JNlo. which was somewhat laulty, but m its latest part it is parts. 

an authority, generally independent, and of the highest value. 

E, on the other hand, has distinctly gained by criticism ; and E has 

the fixing of the true locality of the section io^j^-io66 has §*.'". ^ 
. . "^ . criticism. 

given it a value which had not been fully appreciated before. 

Its authority for the Norman period has, of course, long been 


§119. Another consideration which results from our in- Need fur 

vesticration is one which the iiroofress of the science of textual ^*"'^y^°& 
, . ° 1 o _ the gene- 

criticism tends more and more to emphasise : namely, the alogy of 

importance, for the determination of the original text, of bearing MSS. in 

order to 
in mind the history and relationship of the MSS. in which the estimate 

text is pi'eserved^. Let us suppose — and it is a case which tl^eir value 

not unfrequently occurs — that in a passage of the Alfredian 

^ At least up to 892 ; from 894 to he brought out this principle more 

984 it may be a copy, not a copy of clearly, and applied it more firmly 

a copy. But I do not think it is an than had ever been done before ; 

original, for one hand extends from though Bengel and Griesbach had 

969 to 1 001, both inclusive, and made some approach to it. Subse- 

this is too long a period to be covered quent research vnW probably modify 

by the same scribe making contem- the estimate which Dr. Hort formed 

porary entries. It is quite possible of the relative value of the different 

that from 993 to 1001 it may be an groups ; but that the only hope of 

original. progress lies in a grouping of MSS. 

^ It was the great service of the according to their derivation is a 

late Dr. Hort to the cause of the principle which subsequent research 

textual criticism of the N. T. that can only emphasise and confirm. 


Chronicle a certain reading is found in S, E, another reading 
in B, C, while D is defective or corrupt. If we merely count 
authorities without weighing them, it Avould seem that the 
evidence for the two readings was about equally strong — two 
MSS. on each side; and if 3 be somewhat older than B, C, 
they in turn are older than E. But when we consider the 
relations and history of the four MSS., we see at once that 
B, C do not give us the evidence of two independent witnesses, 
but of a single witness, V ; and that, as we have seen \ a very 
idiosyncratic witness, which is far outweighed by the evidence 
of two MSS. like S and E, which have been so independent of 
one another in their development, ever since they branched off 
from the common stock. 
Miscon- § 120. The earlier editors of the Saxon Chronicle, Gibson-, 

th?earHer ^^g^^™' ^"d to some extent M. H. B., treated it as if it were 
editors. a single homogeneous work, the product of a single mind, like 
the Decades of Livy, or the Annals of Tacitus. Accordingly, 
they attempt to weld all the materials contained in their 
various MSS. into a continuous text. Consequently we never 
know, without referring in each sentence to the critical notes, 
whether what we are reading is a twelfth century addition of 
E or F, or one of the best contemporary annals of S, C, or E ; 
and records are amalgamated mechanically, though their chrono- 
logy differs it may be by as much as three years l Moreover, 
we thus get combined, in a single narrative, passages which 
merely tell the same thing in different words*; or, worse still, 
accounts of the same events told from opposing points of view '. 


^ Above, §§ 86, 87. bad example of his predecessors. 

Wheloc is an exception, as his * See e.g. Ingram, 1035, ^°37. 

text is practically edited from a 1043; and cf. p. 236, note, 

single MS. ; and the interpolations * See e.g. Ingram, 1055, where 

of a, which he embodies in his text, the statement of D that ^ifgar 

are clearly distinguished by being was banished ' almost without guilt,' 

eticlosed iu square brackets. is combined with the directly op- 

^ Thus an entry of the M. E. of posite statement of E that his guilt 

902 is amalgamated with an entry was self-confessed. In many cases 

of the main Chronicle under 902, Ingram himself has to abandon the 

though 902 M.R. = 905 of theChron- attempt at conflation, and places 

icle. In this particular point of the the divergent text in the notes. 
M. E.., even Thorpe has followed the 


The only part of the Chronicle which could really he treated 
as the work of a single mind is the Alfredian Chronicle up to 
892 ^; and even liere we should require at any rate two parallel 
texts for the southern and northern recensions, and this is 
practically secui-ed by Professor Earle's plan, followed in the 
present edition, of printing S and E opposite to each other. 
But the supplementary extracts given in our pages from the 
other MSS. are an ocular proof that even a double text does not 
adequately represent the material contained in the Chronicle, 
and there can be no doubt of the superiority of Thorpe's plan 
of printing all six MSS, in parallel columns, though there are 
some grave defects in his execution of the plan ^. 

§ 121. Another question which is forced upon us is the Lost 
question of the existence of other Saxon Chronicles now lost Chromclei 
or hidden. For we have seen that the phenomena of our 
existing MSS. can hardly be explained without the hypothesis 
of other MSS., such as those which I have called M, se, V, y, 8, 
€, 7] ^. We have also seen that a passage in Florence clearly 
implies a Saxon original which is not in any of our Chronicles *, 
and Dr. Liebermann has pointed out that Hermann, the author 
of the Miracles of St. Edmund, seems to have had a MS. of the 
Chronicle diftering from those we know ^. We are not, however, 
left to conjecture in the matter. In our H we have a fragment 
of a lost Chronicle ; and in the twelfth century Catalogue of the 
Durham Library among the ' libri Anglici ' occur ' duo Cronica 
Anglica,' and also ' Elfledes Boc,' which, as I have suggested ^ 
may be the Mercian Eegister. Another piece of evidence was 
pointed out to Professor Earle by the late Mr. Bradshaw. In 
the University Library at Cambridge is a MS. of iElfric's 

^ And even in it the unity is have been difficult, and the compo- 

rather of selection than of composi- sition of this Introduction impossible, 

tion ; see above, § 4. 3 Above, §§ 34, 49, 50, 54, 60, 61, 

^ As I shall have later to criticise 63, 64, 87, 93, 100, loi, iii tf. 

some of the details of Thorpe's * ih. § 84 note. 

work, I wish here to state, as em- ^ Ungedruckte Geschichtsquel- 

phatically as I can, my great obli- len, pp. 228, 234, 246. Other Latin 

gations to it. It has never been chroniclers, such as Ethelwerd, 

out of my hands during the progress Ann. S. Neoti, also show traces of 

of my own work ; without it the Chronicles differing from ours ; see 

writing of many of my notes would above, §§ 90, 100. ^ Above, § 69. 


Grammar (Hli. i. lo). It is mutilated at the end, and 
Mr. Bradshaw showed that the missing part must have con- 
tained what Archbishop Parker, in his list of books given by 
him to the Librarj', calls ' Hist. Angliae Saxonica/ and what 
James, in his Ecloga, p. 69, calls ' Annales Saxonici.' On the 
other hand a hint given in M. H. B., Pref., p. 77, when followed 
up by Professor Earle and the Vicomte de la Villemanjue, only 
led to a MS. of the Chronicon Magdeburgensc. Nor is there 
any reason to think that Joscelin's ' Hist. Petroburg. ' is other 
than our E. Wheloc confused the matter, first of all, by 
attributing the interpolations in iS to Joscelin, and then by 
asserting that Joscelin assigns them to the 'Codex Petroburg.'; 
whereas Joscelin merely notes from time to time ' sic et in Cod. 
Petroburg.,' which is true enough ; for, as I have shown, the 
entries in E and the interpolations in 31 often come from 
a common source ^ That in the reckless and wanton destruc- 
tion which accompanied the dissolution of the monasteries 
many MSS. of the Chronicle, as of other works, should have 
perished is nothing surprising^. The history of literature, 
especially of late years, has been full of strange and romantic 
recoveries of works long thought to be irretrievably lost. And 

' Above, § 32. JTige of the foren nacyons. Yea, 

' Cf. Bishop Bale's lament in his the uny versytees of thys realme are 

preface to Leland's New Yeares not all clere in thys detestable fact. 

Gift to Henry VIII, 1549, cited by But cursed is that bellye whyche 

Wiilker, Grundriss, p. 4 : 'If there seketh to be fedde with such ungodly 

had been in every shyre of Englande gaynes, and so depely shameth liys 

but one solempne lybraiy, to the natural contreye. I know a mer- 

preseriiacyon of those noble workes, chaunt man, whych shall at thys 

and |)reterrement of good lernynges time be naraelesse, that boughte the 

in our posteryte, it had bene yet contentes of two noble lybraryies 

sumwhat. But to destroy all with- for XL shyllynges pryce, a shame 

out consy deration, a great number it is to be spoken. Thys stuffe hath 

of them whych purchased those he occupyed in the stede of graye 

superstycyouse mansions, reserued paper by the space of more than 

of those lybrarye bokes, some to these X yeares, and yet he hath 

serue their iakes, some to scour store ynough for as many yeares to 1 

their candlestyckes, and some to come.' But it occurs to us to ask, iC, 

rubbe their bootes. Some they sold if the good bishop knew that these 

to the grossers and sopesellers, and priceless treasures were being sold 

some over see to the bokebynders, for the price of ' graye paper,' why 

not in small nombre, but at tymes did not he, like Parker, make some 

whole shyppes full, to the wonder- effort to preserve them ? 




it is not beyond the bounds of possibility that in some private 
or foreign collection one or more Saxon Chronicles may yet be 
found ; but it must be confessed that the chances at present do 
not seem very great. 

S 122. Of the relation oftheLatin Historians and Gaimar to the Decay of 
Chronicle down to Malmesbury and Huntingdon in the twelfth g^^j^jjgg 
century enough has been said \ nor is it necessary to pursue the 
pubject further. Roger of Wcndover in the next century is too 
utterly unciitical in his early history to repay analysis^. And 
from the twelfth century ouwards the will and the jDOwer to con- 
sult the original sources of our history decayed ; partly because 
the key to the ancient tongue was lost ; partly, as Earle has 
said, because ' Malmeshurj^'s work carried with it a prestige of 
finality^'; until in the pages of Capgrave. the first to apply 
the native tongue once nK)re to the original writing of history, 
the gi'eatest name in all Engli^'h history, the name of xVlfred, 
moves like the shadow cast by a great luminaiy in eclipse *. 
' Saxon history was lost or forgotten ^.' But for men like 
Parker, Joscelin, Cotton, and Lisle, it might have been lost 

YII. Ok the Editions and Translations of the 
Saxon Chronicle. 

§ 123. The story of the general revival of Anglo-Saxon studies Editions 
cannot be told here; but something must now be said about the j^tions of 
editions and translations whereby a knowledge of the Chronicle the 
was gradually recovered. The first of these, the Editio Princeps, ^""'° ^' 

See above, §§ 50-58, 84, 85, 99, 

' See Tlieo|)oUl, pp. 7. 7O) 92. 

^ Earle, Introduction, p. Ixiv. 

* ' In this tyme regneil Alured in 
Ynglond, the fourt son of Adelwold. 
He beijan to retrn in the jere of our 
Lord bCCCLXXII. This man, be 
the councelle of Seint Ned, mad an 
open Scjle of divers sciens at Oxen- 

ford. He had many batailes with 
iJanes ; and aftir many conflictes in 
which lie had the wer.s, at the last 
he overcam hem ; and be his trety 
Godrus [a nominative inferred from 
Godrum = GuSrum !] here Kjmg 
was baptized, and went horn with 
his pu[)le. XXVIII jere he regned, 
and deied the servannt of God' 
(cited by Earle, p. Ixv). * ih. 



is that of Abraham Wheloc, Professor of Arabic at Cambridge 


This was printed at Cambridge in 1643 ^"<i 1644 as an 
Appendix to Wheloc's Editio Prince2)s of the Anglo-Saxon 
version of Bede, and was certainly a considerable performance 
for the time at which it was done ; nor can the shortcomings, 
inseparable from a first attempt made at a time when the 
revived study of Anglo-Saxon was in its infancy and the appli- 
ances were few ^, detract from the glory which belongs to 
Wheloc, that (in Gibson's words) ' primus omnium praeclarum 
istud huius nationis monumentum a blattis ac tineis uindi- 
cauit ^.' Of the MSS. used by "Wheloc, and the way in which 
he treated them, enough has been said above *. It remains to 
add a few words on the Latin translation with which he accom- 
panied his text. That it should contain many errors, some of 
them rather comic, was to be expected ® ; but on the whole it is 
a courageous and creditable performance. To Cambridge thus 
belongs the honour of producing the first edition of the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle®. But from that time to this the history 

^ On Wheloc's work in connexion 
with Br3'an Walton's Polyglot Bible, 
&c., see Todd's Life of Walton, i. 
230 ff. (I owe the reference to 
Professor Margoliouth .) 

'' On the progress of Anglo-Saxon 
studies up to Wheloc's time, see 
Wiilker, u. «., pp. 1-17. 

^ Gibson, Preface. 

* §§ I7>98- 

(inne) fiilgon, ' donee Inam seqne- 
rentur'; 871: sumorlida, ' aestiua 
lues ' ; 875 : Strsecled Wealas, 
'Britones pictos'; 879: gegadrode 
on hloS wicenga, ' Hlothwicengam 
[as place-name] confluxit ' ; 889 : 
twegen hleaperas, ' duos leprosos ' ; 
891 : hi ne rohton hwser, ' illam 
uero non remigabant ' ; 894 : hie 
to londe comon, ' Londinum iiene- 
rant ' ; 897 : ]>aet hie nytwyr|7oste 
beon meahtan, * modo ilia ne pes- 
sima esse possent ' ; 898 : Heahstan 

biscop, ' summus episcopus'; 921: 
))a se fyrdstemn for ham, 'turn 
exercitu.s Ite domum uociferatur ' ; 
955 : on Frome, 'in aetatis uigore' ; 
973 : cyninges leohta hyrdes, 're- 
gis Leohthyrdi '; 975 : gamolfeax 
haeleS, ' cameli pilis tectus ' ; 1031 : 
tseper sex, ' cereum ' ; cf. also 67, 
418, 518, 538, 560, 607, 616, 653, 
661, 685, 700, 716, 7 '8, 7.^3, 833. 
851, 864, 878, 885, 886, 887, 893, 
894, 895, 896, 925, 964. Naturally 
the poetical parts caused the greatest 
difficulty to a beginner. The trans- 
lation of the Song of Brunanburh 
is quite hopeless, and Wheloc evi- 
dently was not happy about it, for 
he says : ' idioma hie et ad annum 
942 et975 perantiquum et horridum 
lectoris candorem et diligentiam 

® Cambridge was, however, nearly 
anticipated by Oxford. Dr. Gerard 
Langbaine (1609-1658), Provost of 



of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has been mainly connected with 
Oxford '. 

§ 124. Edmund Gibson (i 669-1 748), afterwards Bishop Gibson, 
of London, published his edition in 1692, when he was only 
twenty-three ; and it is certainly a most remarkable per- 
formance. It was at the instance of John Mill, the author of 
the Exemplar Millianum, that he undertook the task. He 
had, as he confesses, one very great advantage over Wheloc in 
the publication of Hickes' Anglo-Saxon Grammar, and in the 
private assistance which he derived from Hickes. ' The con- 
sequence was that his edition was a great advance on Wheloc's, 
and altogether an admirable work. His Latin version is in 
general not only correct, but happy. Substantially it has been 
the basis of all later versions ^.' The faulty principle on which 

Queen's, had contemplated an 
edition ' ut apparet ex schedis eius 
MSS. in Bibliotheca Bodleiana,' 
but gave up the idea when he found 
that Wheloc had anticipated him : 
' opus isthoc infeliciter praeripnerat,' 
says Gibson, with praiseworthy 
loyalty to the former head of his 
own college. Bishop Fell, at the 
instance of Junius and Marshall, 
prevailed on William Nicholson to 
undertake a new edition, but his 
removal from Oxford frustrated the 
plan, which was ultimately carried 
out by Gibson. See his Preface. 
From tlie collations of MS. F of 
the Chronicle, to be found in Junius' 
copy of Wheloc (Junius MSS. No. 
10, see below), Gibson, u. s., infers 
that Junius himself had contem- 
plated an edition. 

^ Thorpe was not at either Uni- 

^ Earle, p. Ixx. This does not 
mean that either the translation or 
the text is free from faults ; cf. 
634* : for San hejienscipe ])e hi 
drugon, ' propter Paganisnium quo 
[uitam] ii traxerant ' ; 675* : wi6 
translated ' cum,' and so often ; 
755t* : on Jises wifes gebserum, ' intra 
mulieris domicilium ' ; ib. f : heora 


agene dom, 'proprias ipsorum liber- 
tates ' ; 871: sumorlida, ' qnies 
aestiua ' ; 894f *, ad fin. : on anre 
westre ceastre, ' in Occidentali 
quadam ciuitate ' ; 941 : 7 he waes 
J)a xviii wintre, ' et ei [sc. regno] 
praefuit xviii annis'; loiGf, ad 
init. : selc mann ))e feor waere, 
* unusquisque longe dissitus ' ; 
io86f , p. 190 : fyrmest to eacan 
J)am cynge, ' regi maxime fidelis ' ; 
loSjf*: Rodbeard a Mundbrseg, 
'E. pacis uiolator' ; ii37t, p. 240: 
was [lege war] sae me tilede, ' litus 
arabant, i. e. frustra arabant ' ; cf. 
also i89t*, 418, 56ot, 6i6t, 64ot*, 
656t, 68.;^t*, 686t, 709t*, I^H*. 
790*, 794t*, 796, 852t* 853, 854t, 
867t, 876t*, 88it, 883t*, SS5t*, 
886t, 89it, 894t, 896*, 897t*, 
903t*, 919!*, 920, 92it*, 922t, 
941, 942, 957t, 96it*, 963, 975t*, 
992, 994*, ioo4f*, ioo6f*, ioo9t, 
loiof, loiif*, ioi3f, ioi6t*, 
1020, 1036*, 1041+*, 1042, i046t, 
I047t, i048t*, io55t*, io7ot, 
io83t, io86t, i09ot, logif*, 
I093t, I094t*, i099t*, noo, 1103, 
iio6t*, iii4t*, ii25t*, ii35t*, 
ii37t*. (The dagger means that 
the mistake is repeated by Miss 
Gurney, the asterisk that it is 



Gibson constructed his edition lias been already explained'. 
But further, he never formed any clear view of the relative 
value of the authorities which he employed, and takes some- 
times one and sometimes another as the basis of his text. For 
materials Gibson did not go beyond the walls of the Bodleian. 
It is worth while to see exactly what materials he had. In the 
first place, he had the printed text of Wheloc ; this practically 
gave him A and S *. Secondly, he had our E, which he cites as 
Laud. This in itself gave him a large amount of new material ^, 
though his complaint that Wheloc used ' mutilated ' MSS.* rests 
on that misconception of the nature of the Saxon Chronicles 
which underlies the plan of his edition. Thirdly, he had a tran- 
script of B made by Joscelin ; this is the MS. which he cites 
as Cant.^ Fourthly, he had Junius' collations and extracts 

repeated by Dr. Ingram.) Gibson's 
translation of the Song of Brunan- 
buih is almost as hopeless as that 
of Wheloc, though he protests 
against the epithet 'horridum' 
which Wheloc applies to it, and 
though he quotes H. H.'s version 
in the notes, which might have kept 
him right in some cases where he 
has gone wrong. In several in- 
stances he has wrong readings ; 
p. 2 : palas /"or Walas ; 584 : 
yrfe for jrre ; 870 ;_ 977 ; p. 
239 : wessien _/br werrien (which 
he turns into a proper name) ; cf. 
was for war, p. 240. It is, 
however, one of Gibson's merits 
that he never tries to gloss over 
words or phrases which he does 
not understand : ' quid significet 
hoc uocabulum omnino nescio ' ; 
* quis sit sensus me omnino latet ' ; 
' harum uocum significationem ig- 
noro ' ; ' uocis significatio mihi 
plane incognita ' ; ' quae sit Imius 
uocabuli significatio uideant alii ' ; 
pp. 115, 194, 216, 219, 231, 236, 
239, 240 ; cf. his preface, where 
he speaks of ' quaedam Chronici 
loca, in quibus meam inscitiam 
libere profiteor.' 

^ Above, §§ II, 120. 

^ Gibson clearly grasped the rela- 
tion of S and A : ' alteram alterius 
apographum esse omnino uideatur.' 

^ ' Huic uni plus debent Annales 
Saxonici, quam caeteris omnibus.' 

* ' Ad fidem Codicis mutili ac 
mendosi ; ' ' neuter [S and A] 
integrum Chronicon complectitur, 
sed ipsius frngmenta.' Insrram, 
however, remarks justly : ' These 
MSS. were . . . not less entire, as 
far as they went, than his own 
favourite Laud,' p. ii. 

* Now Laud. Misc. 661 ; 4to. 
chart, ff. 46. It is in a larger and 
more formal hand than Joscelin's 
ordinary hand ; but a comparison 
with a note in his ordinary hand 
to be found at the end of 915, 
seems to me to show clearlv that 
the text is by Joscelin also. Gibson 
was ignorant of its derivation. He 
calls it ' Codex . . . non omnino . . . 
contemnendus ... ad exemplar ali- 
quod descriptus . . . hodie . . . ex- 
tinctum.' At the end is the West 
Saxon pedigree. This I believe to 
be taken from Tib. A. iii. (So 
Wanley, p. 84 ; and so Mr. Macray 
in his Catalogue of the Laud MSS.) 



from F alluded to above ^ ; this is the MS. which he calls Cot. 
It will thus be seen that Gibson had practically access to S and 
A, B, E, and F. Of C and D he knew absolutely nothing. It 
was the great merit of Ingram that he first made use of these 
interesting and important MSS. 

§ 125. But before Dr. Ingram's work was published, ^hei-e Miss 
appeared, in 1819, the first translation into modern English of -'' 

the Saxon Chronicle. This was the work of a lady, the learned 
and benevolent Miss Anna Gurney (1795-1857). She had 
intended to publish her work, but hearing that Dr. Ingram's 
edition was in preparation, she contented herself with printing 
a limited number of copies for private circulation^. This 

With the exception of one homoio- 
teleuton omission (specially easy to 
make in a document where the 
same phrases constantly recur) and 
two or three minute diiferences of 
spelling, it agrees exactly in all 
respects. It affords, therefore, no 
evidence of the existence of a 
genealogical preface belonging to 
B other than Tib. A. iii (/3). 
Another copy of the pedigree by 
Junius is in Junius MSS., No. 66. 
This is expressly stated by Junius 
to be taken from Tib. A. iii. Gib- 
son used both MSS., pp. 15-17, not 
realising that they are both tran- 
scripts of the same MS. Laud 661 
he calls Cant, as before ; Junius 66 
he calls Cot., which at first sight 
causes confusion, that being his 
symbol for Junius' transcript of F. 
But as F does not contain the 
genealogy, there is no real doubt 
as to his meaning. As Gibson did 
not know the origin of Laud 661, 
he cannot have called it Cant, 
because of its derivation from B, 
a book of St. Augustine's, Canter- 
bury. He probably called it so as 
having belonged to Laud, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury ; the symbol 
Laud having been already appro- 
priated to E. 

^ Junius 10; § 88, note. ' Inde 
nos eas deseripsimus, singulari 

hominis in his rebus religione 
merito innixi.' As F is now in 
many places very difficult to read, 
these collations and transcripts of 
Junius would be well worthy of 
the attention of any one who should 
undertake a new six-text edition 
of the Chronicle, a work much to 
be desired. 

^ The copy in my possession is 
one presented by Miss Gurney's 
printer to a reverend gentleman, 
unnamed, because he had heard 
from ' my friend, Mr. Holmes, that 
it will find a welcome reception 
in your library.' It is somewhat 
of a satire on this ' welcome recep- 
tion' that the book, when it came 
into my hands, was almost wholly 
uncut. My late friend, the Rev. 
Edward Hill, sometime Rector of 
Wishford, Wilts., once told me that, 
as a boy, he used to attend the 
same church as Miss Gurney ; and 
that, with a boy's curiosity, he 
would sometimes go early to church, 
in order to see this gifted lady (who 
owing to a paralytic affection had 
been a complete cripple from her 
infancy) carried into her pew by 
her men-servants. There is a brief 
but interesting account of her ' busy, 
active, and happy life ' in the 
Dictionary of National Biography. 
Mr. Hill also gave me an account of 



translation is based on Gibson's edition, tbe lady, as stated in 
the Preface, having ' only access to the printed texts.' But it 
is by no means a mere rendering into English of Gibson's Latin, 
but an independent translation. Though in a certain number 
of cases she follows Gibson's errors', yet in many cases she 
corrects them from a better knowledge of the original^; and 
the English is vigorous and idiomatic. This translation is the 
basis of Dr. Giles', which will be mentioned presently. 

§ 126. Ingram's edition appeared in 1823. He did not, like 
Gibson, confine himself to Oxford materials, but extended his 
researches to London and Cambridge. Thus he knew S at first 
hand, and not merely through Wheloc ; he used B, /5, and F in 
the originals, and not merely in the Bodleian transcripts ; and 
he incorporated for the first time the additional and important 
material afforded by C and D. He added an English transla- 
tion, and introductions, notes, and appendices, which contain 
many interesting and just remarks. Thus his edition is in 
many ways a great advance on that of Gibson. Unfortunately 
it was constructed on the same faulty plan, and this evil was 
enhanced by the very excellences of the edition; for the greater 
the amount of materials collected, the greater is the confusion 
produced by conflating them. The translation seems to me less 
spirited and idiomatic than Miss Gurney's. He retains, as we 

the comic dismay of the Professor 
of Anglo-Saxon, the Rev. H. B. 
Wilson, of St. John's, when Mr. Hill 
applied to him for instruction, and 
on being questioned by the Pro- 
fessor as to what he had read on 
the subject, replied that he had 
read Hickes' Thesaurus, which was 
possibly more than the Professor 
himself had done. According to 
Diet. Nat. Biog. a second edition 
of Miss Gurney's translation was 
called for ; but of this I can find 
no trace. Nor have I succeeded 
in finding the MS. translation by 
Gough, which Ingram says exists 
in the Bodleian Library ; it was 
based, like Miss Gurney's, on 

Gibson's edition, Ingram, p. xvi. 

^ See above, § 1 24, note. 

2 418, 560, 755, 790, 796, 853, 
886, 896, 920, 941, 963, 1006, loio, 
1016, 1036, 1061, 1087, 1088, 1093, 
1100,1103,1116,1131,1135. Miss 
Gurney's translation of the Song of 
Brunanburh is an immense advance 
on Gibson's, and is superior to that 
of Ingram. Even where she has 
not succeeded in solving the difficul- 
ties of the original, her rendering is 
always spirited. On the other hand, 
she has fallen into some errors for 
which Gibson is not responsible ; 
675, 887, 891, 1012, 1022, 1045, 
1088, Ii2r 



have seen, a good many of Gibson's errors ^ and that too in 
cases where Miss Gurney, whose work he praises (p. xvii), might 
have shown him the right way. He has, no doubt, corrected 
several of Gibson's blunders^ ; but per contra he has introduced 
a good many new ones of his own ^. In the translation of the 
matter which Ingram introduced from C and D he was a pioneer, 
and mistakes were to be expected *. 

§ 127. In 1847 Dr. Giles published a translation of the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Like others of Dr. Giles' literary pro- 
ductions it was largely based on the labours of others, among 
whom he acknowledges especial obligations to Miss Gurney. 

§ 128. In 1848 appeared a handsome folio volume: ' Monu- Monu- 
menta Historica Britaunica (M. H. B.), or Materials for the ™?'^*'^. 
History of Britain from the Earliest Period : Vol. I, extending Britanui 
to' the Norman Conquest.' This was the first instalment of 
a scheme, projected by Mr. Petrie the principal editor (t 1842), 

' Above, § 124, note. 

^ 560, 616, 656 (p. 44% 675, 755, 
854, 871, 885, 886, 959, 992, 1003, 
1006, 1009, loio, 1016, 1035, 1 103, 
1 1 16, 1 135, 1140. In one or two 
cases he corrects Gibson's text, 
Pref., 854arf^rt., 977. He fails to 
do so, 584. Now and then he 
endeavours to correct Gibson where 
Gibson is quite right, e.g. pp. 295, 
339, notes. 

' 597,656 (pp. 43, 45)> 722, 7.M, 
793, 823, 830, 839, 865, 871 ad fin., 

893, 894, 9ii> 918, 942, 947, 959) 
975, 1009, 1013, 1095, 1096, 1097, 
1104, 1105, 1131, 1132, 1137, 1154. 
* 1041 : this is a good illustration 
of the consequences of Ingram's 
system of conflation. E reads • Her 
. . . com Eadweard ^^Selredes sunn 
cinges hider to lande of Weallande.' 
C, D read ' Her . . . com Eadward 
[Hardacnutes] broSor on medren 
fram begeondan ste ^J)elredes sunu 
cinges.' Ingram reads ' Her . . . 
com Eadward JEiS. s. c. hider to 
lande on Medren of Weallande,' 
and translates : ' This year . . . came 
Edward, &c., hither to land from 

Wealland to Madron ' (!) Another 
choice rendering is 1075 ad fin., 
*sume getawod to scande,' 'some 
were towed to Scandinavia'; cf. 
also pp. 58, 180, 208, 211, 222, 223, 
232, 234, 239, 246, 252, 255, 256, 
259, 261, 263, 271, 279, 281, 284. 
One frequent cause of Dr. Ingram's 
blunders is that he transliterates 
rather than translates, and takes a 
word which sounds like the original, 
though it may have nothing to do 
with it. Thus getawod = towed 
{v. s.), genotud = noted (really, 
= consumed\ p. 116; aesc = esk, 
p. 122 ; gehadode menn = hooded 
men, p. 187; gefremian = frame 
(here there is an etymological con- 
nexion, though it does not give the 
sense), p. 211 ; to handesceofe = 
handcuff', p. 227 ; cf. pp. 249, 265, 
3°9, 31 1) 312, 319-. Another 
curious feature is the introduction 
of extreme modernisms : 'copyholds,' 
' viceroy,' ' privy council,' ' peers,' 
' corporation,' pp. 75, 124, 186,197, 
263. This extends to proper names : 
Geraint appears as Grant, Beocca 
as Beeke, pp. 61, 11 1. 



for publishing a complete series of our early Chronicles, &c. No 
other volume was ever published, because Mr. Petrie's scheme 
was ultimately abandoned in favour of that which has given us 
the well-known E,olls Series. The Saxon Chronicle occupies 
pp. 291-466; and the editing of this part of the volume 
was mainly the work of Mr. Richard Price (t 1833), 'a good 
man and highly accomplished scholar^,' who also commenced 
the edition of the Anglo-Saxon Laws ultimately completed by 
Mr. Thorpe. As the volume did not extend beyond 1066, 
the later parts of D and E were necessarily omitted. In the 
arrangement of the text a great improvement was made by 
making S the standard MS. wherever possible, and by printing 
separately below the line those parts of the various MSS. which did 
not admit of being combined with the texts placed above the line. 
But there is still too mvich conflation ^, and when S fails there 
seems to be no fixed principle as to what shall be placed above 
the line and what below"; and the reader has still painfully 
to consult the very intricate Apparatus Criticus in order to 
ascertain on each occasion what he is really reading. But it 
is in the translation that the improvement is most conspicuous ; 
and it forms a striking testimony to the rapid progress of Anglo- 
Saxon studies in the ten years between the appearance of 
Ingram's edition in 1823 and the death of Mr. Price in 1833 *. 
■Stevenson. § 129. In 1 853 appeared a translation of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle by the Piev. Joseph Stevenson, M.A., of University 
College, Durham, in his series of ' The Church Historians of 
England.' The first part, up to the Conquest, was taken by per- 
mission from M. H. B., with ' a few unimportant corrections ^ ' ; 

* Thorpe's Ancient Laws, I. xvii. ; 
see also Thorpe's Chronicle, I. xxi., 

^ See e.g. 640, 912, 943, 980. 

^ In some cases [lart of an annal 
from a MS. is placed above the line, 
and another part of the same annal 
from the same MS. is placed below, 
876, 1022, 103S. 

* This doe? not mean that the 
translation is faultless ; there are 
still mistakes here and there, e.g. 

188, 616, 655, 657*t, 68ot, 685, 
693t, 716, 7.55*, 777*. 871*, 878, 
894t, 917. 9'8t, 937*t, 962, 97.3t, 
975t, 981, ioo9t, 1013, 1036, 
1050 D, 1048 E, 1052 Ef, 1052 C, 
1056, io66*t. In those annals 
marked with an asterisk, corrections 
have been made by Stevenson ; in 
those marked with a dagger, by 
Thorpe. See below. 

^ Jt will be seen from the last 
note that there are many errors in 


from 1067 the translation is tlie work of Mr. Stevenson^. 
Professor Earle says : ' on the whole, this appears to be the best 
translation which has hitherto appeared ^' 

§ 130. In 1 86 1 appeared Mr. Thorpe's six-text edition, with Thorpe, 
translation, in the series of the Master of the Eolls. I have 
already emphatically expressed my sense of the great value of 
this edition and of the plan on which it is constructed, which 
may well make us pardon some imperfections in detail. Of 
these the most important seem to me to be (i) the omission of 
almost all the Latin entries in E ; (2) the almost entire neglect 
of the Latin text of F^; (3) the uncritical conflation of the 
Mercian Register with the main Chronicle ; (4) the liberties 
taken with the text both in the way of arrangement* and of 
unauthorised and not very successful emendation ® ; (5) the dis- 
location of the parallelism in some of the later parts of the 
Chronicle, 104 4- 105 2, just where (owing to defective chrono- 
logy, divergence in the beginning of the year, &c.) it was most 
necessary to bring out the parallelism clearly. 

As to the translation Mr. Thorpe corrected several of the 
errors of his predecessors ^, but the arrangement is veiy con- 
fused, and reproduces some of the worst features of the conflate 
editions ; it must, one would fancy, be very puzzling to any one 

M. H. B., which Mr. Stevenson did annal, 910 E, and the distributing 
not correct; and he made one or it over different years; the trans- 
two new ones : 896, 1052*0. posing the notice of the comet from 

^ In this part also there are some the beginning to the end of 905 D. 

errors: io67f, io69-f, 1070 E f. In 1004 D he has inserted the 

lo^if , 1075+, io86t, io87f , 1091, words ' ^ hi faer togsedere fon 

1092, I094f, I099t, iioof, Ii04t, sceol,don* though in the MS. they 

iio7t, 1125, ii27f, iisif? n32t, have been omitted through homoio- 

1154. Several of these are inherited teleuton. In 343 E he has an entry 

from his predecessors. Those marked (the death of St. Nicholas) which is 

with a dagger are corrected by not in E at all, but only in F. 
Thorpe. * e. g. the unlucky ' scipan ' for 

^ Introduction, p. Ixxiii, 'sciran,' 1097; 'Angeow' for the 

^ In Pertz, xiii. 94, the late Pro- corrupt ' oncweow,' 11 10; see notes 

fessor Pauli expresses his wonder at ad loc. 

the universal neglect of the Latin * He also added several new ones 

text of F, and gives some extracts of his own: e.(ji. 617, 790 E, 1036, 

from it. 104T, 1087, 1093, iioo, 1120, 1131, 

* e.g. the breaking up of the I137. 



who could not control it by reference to the original \ But in 
spite of these drawbacks this work amply deserves the praise 
which Earle bestowed upon it as ' one of the greatest boons that 
could have been conferred on the Saxon student^.' 

§ 131. In 1865 the Clarendon Press jjublished 'Two of the 
Saxon Chronicles Parallel, with supplementary extracts from 
the others, edited, with introduction, notes, and a glossarial 
index, by John Earle, M.A.' But though not published till 
1865, the Introduction shows that the text had been in type 
for some eight years previously^. Therefore the conception, 
and to a large extent the execution, of the work were quite 
independent of Mr. Thorpe's edition. I have already said that 
the six-text arrangement has great advantages, but it must be 
remembered that Mr. Thorpe had behind him the resources of 
the English Government ; while, as compared with the M. H. B., 
Earle's advance in clearness is incalculable ; and though the texts 
do not include all that was given by Thorpe, yet as far as they 
go they are more correct*, and the printing of the interpolations 
in SI in a separate type, so as to be discernible at a glance, was 
a great improvement. Professor Earle's plan did not include 
a translation, but in the notes he brought a wide linguistic and 
historical knowledge to the elucidation of the Chronicle, and 
cleared up many passages previously obscure^. But perhaps 
the greatest advance was made in the Introduction, the first 
attempt to give a rational and connected account of the growth 
of the Chronicle and the relations of the tlifferent MSS. The 
words of a German critic express the sober truth : ' Earle was 
the first to prefix to his edition a really critical investigation of 
the various MSS.«' 

^ It is quite clear to me that 
Thorpe made liis translation from 
the text of M. H. B. (see e.g. 876, 
980, 1017, 1022, 1038), and not 
from his own texts. 

^ Introduction, p. Ixxiii. 

^ ' If I had the text to print 
again, with eight years' more e.r- 
perience,^ &c., p. li. 

* ' Die sonst entschieden bessere 
Ausgabe von Earle,' Theopold,p. 11. 

^ See e.r;. the notes on wedbroSof, 
656 E ; gebserum, 755 ; the meaning 
of 'up' in the sense of 'inland,' 
865, &c. ; manbryne, 962 ; Welisce 
men, 1048 E; -p he dyde eall, 1070 
E; werscipe, 1086; f hi ealle 
abohton, 1125 ; and the happy and 
certain emendations of Beorn for 
Harold, 1046 E, and oncneow for 
oncweow, mo; see notes ad lac. 

^ Grubitz, p. 2. 


§ 132. The jiresent edition, as the title-page declares, is based Tlie present 
on that of Earle, but it differs from it in some important par- ®^>''"^°- 
ticulavs. In the text the expansion of contractions in the MSS. 
is indicated by the use of italics ; the earlier and later interpo- 
lations in MS. S are distinguished by the use of different 
types as explained in the Prefoce. The Mercian Eegister has 
been placed in parallelism with the main Chronicle, instead of 
being relegated to an Appendix, as in Earle. By the omission 
of parts of C, which are practically identical with the corre- 
sponding parts of E, room has been gained for additional 
extracts from other MSS. ; the passages from F Lat. may 
perhaps be specially mentioned. The Glossary has been regu- 
larly grouped under head-words, instead of being a mei'e word- 
list as in Earle's edition ; and all words are included in it 
which occur in any of the texts here given, and not merely 
those derived from "R and E. And last, but not least, a copious 
index has been added. Whether these changes are improve- 
ments must be left to others to decide. 




On the Commencement of the Year in the 
Saxon Chronicles 

Gervase, the monk of Canterbury, at the beginning of his own 
Chronicle calls attention to the divergence among chroniclers as 
to the commencement of the year : ' Quidam enim annos Domini 
k incipiunt computare ab Annuntiatione, alii a Natiuitate, quidam 
a Circumcisione, quidam uero a Passione ' (i. 88). To this should 
cv,be added 'quidam a Resurrectione.' The reason for beginning 
^ the year with the Annunciation was that that feast was regarded 
.""-' as marking the Incarnation of the Word. Strictly speaking, there- 
n' fore, the year so i-eckoned should precede the year reckoned from 
^?j' December 25 or January i by some nine montbs ; in practice, 
however, and universally in later times, it is some three months 
behind the ordinary reckoning. Of this mode of beginning the 
year I have found no trace in the Saxon Chronicles. Nor do 
I think that there is any case of reckoning from the Passion. Of 
the commencement from January i, the only hint that I have 
found is in 1096 E, though that annal itself clearly commences 
with Christmas (see note ad loc). The only two commencements, 
therefore, which we have to consider seriously in relation to the 
Chronicle are Easter and Christmas. Of these the Easter com- 
mencement always in the Chronicle is some three or four months 
behind the other reckoning ; though in France in the fourteenth 
century it anticipated the other by some eight or nine months 
(Hampson, ii. 407). This system has the special inconvenience 
that, owing to Easter being a movable feast, certain days in 
March and April may in some cases occur twice over in the same 



$« year. The reckoning from the Nativity differs from our own 

merely in this, that the seven days, December 25 — December 31, 
are dated one year later than in our system. This is the pre- 
vailing system of the Chronicle. Of course it is only a certain 
\j number of annals vrhich afford decisive evidence on the question. 

V^ Dates between Easter and Christmas would be the same on both 

,.^ systems ; it is only in those which occur between Christmas and 

^ the following Easter that the difference would be apparent. 

The reckoning from Christmas prevails, I believe, throughout 
the Alfredian Chronicle, i.e. up to about 892. Of this we have 
two crucial instances. The annal 794 (= 796) opens with the 
death of Pope Adrian I. Adrian died on December 25, 795, 
according to our reckoning, i. e. on the first day of 796 according 
to the chronicler's system. Again, the year S27 ( = 829) opens with 
a lunar eclipse 'on Midwinter's massnight.' This eclipse took 
place at 2 a.m. on what we should call December 25, 828. It is 
not often that we can expect to find such good positive evidence as 
this. But there is, I think, good negative evidence that the year 
did not begin with Easter (or March 25) in the following annals 
of the Alfredian Chronicle : 538, 762, 853, 878, 891 ; also 670 E, 
731, 793 D, E, F. 

Of the other parts of the Chronicle the evidence for the 
Christmas commencement is strongest in the later parts of E ; 
where the annals constantly open with the holding of the 
Christmas court of what we should call the previous year ; cf. 
1066 E, 1091, 1094-1111, 1113-1116, 1121-1123, 1125, 1127; cf. 1131. 
So 1053, 1063 D seem to commence with Christmas. 

Negative evidence that the year does not begin with Easter 
seems furnished at 921 S, 951 S ; by C, D, E, F at 979, 1012, 1014 : 
by D at 1047, 1048, 1052^, 1056, 1071, 1078; by E at 1039, 1047, 
1048, 1061, 1070. 

The part of the Chronicle in which the Easter commencement 
of the year appears most clearly is the latter part of MS. C from 
1044 onwards. This appears clearly in 1044-1047, 1049-1055, 
1065, 1066. (Curiously enough 1055 and 1056 C seem to use the 
other system.) The Easter commencement occurs also 1066 D 
(which comes from the same source as C). It also is found in 
C, D, E, F in the two annals 1009, 1010. It seems also to be 
implied in 1041 D and 1067 D ; see notes ad loc; as well as in 
E 1075, 1077, 1083, 1085 1086, in which Christmas ends the year. 
This would, however, be also compatible with a commencement 


on January i. I have pointed out in the Introduction, §§ 72, no, 
that in the later parts of C, D, and E the materials probably come 
from different sources ; and it may well be that in the different 
religious houses from which they came different modes of reckoning 
the commencement of the year may have been in vogue. 

We have an interesting record of the change from the Easter 
to the Christmas commencement of the year in the Church of 
Liege in the thirteenth century: ' 1233. Leodiensis ecclesia cum 
scripsisset datum annorum Domini a paschali tempore incipiens, 
nunc conformans se Romane et Coloniensi ecclesiis incepit annos 
Domini a die Natalis Domini,' Pertz, x. 1233 ; cf. C. P, B. i. 430. 





FORMA MONAD . . . lANUARIUS, M. 9, \o\ 

1. to geares dsege, 1096 ; foreweard gear, M. 6 ; cf. M. 4, 5. 

2. iiii- No. Ian., 11 54. 

3. on OctaB sci lofeis Euglse, 1 1 1 7. 

5. [on] twelftan niht, 878* ; on twelftanasfen, 1065 C, D= 1066 E. 

6, on twelftan dseg, 1065 C, D = io66E; Theophanie, 1118; Ful- 

wihttiid eces Drihtnes, M. 11, 12. 

8. on -vi- idus lanr., 793 E. 

10. on -iiii"- idus lanrii., 1123. 

11. on iii Id. lanuarii, 1041 D; 1131. 

13. on Idus lanr., 731 E; 1107; on Octati Epiphan', 1096. 



16. on -xvii- kl Febr. 






22. on -xi- kt. Feb., 1050 C. 



25. on -viii- kl Feb?., 1129. 





30. -iii- k Februarius, 925 D; f)reom nihton aer Candelmsessan, 

1078 D. 

' As in the Glossary, the refer- logium or Metrical Calendar, printed 
ences marked M are to the Meno- in Appendix A. 



2. Marianmaesse, M. 20; in die -iiii^. nonarum FeB., 616 E, a; to 

Candelmsessan, 1014 E ; 1091 ; 1094; iioi ; 11 16; 1123; 
1124; 1127. 

3. on |;one feowertegan dseg ofer midne winter, 763 A, 762 E ; 

iii- N' Febr., 1014 E. 




7. afered by "6 winter, M. 23, 24. [ueris initium.] 


10. on iiii- id' Febrii., 1056 C, D. 

15. on -xv-fc. Mr., 670 E. 

16. on -xiiii- kt MR., 538* ; 1077 E ; 1 106 ; on Sea Juliana maesse- 

dseg, 1014 D ; 1078 D. 

17. on =Sone dseg -xiii- fi: Mak\, ii 14 H. 


20. on Jiam dsege -x- fe Mr., 1077 E. 


22. on -viii- fe Mr., 793 E. 

23. vii- ft Martii, Iii7- 

24. on ¥one dseg -vi- kt Mar"., 1114 H ; Mathias msere, M. 27. 




MARTIUS . . . HLYDA, HR^DMONAD, M. 36, 37, and margin. 

6. on -ii- N", Mar., 1052^ D ad iiv't. 

8. ])es dseies -viii- idus Mr., 1122. 

9. on -vii- Idus Mr., 1061 E. 


12. on See Gregories maessedseg, 951 A; cf. M. 38-40. 


14. ii. Id Mart., 105 1 C. 

15. pes dseies Idus Martii, 1124. 

17. on -xvi- k Apr., 1039 E. 

18. on -xv- fe Apr., 979 E. 

19. on iiii. x- kt April, 1061 D. 

20. on -xiii- kl Apk., 1045 C; 1 140. 

21. Benedictus . . . nergend sohte, M. 40, 41 ; emniht, M. 45. 

22. on -xi- kJ Apr., 778 E; 1109; 1122. 

23 x- kt Apr., 1047 D; 1067 D ad Jin. (Easter). 

25. on •viii''- k Apt-., 1095 (Easter) ; Annuntiatio scg Marie, 1124; 

cf. M. 48-51. 

26. on -vii- kl. Apr., 655 E. 

28. on -v- kl Api-., 795 E. 

29. on -iiii- kt Aprt., 1047 C. 





2. on -iiii- N'\ Apr., 79S E. 

3. iii- NoN' Apt., 1043 C, 1042 E (Easter) ; 1047 C (Easter) ; on see 

Ambrosius m^sseniht, 1095. 

4. ii- NO Api-. see Ambrosius [msessedseg], 1095. 

5. on jiaere nihte Non§ Apr., 1121. 




12. ii- idus Apr., 626 E (Easter). 

13. iDus Apr., 1012 E (Easter), 

15. on xvii fe Mai, 1053 E. 

16. on {)one dseig -xvi- kl Mai, 1066 C, D (Easter). 

18. on -xiiii- S Mai, 1061 E ; 1066 A. 

19. on -xiii- fe Mai, 794 E ; 1084. 

20. on -xii- kt Mai, 688 E ; cf. M. 73-75. 

22. on -x- kl Mai, 1045 C. 

23. on NO. kt Mai, 725 E ; 1124 ; on scs Georius maesseda^ge, 

1016 E. 

24. on })one ajfen Letania Maiora. \ ys -viii- kl Mai, 1066 C, D. 

25. vii- kl Magi, 829 F; Letania Maiora, 1066 C, D; 1109 


29. on -iii- kl Mai, 744 E. 

1 2 


MAIUS . . . pRYMILCE, M. yS, 79. 

1. on kl Mai, 1049 D ; 1 118 ; Philippus 7 lacob, M. 81. 

2. on ))one lialgan sefen Inuentione see crucis, 912 C ; cf. M. 83- 

d,6 ; on -vi- Nonas Mai, 980 C. 

3. on -v- NO. Mai, 664 E ; 11 14 H. 

4. {les deeies .iiii^'- N'^ Mai, 1130. 

5. on };Bere fiftan nihte on Males nion^e, 1 1 10; on ^one dcef^ -iii 

NoMai, 1114H. 


7. on NO. Mai, 762 E ; [sumeres fruma] cf. M. 86-95. 



11. on -v- idus Mai, 972 E. 

14. on -ii- idus Mai, 795 E. 

20. on -xiii'^ kt lunii, 685 E. 
26. on -vii- k lunii, 795 E ; on Scs Sgustinus maessedsege, 946 A, D ; 

1061 E ; cf. M. 95-106. 

29. -iiii. kl iunii, 931 A. 
31. on see Petronella msessedfeg, 1077 D. 


^RRA LIDA . . . lUNlUS, M. io8, 109. 


2. \sdii dseges -iiii"- N° lunii, 1070 E. 

4. ii. 2 lun., 806 F. 

5. on No' luN., 1 104 (Pentecost). 


8. on -vi- Idus Iunii, 1023 D ; 1042 C, 104 1 E. 

9. v- Id. luii., 829 F ; on |;am dage \e ys gecweden twegra martira 

msessedifii. Primi et Feliciani, 995 F. 

10. die -x- Iunii mensis, 731 E. 

11. on -iii- Id. Ixjk., 1023 D. 

12. -xii- nihtum ser middum sumera, 922 A = 91 8 C. 


15. on -xvii- kl lulii, 777 E ; 1023 D ; nigon nihtum aer middum 

sumere, 898 A. 

16. on xvi- kt ivt. ))y ilcan dsege wses see Ciricius tid J)8es ^roweres. 

mid his geferum, 916 C; viii- nihton ser middan sumera, 

1056 C, D. 

20. xii- kt lulii, 540*. 

22. ane dsege ser midsumeres msesse sefene, 1052 E. 

23. [to] midsumeres msesse sefene, 1052 E. 

24. on -viii- fe lulii, 803 E ; to middum sumera, 920 A, and fq. ; 

S' lohes messedaei, 1131 ; .of. M. 117, 

25. ¥es o^er dseies sefter S' lofies msessedaei, 1131. 

27.. ane dsege asr scs Petrus msesse refene, 1048 E. 

28. [to] scs. Petrus msesse sefene, 1048 E. 

29. on scs Petrus msessedseg, 1048 E ; 1132; 1137; S' Petrus 

messe J)e firrer^ 1131 ; Petrus 7 Paulus, M. 122-130. 

• As opposed to S. Peter ' ad uincula,' Aug. i. 


lULIUS MONAD, M. 132. 

1. on kt lul, 692 E. 

3. on -v- no. lut, 693 E. 

4. on Translatione sci Martini, 1060 D. 

5. iii- N". IVLii, 1044 E. 


8. viii idus lulii, 903 a ; lulius mono? ... on Jione eahte¥an dseg 
975 A; on see Grimbaldes msessedseg, 1075 D. 


12. on -iiii- idus lulii, 926 D. 

16. ?as dages -xvii- kt. Aug., 809 F. 

17. on -xvi- k Aug', 762 E; 791 E ; 1113 H. 


20. xii- nihtan toforan Hlafmaessan, iioi. 




24. on -ix- kl Augusti, 757 E. 

25. on -viii- kt Ag., 1045 D; 1122; Jacobus . . . feorh gesealde, 

M. 132, 133. 
27, on jjone dseg Septem Dormientium, 1054 D ; -vi- kl avg', 

1 1 28. 

29. on -iiii- kl Aug., 1050 D ad Jin. 


WEODMONAD . . . AUGUSTUS, M. 138, 139. 

1. on t Aug'., 794 E ; 984 C ; 1017E ; to hlafmsessan, 913 C, and fq. 

2. on morgen aefter hlammsesse daege, iioo. 

4. ii- N" Aug't., 1 1 16. 

5. on ^am daege no. avo., 641 E ; 1063 D ; i loS. 

6. on octauo idus Augusti, 761 E ; 909 D. 

7. hserfest cym^, M. 140. 


10. on -iiii- idus Augusti, 796 E ; 1045 D; upi)on see Laurenties 

msessedseg, 1103, 1125; cf. M. 145-147. 

11. on )30ne daeg -iii- IDus Aug', 1089. 


14. on -xix- Id Septe., 796 E ; anre nihte aer Assumptio see Maria), 

1077 E. 

15. on -xviii- fi; Sept., 762 E ; 962 A ; Assumptio see Marias', 1077 E ; 

10S6; 1120; cf. M. 148-153. 

16. on ¥ione daeg. xvii fct Sept., 1 1 14 II. 


19. on -xiiii- kt Septembris, 768 E. 

20. on -xiii- kt Septemb., 650 E. 



24. on see Bar))olomeus msessedaeig, 1065 C, D; M. 153-156. 





29. on -iiii- k SeptemB., 1045 E, 1047 C; 1070 A; Decollatio 

S. lohannis Bapt. ; cf. M. 156-162. 

30. on -iii. kl Sept., S06 F ; 829 F. 

31. ii- kl Sept., 650 E ; 1056 C, D. 

1 betwyx Jam twam sea Marian masssan, i. e. Aug. 15 and Sept. S, 1069 E. 


HALIG MONAD . . , SEPTEMBRES, M. 164, 167. 

1. on kl. Sept., 806 E ; vii^ nihton ser jjsere lateran sea Maria 

maessan, 1052 D. 

2. on -iiii- no. Sept'., 788 E, 


5. on No. Sept., 1128. 


7. on -vii- idus Sept'., 780 E. 

8. on -vi- idus Sept., 797 E ; 1122 ; on Nativitas see Marie, 994 E ; 

ion E; 1015 E; 1066 C; 1122; 1125; [to] ))8ere seftre sea 
Maria msessanS 1048 E"; [to] sea Marian msesse, 1052 C; 
natiuitas see Marie, 1126; cf. M. 167-169. 

9. on })one nextan dseg sefter natiuitas see Marie, 1086. 

11. on ))one dseg. Proti. & laeinthi, 1068 D. 



14. on-xviii'kl;Octobr.,792 E; on^one dseg Exaltatio Sc§ >I<, 1114H. 

15. ))es dseges -xvii- ft Octobr., 11 14. 


19. on -xiii- ^ Oetob., 776 E. 

20. on Vigilia sci. Mathei, 1066 C, D. 

21. |;esd8eges-xi-KOctobr., 1114; gast onsendeMatheus, M. 169-173. 

23. on -ix- kt Oetobr., 789 E. 

24. to hserfestes emnihte, 1048 E; emnilites dseg, M. 175, 180. 

26. J)reom dagum ger Michaeles msessedseg, 1086 ad Jin. 

28. on see MicliEfeles maesse sefan, 1014E; 1066 D; 1106; 11 19. 

29. to See Michaeles tide, 759* ; to see Miehaeles msessan, ion E, 

and fq. ; heahengles tiid . . . Michaheles, M. 177, 178 ; on 
•iii- k Octobr., 792 E. 

30. ii. kl Octobr., 653 E ; 1057 D. 

• See note on last page. 


OCTOBER . . . WINTERFYLLED, M. 183, 184. 

1. on Id Octobr., 958 A. 

2. on -vi. N« OctoB., 780 E. 

4. iiiio- N°. Octobr., 1097. 

5. iii- N° OctoK, 1113 H. 

7. on NoN. OcTOB., 1022 D. 



10. vi- idus Octobr., 643 E ; 1054 C, D. 

14. ii-idus OctolS., 633 E ; 1125 ; on ))one daeg Calesti pape, 1066 D. 

15. on IDUS OctolS., 1072 E, 1073 D. 

16. on -xvii- ^. Nouemb., 797 D. 

17. on -xvi- kt NovB., 1059 D. 

18. to see Lucas msessan eugtista, 11 19. 

19. xiiii- Vi. Ndu., 984 A. 

20. xiii- kt Nouembris, 905 D; 1122. 

21. on -xii- 1 Nov', 1103. 

23. on -x- kt Nouembris, 1048 C. 

24. on -ix- kt Novb'., 1055 C,D. 

26. vii- k Nouembris, 901 D, El ; syx nihtum ser ealra haligra 

msessan, 901 A. 

27. on -vi- kt NOV'., 941 A; on see Simones 7 ludan msesseaefen, 

1064 E, 1065 D. 

28. on ))on dseig Simonis 7 lude, 1065 C ; ef. M. 186-193. 

29. iiii- kt NovemB., 1047 E, 1050 C. 

30. on -iii- k Nov., 797 E. 

31. on ealra halgena msesseniht, 971 B ; . . . maessesefne, 1094. 


BLOTMONAD . . . NOUEMBRIS, M. 195, 196. 

1. on kt Nov'., 1038 E; to alra halgena maessan, 1053 D ; to 

Omnium Scorum, 933 A ; ealra sancta symbel, M. 199, 200. 

2. on j?one daeg sefter ealra halgena maessedseg, 1083 E. 




7. wintres dseg, M. 202. [wintres fnima.] 



10. iiii- idus NOV., 627 E. 

11. toMartinesm8essan,9i8A, 915D; 1006 E; 1009 E; io2iD,E; 

1089; 1097; 1099. 

12. on -ii- Id. Novemb., 1026 D ; 1035 C, D. 

13. on Bricius messedseg, 1002 E ; on Idus Nouembris, 1020 D. 


16. xiiii- nihton ser Andreas maessan, 1043 D. 

17. -xv- It Decemb., 1129. 

18. on \a, nilit Octab sci Martini, 1 1 14. 

19. on -xiii- kt. Decemb., 766 E. 

23. on See Clementes msessedseg, 955 A; cf. M. 210-214. 

27. on -v- kt Decembr., 1069 E. 


29. IN uiGiLiA Sci Sndree, 963 A ; on -iii- kt Decemb., E. 

30. [to] scs Andreas msessan, loio E ; 1016 E ; 1124; 1129; cf. 

M. 215-218. 


DECEMBRIS . . . ^RRA lULA ; lULMONAD ; M. 220, 221, 

and margin. 

1. on };8ere nihte kt Decemtj, TI17 ; ^ o})er dsei efter S' Andreas 

msessedsei, 1135- 


4. })rim wucum ser middan wintra, 919 C. 

5. on S' Nicholaes messeniht, 11 29. 

6. on see Nicolaes msessedseg, 1067 E, D ; viii- idus Dec., 1 117. 

7. ))ses dseies -vii"- IDVS DecemBr, 1122. 


11. on };8ere nihte -iii^- idus Dec., 11 17. 

14. on -xix- K lanr., 705 E ; 1124. 

16. on xvii M lanuar'., 957 D ; 1 1 17. 

18. vii- nihton ser Xpes msessan, 1075 E, 1076 D. 

20. on -xiii- kt laiir., 802 E ; 1038 C, D ; on Thomes mgesseniht, 

1052 C ad fin., 1053 D. 

21. to see Thomas msesse, 1118; on -xii- kl Ian.. 1057 D; ef. M. 


22. on -xi- kt lanr., 1060 E, D. 

23. twam dagon ser [Cristas] tide, 1091 ad fin. 

24. on -ix- fe lanr., 779 E. 

25. on -viii- k laiii-., 779 D ^ ; cf. M. 1-3 ; 226-228. 

26. on Stephanes msessedseg, 1043 t> E ; on o^erne Xpes msesse- 

da3g, F. 

28. on Cilda msessedsege, 963 A ; 1065 C, D ; 1066 E. 




'^ See note (p. clvi) on the different terms for Christmas Day which occnr 
in the Chronicles. 


Up to the Conquest the ordinary word for Christmas is the old 
Teutonic and pre-Christian phrase ' Midwinter ' ; and it occurs 
not very rarely even after the Conquest ; 1066 D, i. 200 ; 1068 D, 
i. 204; 10760 = 1075 E adfin.; 1085^; \oS6adfin.; 1099; 1103; 
1 1 14 H ; 1 135. But with the Conquest the modern phrase Christmas 
begins to come in, and gradually prevails. I have only found one 
instance of its use before 1066, namely, at 1043 E; and as this 
is not one of the Peterborough insertions it affords a presumption 
that it is older than the Peterborough redaction of 112 1. Of 
course the Peterborough scribe may have altered 'midwinter' 
into ' Christes msesse ' ; I can only say that he has not done so in 
other cases, e.g. 827, 878, 885, 1006, 1009. After 1066 we find 
' Christes msesse ' at 1075 E, 1091, 1094-1098, iioo, iioi, 1104- 
1106, 1109, mo, nil, 1121, 1122, 1124, 1125, 1127, 1131 ; and for 
the season ' Christes tid,' 11 23. With the twelfth century a third 
term makes its appearance, ' natiuite^,' evidently a representation 
of the French 'nativite.' This occurs uo2, 1105, 1106, 1108, 


N.B. — In the Notes, as in the Glossary, MS. S is yenerailt/ cited as A ; 
the few quotations from MS. A are taken from Wheloe's edition 
and are indicated ly the symbol W. As in the Glossary, an asterisl; 
indicates that the annal or passage is in both the principal MSS. S 
and E. 

P. 2. The West-Saxon genealogy which forma the Preface to MS. S of West- 

the Chronicle is found in two other MSS. which are cited in the critical ^^^^'^'^ 

• Grenealogv. 
notes and the additional critical notes, i. 2-5, 293. A fragment of it 

is printed in Sweet's Oldest English Texts, and a fifth copy has been 

printed by Professor Napier from MS. Add. 34,652, British Museum, in 

Modern Language Notes for 1897, xii. 106 fF. 

For the genealogy of the West-Saxon house the chief authority apart Authori- 
from this Preface is the long pedigree of ^thelwulf given in MSS. A, B, *^*^^ 
C, D, at 855. These two authorities harmonise well together ; and 
I therefore give here a genealogical tree compiled from them. The few 
points in which they differ are adverted to in the notes to the tree. But 
besides these two main pedigrees there are fragments of the genealogy of 
the house of Wessex under the years 552, 597, 611, 64S, 674, 676, 685, 
688, 728; and it must be confessed that some of these are not easy 
to reconcile either with the principal genealogies, or with one another. 
Some of the points in which they differ are given in the notes to the 
printed tree. Others will be noted later. 

The origin of these divergences I take to be as follows. 

It will be seen that of many of the West-Saxon kings the ^vriter of the Origin of 
genealogical Preface is content to say 'their kin goeth to Cerdic,' i.e. ^''^'^' 
they were 'of ))sem rihtan cynecynne' (iioo E, i. 236), but he did not 
profess to know the exact relationship. The compilers of the Chronicle, 
when they came to deal with the reigns of these kings, were not always 
content to acquiesce in this wise ignorance, and tried to frame a genealogy 
for some of them ; but having no fixed tradition to guide them, were at 
variance with themselves and with the main genealogies. Thus Ceol 
and his brother Ceolwulf are placed in the uncertain class in the Preface, 




but at 597 and 6ii Ceolwulf and Ceola ( = Ceol) are given a pedigree 

which makes them grandsons of Cynric through Cutha ; while at 674, the 

'^ ' pedigree of ^scwine, another king of the uncertain class, Ceolwulf is 

o apparently made a son of Cynric. (In both these pedigrees 597 and 674 

It Ceawlin is omitted altogether.) The mistake at 676, whereby Cynegils 

^ is made a son instead of a neptiew of Ceolwulf, is explained in a note 

a on the passage as probably due to a scribal error; and in 611 he is made 

son of Ceola or Ceol, which is so far not inconsistent with the main 

■9^ authorities ; but in 688 a totally different pedigree is given to Cynegils, 

V; and he is made a son of Cuthwine and brother of Ceolwakl. 648 simply 

^" gives the short descent Cynegils, Cwichelm, Cuthred ; 674 gives, as we 

have seen, the pedigree of .^scwine, 685 that of Ceadwalla, 688 that of 

Ine, all kings whom the Preface places in the indeterminate class, though 

at a later point it gives the pedigree of Ine. At 728 is the pedigree of 

the Wessex etheling Oswald, who does not come into the Preface at all, 

nor does his pedigree conflict with the latter. 

It is lost labour to try and reconcile these inconsistencies. It is enough, 

perhaps more than enough, to have pointed them out. 

FL Wig. Nor is any help to be derived from Fl. Wig. He gives, it is true, an 

not an m- elaborate pedigree of the whole West-Saxon house, i. 256 ; but after 

witness analysing it carefully I have come to the conclusion that it rests on no 

independent authority. It is merely formed by piecing together the 

different pedigrees in the Chronicle, an attempt being made to reconcile 

their inconsistencies by duplicating and triplicating names. Thus there 

are two Ceols in addition to Ceolwulf and Ceawlin ; while there are no less 

than three Cuthas in addition to Cuthwine and Cuthwulf. It would 

take up too much space to exhibit this in detail. 

Com- It follows next to compare the statements of the Preface with those 

parison of contained in the body of the Chronicle. Of course the dates in S, the 

with the Chronicle to which the Preface is attached, must, whether right or wrong, 

main be taken as the basis of the comparison. 

Chronicle. Jt ig a small matter that the Preface puts the invasion of Cerdic and 
Cynric in 494, while the Chronicle places it in 495 ; it is more serious 
that the Preface places the foundation of the kingdom of Wessex six 
years after their arrival, i.e. in 500, while the Chronicle places it in 
519. The length given in the Preface to Cynric's reign, 17 years, is 
a mere graphic error for 27 ; 13 reads 26, and the Bede copy 27 ; Napier's 
MS. carries the error a step further, reading 7. 

At first sight it seems unaccountable that the Preface should omit 
altogether the long reign of Ceawlin, to whom the Chronicle allots 
thirty-one years. But a comparison of Napier's MS. shows that this 
too has its origin in a scribal error. Ceawlin's name seems to have 
been written Ceolwin, then abbreviated to Ceol ; this gave two Ceols 
apparently reigning in succession. The next scribe not unnaturally treated 



this as mere dittography and omitted the former Ceol ( = Cea\vlin) 
altogether. Correcting these errors as to Cynric and Ceawlin we may 
exhibit the comparison of the Preface and the Chronicle from Cei'dic to 
x^thelwulf in a tabular form : — 

Cerdic . . 

Cynric . 

Ceawlin . 
*Ceoli . _ 
*Ceolwulf . 

Cynegils * . 

Cenwalli ^. 

Sexburg . 
*j3Escwine . 

Centwine . 
*Ine * . . 
*Cuf)red6 . 
*.Beorlitric . 

Ecgbryht » 



519 X 
534 X 
560 X 

591 X 

597 X 
611 X 
643 X 

672 X 

674 X 
676 X ?685 
?685X 688 
688 X 
728 X 
741 X 

754 X 

755 X 
. 784 X 

800 X 


534 ■ 

560 : 
611 : 


672 ; 

673 - 

728 : 
741 - 

15 years 




































500 + 16 
516 + 27(17) 
[543 + 31] 
574+ 6 
580 + 17 

597 + 31 
628 + 31 

659+ I 
660+ 2 
662+ 7 
669+ 3 
709 + 14 

723 + 17 
740+ I 
772 + 16 

788 + 37 H 

Owing to the fact that the divergences to some extent compensate each 
other, the ultimate difference is only ten years. But it is impossible to 
harmonise the two series of dates. It will be noticed that where the 
length of a reign as given in the Chronicle is inconsistent with the dates 
given in the Chronicle itself, it, with one exception, agrees exactly with 
the length given in the Preface. It would seem therefore that these 
numbers had to a great extent become fixed in tradition. 

The interval which the Preface places between the Conquest of Wessex 
and Alfred's accession, 396 years, is of course too long. 

Of the relation of this genealogical Preface to the structure and growth 
of the Chronicle something will be found in the Introduction, §§ 88, 102. 

' The names marked with an 
asterisk are those kings of whom 
the Preface says, 'their kin goeth 
to Cerdic' 

^ Yet at 611 he is said to have 
reigned 31 years. 

' Yet at 643 he is said to have 
reigned 31 years. 

* Yet at 688 he is said to have 
reigned 37 years. 

' Yet at 728 he is said to have 
reigned 14 years. 

' Yet at 741 he is said to have 
reigned 16 years. 

' Yet at 755 he is said to have 
reigned 31 years. 

* Yet at 836 he is said to have 
reigned 2:7% years. 

B 2 




[To save space, the earlier steps of the Pedigree are placed horizontally 
instead of perpendicularly.) 

Adam — Sed [Setli, B, C] — Enos — Camon — Maleel [Malalehel, B, C] — 
laered — Enoh — Matusalem — Lamach — Noe — Sceaf ' — Bedwig [Beowi, D] 

— Hwala — Hajra — Itermon — Heremod — Sceldwea — Beaw — Tsetwa 

— Geat2 — Godwulf — Einn — Fri])uwulf3 — Frealaf — Erijmwalds — 
Woden — Bseldeeg — Brond [Brand, B, C, D] — Fri);ogar — Ereawine — 
Wig — Giwis — Esla — Elesa — Cerdic — [Creoda*] — Cynrio — Ceawlin •'• 

— Cuf wine — Cufwulf [CuJ'a, 855 A, B, C, D "] — Ceolwald — Cenred — 



Ingild Ine CuJ)burg Cuenburg 






^J-elbald ^felbryht ^})elred 




Eadweard '' 






1 The three steps, Sceaf, Bedwig, 
Hwala, are omitted in A. El. Wig. 
L 247, makes Bedwig the son of 
Seth. Probably he was staggered 
at the idea of a son born to Noah 
in the ark of whom the Bible knows 
nothing, and seems expressly to ex- 
clude by saying of Shem, Ham, and 
Japheth that ' of them was the 
whole earth overspread,' Gen. ix. ig ; 
whereas of Seth it is said that he 
' begat sons and daughters,' ib. 
V. 7. It does not seem to have 
occurred to the good Florence that 
in that case any descendants of 

Seth through Bedwig must have 
been cut off by the Flood. The 
pedigree in Text. Eoff. p. 59, makes 
Scef the son of Shem, not Noah, 
but makes him born in the ark, 
which avoids El. Wig.'s difficulty, 
but on p. 62 he is made son of Noah. 

2 ' Geat . . . Sene J)a hsej^enan wur- 
Sedon for god,' Text. Eoff. p. 59; cf. 
Ord. Vit. iii. 161 ; V. li. ff. 

3 Frithuwulf and Erithuwald are 
only in A and El. Wig. They 
are omitted in B, C, D. 

* Creoda is omitted by A both in 
the Preface and at 855. He is 



As we have embarked on the pedigrees of the Chronicle, it may be well Other 
to complete the discussion of the subject. redigrees. 

Northumbrian genealogies will be found at 547, 560, 670, 685, 731, 738 : Northnm- 
as these genealogies are quite consistent with one another I exhibit them bria. 
here in a connected form : — 

Geat — Godulf — Finn — FriSulf — 
FreoSelaf — Woden 
































rnicia) Ida 








^lle (Deira) 








1 1 
vald] Osweo 











omitted also by A, B, C at the 
years 552, 597, 674, 685, 688, and by 
El. Wig. He is inserted by ^ in the 
Preface, and by B, C, D at 855. This 
agreement of ^ and B is a slight 
turther confirmation of the view 
that they belong to one another. 

'■> The form Celm at the end of the 
Preface in A is clearly a miswriting 
of Celin, a by -form of Ceawlin ; cf. 
the Northumbrian form of the name, 
Caelin, given by Bede, H. E. ii. 5. 

^ Cutha might be a shortened 
form of Cuthwine, Cuthwolf, or any 

name beginning with Cuth- ; it is not 
therefore wonderful that in some 
cases we find Cuthwine and Cuth- 
■wTilf amalgamated into a single 
Cutha, 579, 611, 685, A, B, C; while 
in 688 A, B, C, Cuthwulf is omitted 
altogether, and in 855 A, B, C, D, he 
is shortened into Cutha. 

' Erom Edward the Elder to 
Edward the Martyr the pedigree is 
taken from the Preface as continued 
in ^. For other lists of West- Saxon 
kings see Hyde Register, pp. 12, 13, 



of Berni- 
cian and 


The part of the pedigree prior to Woden differs slightly, but only 
slightly, from that given in the Wessex pedigree. 

It is noteworthy that the Bernician genealogy is traced up to the 
son and grandson of Woden from whom the house of Wessex comes. In 
the later part of the pedigree also West-Saxon names, Cuthwine, Cutha, 
Ceolwulf, occur. We know too little of the settlement of Northumbria to 
say whether any historical fact underlies this tradition. Fl. Wig.'s pedigrees 
differ considerably. Thus, in the Deiran line he has four links instead 
of two from Saefugl to Westerfalca; while in the Bernician line he has 
eleven steps from Brand to Eoppa instead of seven ; he seems also to 
make Aldhelm and Ocga brothers, and Ceolwulf a son of Cuthwine, i. 253, 


Mercian pedigrees occur at 626, 716, 755. Combined they show thus : — 

Woden — Wihtlseg — Wsermund — Offa — Angelpeow — Eomser — Icel — 
Cnebba — Cynewald — Creoda — Pybba 

I I 

Penda Eawa 




of DE 
taken from 


in Britain. 

' Boc- 


^J-elbald Eanwulf 

There are two short Kentish pedigrees at 449 E and 694 A, B, C, D. 
The former is taken from Bede, H. E. i. 15. 

p. 3 E. Brittene igland] Here from the very first we have evidence 
that the editor of the DE recension resorted to the body of the text of 
Bede, whereas his predecessors were contented with the chronological 
summary in H.E. v. 24; see Introduction, §§ 59,65, 68, lio, 114. The pre- 
sent preface in D, E,F as far as ' Dael Eeodi ' is a short summary of Bede, H. E. 
i. r. It is quite independent of the AS. vers, of Bede ; cf. AS. Oros. p. 24. 

fif ge }>eode] Five languages. Cf. AS. Oros. : '})a Finnas . . . 7 }ia 
Beormas sprsecon neah an gejieode,' p- 17. E, by breaking up D's ' Bryt- 
wylsc ' into ' Brittisc 7 Wilsc,' has apparently made six. F redresses the 
balance by omitting * Boc-Leden ' ; and then turns the languages, ' ge])eod,' 
of D into peoples, ' ©eoda.' See on the whole subject the note on Bede, u. s. 
By ' Wilsc ' as opposed to ' Brittisc ' E probably meant Cornish as opposed 
to Welsh. In Bede's time the dialectic difference would be hardly apparent. 
We find ' Brytland' for Wales in 1063 D, E, 1065 C, D, 1086, p. 200 1. 

Boc-leden] ' Boc-leden ' is rather 'book-' or ' leaxned-lanffuage^ than 
' book-Latin ' ; conversely we have ' leden-boc,' Hampson, ii. 76. ' Leden,' 
though derived from ' latinus,' comes to mean ' language ' .simply. Thus 
we have ' an Englisc leoden,' ' in the English language,' Layamon, 29677, 

33] NOTES 7 

Then the word ' latin ' had to be reintroduced, and so we get : ' alle lewede 
men Jiat understonden ne mahen latines ledene,' St. Juliana, ed. Cockayne, 
E. E. T. S., p. 2; so we have 'minster' and 'monastery,' 'frail' and 
' fragile,' &c. 

of Armenia] ' de tractu Armoricano,' Bede, u. s., where see note. The Misread- 
misunderstanding was perhaps helped by those MSS. of Bede which read ^^S- 
' Armonicano.' 

sujian of Scithian] There is nothing in Bede answering to the word Pictish 
' sujjan,' ' from the south.' The compiler was possibly confused in his Legends, 
mind by those legends which connected the Plots with ' Pictauia,' Poitou, 
&c. ; Irish Nennius, pp. 52, 122. On the Pictish law of succession, the 
Dalriadic migration to Britain, and the use of the terms ' Scotia ' and 
' Scoti,' see notes on Bede, u. s. 

pp. 4-5. 60 B. c] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; D, E, F from Bede, H. E. 
i. 2, where see notes. 

mid gefeohte cnysede. A] So Orosius, p. 96 : *ac Atheniense . . . hie 
mid gefeohte cnysedan' ; of. ib. 142. 

forlsedde, E] = ' disperdidit,' Bede ; used by Wulfstan of the seductions 
of Antichrist, p. 55, 14. 

mid Scottum] 'Among the Irish.' A mistake due to a misreading Misread- 
found in several MSS. of Bede of ' Hibernia' for ' hiberna,' * winter quarters.' "^S- 

ge refan] ' tribunus,' Bede. 

ofer pone ford] 'Over tJiat ford.' 

to J)am wudu fsestenum] 'westenum,' I) ; cf. 'on wudum 7 on 
westenum,' ' siluis ac desertis,' Bede, H. E. i. 8. 

Anno 1*] This is the Dionysian era. It is now generally admitted that Dionysian 
Dionysius placed the birth of our Lord at least four years too late. I cannot s^*- 
say whence the annals 1-46, 62-155, ^^^ derived. Much of mediaeval ann'^l*' " 
chronology comes from Jerome's translation of Eusebius' Chronicle. But 1-46 62-11;:;, 
there is no very close resemblance here, v. Eus. Chron. ed. Schoene, ii. 145 ff. unknown. 
Nor is there any great likeness to Isidore's Chron. 0pp. (1617), pp. 260 ff. 

3 A, 2 E. ofsticod] Cf. Ores. p. 284: 'he hiene selfne ofsticode.' Death of 
Josephus says that Herod during his last illness attempted to kill himself, ■'^^''^fl- 
but was prevented. Ant. xvii. 7. ^Ifric, though he has Josephus' story, 
implies that he did kill himself, Horn. i. 88. 

pp. 6-7- 12*. Lysiam, A] This must rest ultimately on a misunder- Mistake, 
standing of Luke iii. i, Lysauias the tetrarch of Abilene being transformed 
into the country Lycia. 

feowrieum] Note the vv. U. We have 'fySerrica,' tetrarch, ^If. Tetrar- 
Hom. i. 364, 478 : ' pa dselde se casere J)oet ludisce rice on feower, 7 sette '^^^i^^- 
Jjasrto feower gebro(5ra ; 0a sind gecwedene sefter Greciscum gereorde, 
tetrarche, Jaet sind fySSerrican.' For the compound cf. ' feCJerfotra neata,' 
Bede, p. 374. 

33*. Her . . . ahangen] Cf. Oros. p. 256 : '])a Crist w^ses ahangen.' 




Death, of 

■ Gospel. ' 



35*] Cf. ^Ifric, Lives, i. 220. 

38 F] Cf. Oros. p. 258 : ' Pilatus . . . hiene selfne ofstong.' For the 
legends of Pilate's death, see Schiirer, i. 412; 413. 

40 F. godspell] ' Godspel ' is the narrative about God ; not ' good 
news,' and is not a translation of evayyi\iov. So O. H. G. ' gotspel ' {Got 
= God, guot = good), and cf. Icel. guSspjall (Napier). 

47 A, E, 46 F] F agrees with Bede. The true year is a. D. 43. The 
text of A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; that of D, E from Bede, H. E. i. 3, omitting, 
however, the alleged reduction of the Orkneys, and interpreting Bede's 
' plurimam iasulae partem ' after its own fashion by ' all the Picts and 
Welsh.' Contrast Ethel word : ' Orchada? . . . superat usque ad ultimam 
Tylem ; resistunt iugo Scotti Pictique,' M. H. B. p. 500. Note that A 
makes ' Orcadus ' plural : ' J)a ealotid,' whereas the AS. Orosius says, ' on 
norShealfe [is] Orcadus Jiset igland,' p. 24. 

uncafscipe, E] The positive ' cafscype ' occurs Wulfstan, p. 53: ' se 
man . . . "pe nah on his heortan senigne cafscype.' 

pp. 8-9. 62-155] See note on I. 

71*] Cf. Oros. p. 262 : *he fordyde ])ara ludena xi hund M,' Blickling 
Homilies, p. 79. 

81*. sepe ssede . . . gedyde] Of. Oros. p. 264: 'He waes sw^ g6des 
willan J)8et he ssegde peet he forlure J>one dseg \<e he iioht on to gdde ne 
ged.yde.' This point of contact between the Chron. and Alfred's Orosius is 
the more interesting that it is not in the original Latin of Orosius ; see 
Introduction, § 103, note. Whence Alfred got it, I do not know. It comes 
ultimately from Suetonius, Titus, c. 8. Cf. Isidore, Chron. p. 268 ; Eus. 
Chron. ed. Schoene, ii. 159; Merivale, vii. 297. 

84 A, 87 E] 'He bebead j:a5t mon lohaunes Jone apostol gebrohte on 
Bothniose Jiaem iglande,' Oros. p. 264. 
Eleutherus. 114 E] On the source of the Latin entries in E, see Introduction, §§ 43, 

44. 49. 52- 

167*] The text of A, B, C from Bede, Epit. (in which alone does Bede 
give the length of Eleutherus' tenure of the Homan See) ; D, E, F from 
Bede, H. E. i. 4, where see notes. 

Ethelwerd. purli teah. A] Cf. 'he Jjone uniaed ])arhteah,' Oros. p. 170; 'wit 
fset . . . )7uhrtugou ])8Bt he 3aes geSafa bion wolde,' Bede, p. 394. Ethel- 
werd attributes the initiative to the Pope, u. s. p. 501. Probably he 
misconstrued his chronicle, treating ' Eieutherius ' as nominative to 
' sende,' and ' Lucius ' as a dative in agreement with ' Jiam.' He also 
makes Severus successor of Lucius, simply because 'he is the next person 
mentioned in the Chronicle. 

189*] As before. A, B, C, from Bede, Epit. ; D, E, F from Bede, H. E. i. 5, 
where see notes ; cf. AS. Bede, p. 366 : ' oud Jia mid dice y mid eorSwalle 
utan ymbsealde.' 

iveall ' P- ■'•'-*• ^^^^ weall, E ; breden, F] ' Es ist einfach zu schreiben bred 



«'e«ZZ, " bret-holz-wall" und fcreeZew " vonholz" cf.Bedai. 5: " supra quam 
Slides de lignis fortissimis praefiguntur," ' A. Pogatscher, Englische Studien, 
XX. 148. The connexion had occurred to me independently since I printed 
the text and glossary ; cf. ^Ifr. Horn. i. 288 ; ' Him ne wiSstent nan Sing, 
naSer ne stsenen weall ne bi-yden wah,' i. e. ' neither wall of stone, nor 
partition of wood.' 

pp. 10-H. 283 a, 286 E] On St. Alban, see Bede, H. E. i. 7 and notes St. Alban. 
(not in Epit.). Bede dues not give any date, bat places the martyrdom in the 
Diocletian persecution; cf. his Cbron. 0pp. vi. 311, 312 ; 0pp. Min. p. 180. 

381 A, 380 E] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E, F from Bede, H. E. i. 9, 10. 
A is singular in writing Maximianus for Maximus. The AS. Oros. has Maximus. 
'Maximus' on p. 27S, where it ought to be ' Maximinianus,' and the 
converse mistake on p. 292. All the MSS. make the mistake of understand- 
ing Bede's ' imperator creatus ' to mean ' born.' This mistake is shared by 
tlie AS. vers, of Bede and by Ethelwerd. 

Galwalas, EJ 'in Galliam,' Bede. Here the people are substituted ' Galwalas.' 
for the country ; cf. ' eos quos nos Francos putamus, Galwalas antique 
uocabulo quasi Gallos nuncupant,' W. M . i. 70 ; who is of course wrong 
in identifying the Teutonic invaders of Gaul with the Celtic inhabitants. 

Pelaies] Note the ' verhauchung ' or reduction to a mere breath of g Eeduction 
between vowels. ' Pelagies,' F, a; cf. note on Bede, H. E. iii. 7. °* S- 

409 *] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E, F from Bede, H. E. i. 1 1. The true Rome 
date is 410. ' Ab illo tempore cessauit imperium Romanorum a Brittannia ^f '^ p .^ 
insula, et ah aliits . . . maltis terris,^ Ethelw. u. s. 

abraecon Rome burg, A] Cf. ' hu Galli§ of Senno abrjecan Eomeburg,' 
Oros. p. 2 ; 'SaGotan . . . iowre burg abraecon,' i6. 48. Cf. 16.62, 92, 142. 

418*. gold, hord . . . ahyddon] 'In 1821 an urn was found near Roman 
Taunton containing silver coins ranging in date from a.D. 342 to a.D. 405, hoards in 
Somersetshire Archaeological Proceedings, 1878, Part ii, p. 105. The late 
Lord Selborne counted 29,773 Roman and Eomano-British coins in 
a single hoard contained in two vases found in Selborne parish. See 
Whites Selborne, ed. F. Buckland (1880), p. 452. Such finds along 
Roman roads may have given rise to the frequent name " Silver Street." 
Earle. For the statement in this annal I know no authority, nor (which 
is much more conclusive) does my friend Mr. Haverfield of Christ Church, 
who has made Roman Britain his special study. W. M. says of the Britons: 
• sepultis thesauris quorum plerique in hac aetate defodiuntur,' i. 6. For 
the phrase, cf. Wulfstan : ' ne behyde ge eowerne goldhord on eorSan,' 
p. 2S6 ; so ^If. Hom. ii. 104. 

430*] On this annal, see the notes to Bede, H. E. i. 13. It is noteworthy Palladius 
that F reverts to the right reading ' Palladius.' For lives of St. Patrick, ^^^ . 
see Hardy, Cat. i. 62-84; cf. ib. 116, W. M. i. 26. British' 

pp. 12, 13. 443 a, E] From Bede, H. E. i. 13, 14 ; see notes a. I. The Embassy 
last embassy of the Britons to the Romans was in 446 ; to which year to Rome. 




Legend of 
St. John 

Coming of 
the Saxons. 

The three 


The Saxons 
and the 

' Southum- 

Battle of 

also belongs the humiliating treaty of Theoclosius with Attila, Gibbon, 
iv. 205. 

forpan 1Se hi feordodan, 7c.] F's Latin (there is no Saxon) gives 
a different reason : ' quia eorum principes in Britannia occiderant.' 

448 F] This legend is given by Bede in his Chron: 0pp. Min. p. 189 ; 
and in his St. Mark, 0pp. x. 92, 95, where he refers to Marcellinus Comes, 
s. a. 453 A. D. ; cf. ^If. Horn. i. 486 ; Ltft. App. Ff. 11. iii. 356, 357. For 
an Irish version of the tale, see Lebar Brecc, facs. p. 187 ^, or Atkinson, 
Passions and Homilies, p. 64 ; for a different story, cf. Isidore, Chron. 
p. 271. According to Ademar the head of John Baptist was discovered, 
0. loio, 'in basilica Angeriacensi,' St. Jean d'Angely, Pertz iv. 141. 

449 *] On this annal, see notes on Bede, H. E. i. 15, whence E is taken ; 
cf. AS. Oros. p. 19. A, B, C go beyond the Epit. in noting the invitation 
by Vortigem ; while the mention of the place of landing is entirely inde- 
pendent of Bede. 

on hiera dagvim] For the right interpretation of this mark of time, see 
on Bede, u. s. Note the curiously conflate form of the pronoun in E: 
' ])eora.' v. Glossary, s. v. he. 

on prim ceolum, E] ' ciula, nauis longa,' Gloss on Nennius, p. 1 1 ; 
cf. F : 'mid Srimlarigon scipon ;' ' cum tribus dromonibus,' Etbelw. p. 502 ; 
'dromones, naues cursoriae,' Ducange. Cf. Instituta Londoniae : 'si 
adueniat ceol uel hulcus,' Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 300 ; Schmid, Gesetze, 
p. 218. 

Ypwines fleot. A, E] Ebbsfleet in Thanet; the landing-place of 
Augustine at a later time, Bright, Engl. Church Hist. p. 45. If the 
Saxons really landed there, then the origin alike of our nationality and of 
our Christianity is closely bound up with that little spot. The name occurs 
in the form ' Ipples fleot,' Hardy, Cat. i. 377. 

Heo pa fuhton wi? Pyhtas, E] ' Inierunt . . . certamen contra Pictos 
et Scottos, qui iam uenerunt usque ad Stanfordiam, quae sita est in 
Australi parte Lincolniae,' H. H. p. 38. This is probably a bit of local 
tradition. Henry at Huntingdon was less than twenty miles from Stamford. 

pes landes cysta] So in Bede, H. E. i. 27, ' uncyst' translates ' uitiuni,' 
AS. Bede, pp. 72, 78. 

nu ear dap] i.e. in Bede's time (Thorpe). 

ure eyne cynn 7 Su'San hymbra eac] For the significance of this 
opposition of our and Sonthumhrian, see Introduction, § 68. On the 
Southumbrians, see note on Bede, H. E. i. 15. 

455 *. in psere stowe, 7c.] Bede, u. s., only says ' in orientalibus Cantiae 
partibus,' where, he says, Horsa's monument was still to be seen in his 
day. The reading of W, ' JSgelesford ' points to Aylesford. '])rep' in 
Icelandic means 'edge,' 'brink'; so that ' JEgeles])rep' (so Fl. Wig.; 
' Egelesthrip,' Ethelw.) and '^^gelesford ' might easily belong to the 
same locality. H. H. has ' Aeilestreu,' i.e. ^Egelestreo, p. 41 ; but Elstree, 



Herts., is of course impossible. H. H. is followed by Wheloc in his trans- 
lation of this annal. R. W. gives Ailestorpe, i.e. ^geles])orp, i. 14, and 
Nennius ' Episford,' § 44. In favour of Aylesford is the proximity of the 
flint heap of Horsted, which seems to preserve Horsa's name, and this is 
probably the monument mentioned by Bede ; and not the Cromlech called 
Kit's Cotty House, which more probably marks the grave of Horsa's 
antagonist, called by Nennius Catigern son of Vortigern, § 44 ; cf. G. M. E. 
p. 37 ; Guest, Orig. Celt. ii. 171. For the prefix cf. ^gelesburh, Aylesbury. 

Hengest ... 7 .M&q his sunu] ' CEric cognomento Oisc, a quo reges Kentish 
Cantuariorum solent Oiscingas cognominari,' Bede, H. E. ii. 5. It is ^^■ 
possible that the names Hengest and ^Esc are abstractions from ' jS-hen- 
gest ' and ' £esc ' in the sense of ship, see Glossary, s. rv. 

feng to rice] In 443 Hengest and Horsa are called ' ae^telingas,' in 449 
' heretogan.' 

457 A, 456 E. Crecgan ford] ' Nunc Creford non longe a Dartford. Battle of 
Crea fl. intrat Tamesim inter Dartforde et Erithe, sed propius Dartford, Crayford. 
eius fons est ad Orpyngton, super eam sunt Seint Mary's Crey, Bowie's 
Crey, North Crey, Beckesley and Creaforde,' E. Talbot in MS. C (see 
Introduction, § 2i\ 

465*. "Wippedes fleote] 'id est Wippedi tranatorium,' Fl. Wig. Wippeds- 
Unidentified. M. H. B. and Thorpe say ' Ebbsfleet,' leaving ' Ypwines fi®^*- 
fleot,' 449, unidentified. But this can hardly be right, seeing that in the pre- 
vious annal the Britons are represente4 as having been driven out of Kent. 

pp. 14, 15. Mera J)egn an . . . Wipped] ' illic ruit miles Saxonum 
Uuipped, et ob id ille locus uocabuluni sumpsit, sicut a Theseo, Theseum 
mare ; et ab Aegeo, Aegeum, qui in eo necatus fuerat,' Ethelw. p. 503. 
H. H. amplifies after his manner, and makes of Wipped 'quendam magnum 
principem,' p. 43. The tradition is merely aetiological. 

473 *] This marks the final conquest of Kent ; on which, see Green, Conquest 
M. E. pp. 27-40. Guest places the battle in the S. E. corner of Kent, of Kent. 
Origines Celticae, ii. 178. See however on 465. 

477 *] The coming of the South Saxons. Note here again the three Coming of 
ships and the three sons. Though Sussex, hemmed in between Kent, t^ie South 
Wessex, and the Andredsweald, ultimately proved one of the least influen- 
tial of the kingdoms set up by the invaders, its founder Mle evidently 
occupied a large space in the traditions of the conquest. Bede makes him 
the first of those eminent kings whom the Chronicle calls Bretwaldas, 
infra, 827. H. H. p. 47, followed by E. W. i. 60, places his death in 514. 
On the conquest of Sussex, cf. Green, M. E. pp. 40-46. For its subsequent 
decline, cf. H. H., ' in processu temporum ualde minorati sunt, donee in 
aliorum iura regum transierunt,' p. 47. 

Cymenes ora] The name occurs in a spurious charter, K, C. D. No. 992 ; Cymenes- 
Birch, No. 64, in the form Cumeneshora. Camden placed it at Keynor in ora. 
Selsey, near West Wittering ; cf. the above Charter : 'ab introitu portus . . . 





St. Bene- 


tion of 

Coming of 
the West 

Wyderjnge, post retractum mare in Cumeneshora.' Ingram, approved by 
Earle, says Shoreham. H. H. paints an imaginary battle scene, more suo. 
Wlencing's name is found in Lancing, and Cissa's in Chichester. 

Andredes leage] Also called Andredes weald, cf. Andredus wode, 
E. W. i. 38. In 893 A, 892 E, it is called both 'wudu' and 'weald'; 
also Andred simply, 755*. 

482, 509, F] 482 would be about right for Benedict's birth ; while the 
ASN. give 509 as the date of his 'claruit.' The compiler of F has placed 
his ' claruit ' at his birth-date, and his death at his ' claruit.' He certainly 
did not die before 542. The Latin of 482 is nearly identical with Bede, 
Chron. 0pp. Min. p. 191. On Gregory's Dialogues, see Bede II. 70. On 
Benedict, cf. Milman, Bk. iii. ch. 6. 

485*. neah Mearc rsedes burnan] 'hoc est riuum Mearcreadi,' adds 
Fl. Wig., who gives the result of the battle, while H. H. knows all its 
details, p. 44. 

488*] Fl. Wig. adds (by inference) the death of Hengest in this year. 
H. H. says : ' Esc . . . regnum suum regnis [Brittannorum] ampliauit,' 
p. 44 ; while W. M. says : ' Eisc . . . magis tuendo quam ampliando regno 
intentus, paternos limites nunquam excessit,' i. 12. This illustrates the 
value of these later additions to the Chron. which are often cited as history. 
E's slip of ' xxxiiii ' is followed by H. H. 

491*. Andredes cester] The Roman Anderida. But the site is 
uncertain. A writer in the Archaeological Journal, iv. 203, argues for 
Pevensey, but the argument is to some extent vitiated by being based on 
H. H.'s imaginary descrijjtion. It should be noted that the total destruc- 
tion of the British defenders is evidently mentioned as an exceptional 
feature of the capture. Fl. Wig. adds that it was taken 'post longam 
obsessionem.' H. H. knows all the details of the siege, p. 45 ; as does 
Mr. Green, M. E. pp. 43, 44. H. H. adds : ' urbs . . . nunquam postea 
reaedificata est ; locus tantum, quasi nobilissimae urbis, transeuntibus osten- 
ditur desolatus.' Holinshed speaks of Andredeschester as a place where 
Roman coins were found, 'but now decaied,' Description of England, p. 217. 

ne wear^ . . . an ... to lafe] So ^Ifric, of the destruction of the 
Egyptians at the Red Sea, 'swa ))£et 6aer nsea furSon ^n to lafe ealles ])aes 
heres,' Horn. ii. 194 ; cf. Oros. p. 56. 

495*] The coming of the West Saxons; the foundation, as it proved, of 
England. It is curious to find the traditional founder of the West-Saxon 
kingdom, the source to which all West-Saxon pedigrees are traced, bearing 
a name Cerdic, Certic, so like the Welsh Ceredig, Ceretic. (It is worth 
noting that in Nennius, § 37, Ceretic is the name of Hengest's interpreter.) 
It may be the reflexion of a later time when the West Saxons had been in 
contact with the West Welsh ; or it may be an abstraction from place- 
names, cf. 495, 508, 514, 519, 527. And such names are not confined to 
Wessex. There is a Cerdicsand near Yarmouth, R. W. i. 50. 

530] NOTES 13 

aldormen] 'duces,' Fl. Wig. 

gefuhtun] 'et acceperunt uictoriam,' ASN. An imaginary battle-piece 
in H. H. p. 45. 

501*] Port is a mere abstraction from Portsmouth, which really means Aetiology, 
the mouth of the Port or harbour. Bieda may be a similar abstraction 
from Biedan heafod, 675*. Cf. on 544. Msegla has a very British look ; 
cf. such names as Maglocunus (Maelgwn), and Conmsegl, Farinmsegl, 
577 B. Imaginary details in H. H. p. 46. Lappenberg's identification of 
the noble young Briton with Geraint ap Erbin, the subject of Llywarch 
Hen's Elegy, is hazardous, i. no ; E. T. i. 108. 

508*. Natan leod] Professor Ehys tells me that he can make nothing Natanleod. 
of this name. Perhaps we may compare Bede's Naiton, H. E. v. 21. The 
evidence of the place-names Netley, Nateley, is against E's forms, 
Nazaleod, Nazanleog. Cf. also Natangraf, Notgrove, Birch, No. 165. 

Natan leaga] Commonly identified with Netley. There are also two Natan- 
Nateleys in Hants, near Basing. But this passage clearly gives Natanleag leaga. 
as the name of a district, 'Jjfet lond,' and therefore all three places may 
derive their name from it. Ethelwerd, s. a. 519, says that Cerdicesford Cliarford. 
was 'in fluuio Auene,' i.e. Charford below Salisbury on the Wilts and 
Hants Avon. H. H. tells that Cerdic invoked the help of .^Esc and .^EUe 
against Natanleod, with other details, p. 46. 

514*] Stuf and Wihtgar in 534 are said to be nephews of Cerdic and Stuf and 
Cynric. See on them Asser, p. 469, who represents Osburg, Alfred's Wmtgar. 
mother, as descended from their stock. 'Wihtgar' occurs as a mistake 
for ' Wihtred' in 796 F. Details as usual in H. H. p. 47. 

pp. 16, 17. 519*. rice on fengun] Cf. 455. On the change from alder- Beginnings 
men to kings, cf. F. N. C. i. 579 ff. ; S. C. H. i. 66-68. It is possible ^^j^"^^" 
that the name Cynric is an abstraction from this establishment of the 

hie fuhton wif) Brettas] Sunset stopped the slaughter ! H. H. p. 48. 

7 siW5an rixadon, 7c., E] With the brief interruptions of the Danish The house 
and Norman dynasties 1017-1042, 1066-1154, this remains true to the 01 t^erdic. 
present day. The reflexion is found in a, and therefore is probably due 
to the Canterbury compiler of €. Cf. the chronicler's delight at the 
restoration of the ancient connexion by the marriage of Henry I with 
Edith-Maude in 1 loo. H. H. says of Wessex : ' Quod . . . regnum caetera 
omnia . . . subiugauit, et monarchiam totius Britannine obtinuit,' p. 47 ; 
cf. Liber de Hyda: 'regnum . . . omnium regnorum durabilius,' p. 12. 

527*] ' Certices ford ' for ' Cerdices leag ' is peculiar to E. It is Readings, 
followed by H. H. but not by Fl. Wig. It is due to the influence of the 
preceding annal 519, of which in truth this looks very like a doublet. At 
this point H. H. interpolates the wars of Arthur from Nennius. 

530. fea men, A ; feala manna, E] Ethelwerd and Florence follow 
B, C, and the original reading of A : ' paucos Brittannos,' ' paucos 


homines'; H. H. follows E: ' innumerabilem stragem.' On ' Wiht- 
garsesburh ' see below 544. 
Death of 534*. Cerdic forp ferde] ' There was in the time of Edward the Elder 

Cerdic. g^ barrow at Stoke, near Hurstbourne (Hants), known as Ceardices beorg, 

the hill or (?) barrow of Cerdic, K. C. D. No. 1077, Birch, No. S94. See 
an article by Kemble in Archaeological Journal, xiv. 119 ff.' Earle. 
hiera . . . nefum] ' Sobrinis eorum,' Ethelw. p. 503. 
538*, 540*] These entries are taken from Bede, Epit. There is 
nothing corresponding to them in the text of Bede. 
' undein.' undem] Cf. ' from underntide ponne mon msessan oftost singeS,' Bede, 
H. E. iv. 22 = 'a tertia hora ' ; ' <ib hora matutina usque ad tertiani,' 
F, Lat. ; cf. Vigf. Icel. Diet. s. v. undorn. 
Carisbrook. 544. "Wihtgara byrg, A ; Wihtgaras byrig, E] Now cornipted into 
Carisbrook. This entry shows that Wihtgar is a mere abstraction to 
account for the place-name : ' quae sic ab eo uocatur,' H. H. p. 50. And 
it is a wrong abstraction. The true form is evidently that preserved here 
by A, B, C, and in 530 by B, C, viz. ' Wihtgaraburh,' ' the burg of the 
Wight-dwellers,' 'Wihtgara' being a genitive plural = Victuariorum. 
The transformation into a genitive singular is complete in F's ' ^\ iht- 
garesbyri.' Cf. 530 A. This throws some light on the historical value of 
these traditions. Fl. Wig., while keeping the form ' Wihtgar a-birig,' 
explains it : 'id est in ciuitate Wihtgari.' 
Beginning 547*] This entry, including the record of the length of Ida's reign, is 
of Bemicia. from Bede, Epit. There is nothing answering to it in the text of the 
H. E. It marks the beginning of the kingdom of Bemicia ; the beginning 
of that of Deira is marked by .^Elle's accession, 560 ; v. note a. I. Owing 
to the. fact that both kingdoms were ultimately united in the line of Ida, 
he is often spoken of as founder and King of Noithumbria. So even 
F. N. C. i. 25. (On this, and on the early relations of the two kingdoms, 
see notes to Bede, H. E. iii. i.) Florence almost alone of the later 
authorities says quite correctly : ' in prouincia Bemiciorum Ida regnum 
suscepit.' On the connexion of the royal houses of Bernicia and Wessex, 
see notes to the genealogical Preface, p. 6 tsiipra. It may be noted that 
neither Bede nor the Chron. give even traditions with reference to the con- 
quest of Northumbria ; nor does either of them give any countenance to the 
later idea that Ida came from the continent, and was the first Teutonic 
coloniser of Northumbria. See a good note in S. C. S. i. 155. W. M., 
interpreting the Chron. 449 E as meaning not only that that year was 
the date of the coming of the Jutes to Kent, but also of the coming of the 
Angles to Northumbria, fills up the interval 449-547 with imaginary 
details based on the pedigrees: ' annis . . . uno minus centum, Northan- 
himbri duces communi habitu content!, sub imperio Cantuaritarum 
priuatos agebant,' &c., i. 44. Nennius, § 38, followed by W. M. i. 10, 
has a legend that Northumbria was settled by the son and brother of 

565] NOTES 15 

Hengest. Mr. Freeman, u. s., is inclined to accept this. But it is surely 
against the plain statement of Bede, H. E. i. 15, that the Northumbrians 
were Angles. In that case they would be Jutes, 

Bebbanburh, E] On Bamborough and Bebba, see Bede, H. E. iii. 6, Bam- 

note. ^ 

mid hegge betined] ' Hu Octauianus . . . betynde lanes duru,' Oros. 
p. 6, ib. 248 ; AS. version of Matt. xxi. 33 ; cf. ' burh hegegian,' Thorpe, 
Ancient Laws, i. 432 ; Schmid, p. 372. For the successive stages in the 
history of fortification, cf. F. N. C. i. 308, ii. Note S. 

552*. set Searobyrg] On this use of a preposition with place-names see Preposition 
Bede, H.E. ii. 14, note. That the usage became strange is shown by the fact g^^^'^^j^j^ 
that the interpolator of A has erased the ' set.' E retains the oblique form place- 
while omitting the preposition. B, C have the name in the nominative names. 
' Searoburh.' This difference of construction accounts for the two classes 
of place-names ending in ' -borough ' and ' -bury ' ; the former being derived 
from the nominative form '-burh,' the latter from the oblique '-byiig'; 
F has the modern form ' Saelesberi.' Bretwalas for Bryttas is peculiar to 
A. Contrast next entry. 

556*. set Beran byrg] * Probably Barbury Camp between Swindon and Battle of 
Marlborough,' Earle. The annotator of MS. C says 'Banbury,' which is Barbury. 
less likely. Fl. Wig. adds : ' Et illos fugauerunt.' An imaginary battle- 
piece in H. H. p. 51. 

pp. 18, 19. 560*] A rhetorical sketch of Ceawlin in W. M. i. 20. 

^lle . . . Worpanhymbra rice] Strictly speaking Deira. So Fl. Wig. Beginnings 
again quite correctly : ' in prouincia Deirorum regnum suscepit.' This is o* Ueira. 
shown also by the great Gregory's famous series of puns, Bede, H. E. ii. i. 
The addition in E, ' Idan forSgefarenum ' (an attempt to imitate the Latin 
ablative absolute\ is probably due to the wrong idea that Ida was King of 
Northumbria, and that /Elle succeeded him. The mistake appears full- 
blown in H. H. : ' obiit Ida rex Nordhumbrae, et Ella post eum regnauit ; 
. . . quamuis iste non fuisset filius Idae, sed filius Iffae,' p. 51. Fl. says of 
^lle : ' strcnuissime rexit.' He puts his accession in 559 and Ceawlin's 
in 560 ; making ^lle reign nearly thirty years, and Ceawlin thirty-three. 

On the Northumbrian pedigree (restored in A from B, C), see notes to 
the genealogical Preface, pp. 5, 6 supra. The name Sjefugl, i. e. sea- fowl, 
occurs in one of the entries in the Leofric Missal, see Earle, Charters, p. 254. 

565*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E from Bede, H. E. iii. 4, where see 
notes on Ninia.s, Columba, monastic episcopacy, the foundation of lona, &c. 

Her feng ^tSelbriht, E] According to Bede, H. E. ii. 5, Ethelbert Ethelbert 
came to the throne in 560 and died 616 ; so 616 E. This entry places his of Kent, 
accession in 565 and would bring his death to 618; so ASN. ; but below 
his death is rightly entered under 616. See note on Bede, I. c. Fl. places 
his accession in 561. 

be nor'Sum morum] Cf. the AS. version of Bede, H. E. v. 9 : ' wses se Columba, 




among the 

Cutha, &c. 

Capture of 



Battle of 

Columba se seresta laruw ... in ])?em inorlonduni SaSe siondon to norSdsele 
Peohta rices,' p. 410 ( = ' transmontanis Pictis'). So, pp. 358, 364, mora, 
morum = montiu!n, montibus. In ' mor-fsesten,' 878, 'mdr' has the mean- 
ing of ' swamp.' The phrase ' wserteres . . . morum ' is evidently connected 
with a name in S. D. ii. 124 : ' Ethelstanus . . . Scotiam usque Dunfoeder 
et Wertermorum terrestri exercitu uastauit' ; Mr. Arnold, ib. xxxiii, says 
Wedderhill ; Mr. Skene, Kirriemuir, S. C S. i. 352. 

erfe wserdes] See note on Bede, H. E. v. 11. 

cyrice 7 . . . mynster] ' Church and monastery.' 

ealle Scotta biscopes] This is an absurd exaggeration of Bede's words, 
H. E. iii. 4 : 'ipsi etiam episcopi,' see note, a. I. 

568*] This is the first record of strife among the invading tribes them- 
selves ; cf. H. H., p. 52: 'istud est primum bellum quod inter se reges 
Anglorum gesserunt ; ' cf. Ethelw. p. 504 B : ' ciuile bellum.' Imaginary 
details in W. M. i. 20 ; cf. my Bede II. 87. Wibbandiin is supposed to be 
Wimbledon. In a British Synod held about this time there is a special 
penance ordained for those ' qui prebent ducatum barbaris,' H. & S. i. i iS. 

571*] It will be noted that while in 568 all MSS. have Ceawlin and 
Cutha, and in 577 Cuthwine and Ceawlin, here A, B, C have Cuthwulf, 
while E has Cutha. According to the genealogical Preface to A, Cuthwulf 
was the son of Cuthwine, who was the son of Ceawlin. In some of the 
pedigrees given in the Chron. Cutha appears to be identical with Cuthwulf, 
in others he seems to be an amalgam of Cuthwine and Cuthwulf (see 
notes on genealogical Preface, above, p. 5, note). Cutha might of course 
be a shortened form for either of these names. See the references in my 
Bede II. xxxvi. Here E makes Cutha Ceawlin's brother ; so 568 F. 
ri. Wig., as I have .said, p. 2, supra, has no less than three Cuthas, one a 
brother, one a son, and the third a grandson of Ceawlin, but this I take to 
be mere 'harmonistik.' 

iiii. tunas] ' quatuov regias uillas,' El. Wig. Bedford, Lenbury, Ayles- 
bury, Bensington, and Eynsham. An intermediate form of the second 
name, 'Lienberig,' occurs in H. H. p. 52. On the importance of Bensing- 
ton, see F. N. C. i. 370, and infra 777. In K. C. D. No. 311, Birch, 
No. 547, Bensington is called a ' uilla regia,' and in K. C. D. No. 714, 
Eynsham is a ' locus Celebris.' 

geforpferde, a] On the form see footnote. Itoccurs, however, in F 901 ; 
which illustrates the connexion of F and a. 

577 *] ' Deorham is identified with Dyrham on the turnpike road between 
Bath and Gloucester,' Earle. This battle had important consequences, 
(i) It separated the North Welsh (our Wales) from the West or Corn 
Welsh; (2) it opened up the Severn Valley to the invaders. (In G. P. 
pp. 291, 292, there is an interesting description of the Vale of Gloucester, 
and the bore on the Severn : 'higram . . . Anglice uocant,' i.e. the Eagre, 
as on the Trent in Lincolnshire, see New Engl. Diet. s. v.) Accordingly 

592] NOTES 17 

seven years later we find them at Faddiley in Cheshire. But the advance 
was too rapid; Ceawlin suffered a defeat and fell back 'in anger,' 584. 
It must have been on this northward campaign that Uriconium (Wroxeter) 
and Pengwern (Shrewsbury) fell into the hands of the Saxons, as lamented 
in the Elegy of Lly warch Hen; who represents Kynddylan (Condidan) as Welsh 
falling here in his own country, and not at Deorham, as the Chron. ; of, princes 
Guest, U.S., ii. 282 fF., on the conquest of the Severn Valley ; Green, 
M. E. pp. 128, 206 ; Rhys, Celtic Britain, p. 108 ; Skene, Ancient 
Books of Wales, i. 448 ff., ii. 279 If. Nothing seems to be known of the 
other two Welsh princes. Coinmail is probably for Commail, i.e. Conmail, 
Cynvael. Nennius, § 49, has a Fernmail (Ffernvael) ' qui modo regit 
in . . . Buelt (Builth) et Guorthigirniaun ' ; he makes him a de- 
scendant of Vortigern. Note that not only B, C, but also E, F, retain the 
original r/ in these names, which A has reduced. 

pp. 20, 21. 584*. Fepanleag] Faddiley, Cheshire. Frithenleia, E. W. Battle of 
i. 88 ; which is perhaps the ground of Mr. Thorpe's ' Fretherne, Glouces- Faddiley. 
tershire,' here and in Fl. Wig. ; of. Guest, Orig. Celt. ii. 286. Mr. Kerslake 
says Hereford, on the strength of a passage ia Brompton, c. 753, St. Ewen, 
&c., p. 21. But this is unlikely, especially considering how often Hereford 
is mentioned eo nomine in the Chronicle. The Rev. C. S. Taylor would 
place it in the Hwiccas, Cotswold in Saxon Times, pp. 3-6. 

7 ierre . . . agnum. A] This characteristic touch in A, B, C, 
which shows that the ultimate result was, in spite of all his plunder, un- 
favourable to Ceawlin, is omitted by E and Fl. Wig. Accordingly Fl. Wig. 
and H. H. turn the event into a West-Saxon victor}' ; and though H. H. 
generally follows MS. E, he here reads Cuthwine for Cutha. On the 
confusion between the names Cutha, Cuthwine, Cuthwulf, see on the 
Preface to A, p. 5, and on 571, ,mpra. 

588*] Fl.Wig. is here again precise and accurate : '.^EUe rex Deirorum Death of 
. . . decessit, et ^^thelric Idae filius post ilium super ambas prouincias ■^'^'■^• 
quinque annis regnauit.' See on Bede, H. E. iii. i. Edwin, file's son, was 
at this time three years old. W. M. has a purely imaginary sketch of 
.^thelric, i. 46 ; of whom S. D. at his death disposes summarily : ' is 
secreta inferni uisitans,' ii. 14. 

591*. Ceol, A, B, C, Fl. Wig., ASN. ; Ceolric, E, H. H., W. M.] Ceol cr 
The difference is due to the following word ' ric-sode ' ; but this might '^^''^^i''- 
cause either the addition or the omission of the syllable. ' Ceol ' is the form 
in all the MSS. of the pedigrees prefixed to A. 

592*] Mr. Thorpe (note to Fl. Wig. i. 9) thinks that the expulsion of Expulsion 
Ceawlin was due to a combination of Ceolric, Ethelbert, and the Britons ^^ Ceawlin. 
against him. Mr. Green (M. E. pp. 207, 208) traces it to a combination 
of; the Britons with the Hwiccas, who had rebelled and elected Ceolric as 
their king. The one particle of evidence which 1 can discover for all this 
lies in W. M.'s words : ' conspirantibus tam Anglis quam Britonibus,' i. 2i. 

II. C 




Battle of 

St. Gregory, 

and Crida. 

' Angelcyn ' 
and ' Engla- 

Picts and 


Battle of 



And Malmesbury wrote more than five hundred years after the event ! 
H. H. represents the battle as one merely between Britons and Saxons, 
the Britons being drawn up ' more Romanorum,' p. 54. 

set Woddes beorge, A, B, C ; Wodnes-, E ; "Wodnes beorlige, W.] 
• Wodnes beorh, id est Mens Wodeni,' Fl. Wig. ; Wanborough, near Swin- 
don, Wilts ; Guest, u. s., pp. 243 fF. ; Green, u. s., p. 208. In W. M. u. s. 
there is an interesting variation : ' apud Wodnes die' This would be the 
Wansdyke, ' portions of which may still be traced . . . from Berkshire 
to the Bristol Channel,' Guest, p. 148. Cf. 715, infra, where H. H. 
gives tlie name as Wonebirih, p. iii. 

592 E, a] On the date of Gregory's accession, see note ou Bede, H. E. 
i. 23, ii. I. It was probably 590. E has overlooked the fact that Gregory 
has been already mentioned as Pope in 591. 

593*] Cwichelm occurs laterin the West-Saxon royal house as the name of 
the prince who tried to have Edwin of Northumbria assassinated in 626. 
Creoda occurs in the Mercian pedigree 626 as the name of Penda's grand- 
father. H. H. assumes that he is the Crida here mentioned, and that he was 
the firht King of the Mercians, pp. 53, 54. Both inferences are precarious, 
though they have been accepted as facts by later writers. On ^thelfritb of 
Northumbria see Bede, H. E. i. 34, and notes. Ethel werd makes Cwichelm, 
Tridda {sic), and .^Ethelfrith three joint successors of Ceawlin ! p. 504. 

595 a, 596 E] From Bede, Epit. See H. E. i. 23-25, and notes. 

597*. Angel cyn] ' Englaland, in its different forms, does not appear in 
the Chronicles till 1014. Angelcyn, which in 597 clearly means the people, 
must, in 975 and 986, be taken for the country. So still more plainly in 
1002. In many places it may be taken either way,' F. N. C. i. 78. 
Here, however, it probably means the Angles as opposed to, not as includ- 
ing, the Saxons. 

opfie wip Peohtas, oppe -wip Scottas] It is difficult to see how a West- 
Saxon king at this time could be brought into contact with ' Picts and 
Scots'; cf. Green, u. s., p. 210. Probably the compiler merely wished to 
give his entry an air of completeness. 

601*] From Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. i. 29, notes. The latter part is due 
to a misunderstanding. Bede simply says : ' misit . . . Gregorius . . . 
ministros, in quibus et Paulinum.' The conversion of Northumbria by 
Paulinus was not till 625-627. F has con-ected the text so as to make 
it accord with facts. On the Pallium, see Bede II. 49-52. 

603*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E (as far as ' peoda ') from Bede, H. E. i. 
34, where see notes. E is guilty of an absurd mistake in making Aedan 
fight against the Dal Riada. He was of course their king. The form of 
the place-name in B, C, ' aet Egesan stane,' may be due to the absorption 
of the d by the t of cef ', or it may lend countenance to a suggestion 
made by me on Bede, u. s., that the place-name was due to this battle, and 
was originally ' set JEg'Sanes stane.' 

617] NOTES 19 

Hering .... ?ider, E] Peculiar to E. I do not know its source. Hering, son 
There is a Hussa among the kings of Bernicia in the ancient Northum- of Hussa. 
brian regnal table at the end of the Moore MS. of Bede's H. E., Pal. 
Soc. IT. plate 140, M. H. B. p. 290; cf. Nennius, §63; S. D. i. 339; 
ii. 14, 374; Ann. Lindisf. in Pertz, xix. 503, where he is made a son 
of Ida, succeeding in 569. In this case he would have been an elder 
brother of .lEthelric, and his son Hering may have claimed the throne 
against his cousin /Ethelfrith, and combined with his enemies against 

604*] A,B,Cfrom Bede, Epit. ; E from Bede, H.E. ii. 3, where see notes. 
E's words, ' J)one . . . cininga,' go beyond those of Bede : ' sub potestate 
positus eiusdem .^Edilbercti.' 

pp. 22, 23. 605 E, 606 A] The true date of Gregory's death is Death of St 
probably 604. Bede places it in 605, H. E. ii. i, and see i. 23, notes. Grregory. 
I do not know whence the afldition in B, C, about Gregory's parents 
comes ; possibly from the old life of Gregory by a monk of Whitby ; 
on which see Bede, vol. ii. App. i. Bede gives the name of his fatlier, 
but not that of his mother, H. E. ii. i. The dates given for the battle of Battle of 
Chester, 605 E, 607 a, are both wrong; the true date is either 613 or Chester. 
616. See on Bede, H. E. ii. 2, whence this account is taken. Scromail, 
Scrocmail, Scrocmagil are miswritings of Bede's Brocmail ; the last, how- 
ever, preserves a more original form of the termination ; see above 
on 577. 

cc preosta, E] ' uiros circiter mille ducentos,' Bede, u, s. ; ' twelf 
hund monna,' AS. vers. 

607*] Here we have the South Saxons involved in the strife of the 
conquerors. Details in H. H. p. 55. 

611 *. xxxi. wintra] This does not agree with the dates given below 
for Cenwalh's accession, 643 A (El. Wig.), 641 B, C, E, F. In Fl. Wig. 
the number is 32 ; probably a correction. On the different pedigrees of 
Cynegils see the notes to the Preface of A, p. 2 supra. 

614*] According to W. M. i. 21, Cynegils and Cwichelm reigned 
together, ' aequa lance.' He gives a touching (and quite imaginary) 
picture of their fraternal concord. Moreover, according to the Chron. 
648, they were not brothers, but father and son. Cwichelm is the 
would-be murderer of Edwin, infra 626 E. 

Bean dune] Bampton in Oxfordshire; Green, «. s., p. 239. Others 
place it in Devon or Dorset (Bindon Hill, Dorset, Kerslake). Details 
in H. H. p. 56. 

616*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit.; E from H. E. ii. 5-8, where 
see notes. 

p. 24. rixiendum Eadbaldum, E] Should be ' - balde,' = ' ^odbaldo 
regnante,' Bede, H. E. ii. 7. See on 560. 

617 E] On the Battle of the Idle and death of ^thelfrith, see Bede, ^Te Idlf 

C 2 













H. E. ii. 12; on Edwin's power, ih. ii. 5; on tlie expulsion of ^^thel- 
trith's son?, ib. iii. i. Bede does not however give their names. See 
notes II. cc. 

p. 22. 619 F] See Bede, H. E. ii. 7. 

p. 24. 624 E] ih. 

625*] Bede, Epit. The date in E from H. E. ii. 9, where see notes. 

ciclus Dionisii, E] See the article on Dionysius Exiguus in D. C. B. ; 
and for the Council of Nicaea in connexion with the Paschal Con- 
troversy see my Bede II. 349, 350. "Ennia kaiS' is an attempt to 
represent the Greek kvvea/caiSeKaeTTjpida ('ennia kai decaderida,' Ann. 
Utic. The Saxon phrase is: '])a nigontynlican hringas,' Bede, p. 470), 
and some word (' uocant,' Ann. Utic.) is required after it. So at the 
end something is missing : ' sine ulla falsitate reperiunt,' Ann. Utic. ; cf. 
Bede's Chron. sub annis 224, 567. 

pp. 24, 25. 626*] A, B, C (as far as ' Pentecosten ') from Bede, Epit. 
The date of the accession of Penda is not given by Bede. The account 
in E is from H. E. ii. 9, 14, where see notes. The detail of the slaughter 
of five West-Saxon 'kings' is however peculiar to tliis Chron. ; see ou 
H. E. iv. 12. 

Iceling, Icel, B, C] Cf. the name of lekling Street. 

627*] A, B, from Bede, Epit.; E from H. E. ii. 14, 16-19, 
where see notes. 

mid ealre his dugutSe, E] 'cum domo sua,' i6. ii. 16; 'duguS' here 
almost = comitatus ; so in 626 E. 

628 *] Here we have Mercia under Penda joining in the strife of 
the conquerors. Details in H. H, pp. 57, 58. Freeman thinks that 
this means a cession by Ceawlin of his north-western conquests, and 
the confining of Wessex within the line of the Thames and Somerset- 
shire Avon ; Oxon. and Bucks, he thinks, must have been retained longer 
because of the position of Dorchester as originally a West-Saxon see, 
F. N. C. i. 36. This is possible, but it is all rather theoretical ; cf . Kerslake, 
Mercia, p. 6 ; Taylor, Cotswold, pp. 14, 15. 

632*. Eorpwald] King of the East Angles, Bede, H. E. ii. 15. Not 
in Epit. Hence the chronicler had to determine the date for himself, 
and he has done it wrong. The true date is 627x628. See notes on 
Bede, I. c. 

633*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit., as far as ' Cant warum ' ; E from H. E. 
ii. 20, where see notes. 

ii- idus Octo'b., E] Oct. 14. Bede says Oct. 12. 

vii. gear, E] A mistake for xvii : ' decem et septem,' Bede. 

pp. 26, 27. 634*] For the mission of Birinus see Bede, H. E. iii. 7, and 
notes. Bede gives no date, and accordingly does not place the event in his 
Epit. Hence we cannot control the chronicler's statement. But consider- 
ing how he has blundered over other dates it is not possible to feel much 

640] NOTES 21 

confidence here. The same applies to several other West-Saxon dates : 635, 
636, 639. 

634, E] For the accession of Osric, Eanfrid, and Oswald see Bede, H. E. 
iii. I, notes. 

man ge tealde him, 7c.] The meaning of this rather obscure sentence Eegnal 
may be seen from the passage in Bede which it represents : ' unde cunctis ^I'li'ils- 
placuit regum tempora computautibus, ut ablata de medio regiim perfido- 
rum (i.e. 'heathen') memoria, idem annus sequentis regis, id est, Osualdi 
. . . regno adsignaretur ' ; cf. Introduction, § 105. 

635*] Bede, H. E. iii. 7. Not in the Epit. 

on feng] As sponsor. See note on Bede, u. s. German : ' aus der Sponsors, 
Taufe heben.' French : ' lever des fonts de bapteme.' So Mary of Bur- 
gundy to Louis XI : ' vous m'avez lev^e des saints fonts de baptesme,' 
De Lettenhove, Lettres et N^gociations de Philippe de Commines, i. 153. 
Cf. the version of this incident in the AS. Bede : ' Jia onfeng he him, 7 noni 
agt fulwihte basSe 7 £et ])ses biscopes honda psere godcundan J^egnuno-e him 
to godsuna,' p. 168. 

636*] The baptism and death of Cwichelm are not mentioned by Bede. Baptism 

W. M. says that Cwichelm refused baptism at first, but yielded owiujr to ^^'^ death 

• "^ o of Cwic" 

an attack of illness, i. 22. This is probably mere imagination based on the jjelm 

fact that he died so soon after baptism. For the mission of Felix, see H. E. 

ii. 15, iii. 18, and notes. The date given here is certainly wrono-. The 

true date is 630x631. Fl. Wig. copies the date of the Chron., though he 

takes his matter direct from Bede. 

639*] Not in Bede ; B, C, F give Cuthred the title of king. 

on feng . . . suna] i. e. as godson : ' baptisticuni filium,' Ethelw. p. 506 ; Eaptism of 
cf. on 635. So Pope Sergius both baptised and acted as sponsor to Cead- Cuthred. 
walla, Bede, H. E. v. 7 ; cf. ^^If. Lives, i. 330 : ' Petrus wass his godfaeder 
... 7 he swa lange folgode his fuUuht fasdere.' 

639 E, 640 A] (E's 639 is a mere slip, as is shown by the fact that the 
preceding annal is rightly dated 639.) A, B, C (as far as ' for))ferde ') 
from Bede, Epit. The rest of E is from H. E. ii. 8, where see notes. 
The length of Eadbald's reign is given more correctly by E, F, than by 
A, B, C. 

He hsefde twegene sunu, a] Tliis is a bit of Canterbury tradition Canterbury 
peculiar to a. The legend is that Ermenred was Ercenbeiht's elder brother ; Legend, 
hence the existence of his two sons Ethelred and Ethelbert (' duo gemelli 
fratres,' Chron. Eames. pp. 55, 191) was considered a danger to Egbert, the 
son and successor of Ercenberht. Thunor ('quod Latina interpretation e 
sonat; tonitrus,' S. D. ii. 6), a counsellor of Egbert's, urged their destruc- 
tion on the king, and being only weakly opposed murdered them in the 
king's absence, and buried them secretly at Eastry. A column of light 
revealed their sepulchre ; the king, in terror, granted as wergild to their 
sister, Eormenburga or Domneva, as much land in Thanet for a monastery 





Death of 


Fouu ela- 
tion of 
ter Cathe- 
dral by 


as her hind could compass in a day. Thunor, while objecting to the grant, 
was swallowed up by the earth (' uiuens et uidens intrauit infernum,' G. P. 
p. 319) ; a cairn was raised on the spot, which is still called ' Thunores- 
hleaw.' The martyrs were buried at first at Wakering in Essex ; but in 
991 their bodies were translated to Ramsey. See Hardy, Cat. i. 263, 264, 
377, 378, 382 ; S. D. ii. sff. ; H. H. pp. xxvii, xlvi f. ; Fl. Wig. i. 259 ; 
W.M. i. 16, 11. xciv; G. P. pp. 318, 319; Elmham, pp. 191, 192,206-214, 
250; E. W. i. 137, 149 ff. The story is recited in K. C. D. No. 900. We 
see here the tendency to class as martyrs all who suffer a cruel and 
unmerited fate. 

se to wearp . . . deofel gyld, E] Cf. the AS. Bede, H. E. iii. 8 : ' he heht 
deofolgild to weorpan ' ; cf. ii. 6 : ' he ... to wearp al ])a bigong J)ara deo- 
folgelda,' pp. 172, 116. 

he ge sette Eastor feasten, E] ' he behead . . . ))8et feowertiglice fasten 
healden beon ser Eastrum,' AS. Bede, u.s.; cf. ih. pp. 230, 244, &c., 
where ' feowertiglic fjesten' translates ' quadragesima.' 

642 A, 643 A, 641 E] In A, B, C the death of Oswald is from Bede, 
Epit. But A is the only MS. which gives the date correctly. E's account 
of the battle is from H. E. iii. 9, where see notes. For the translation to 
Bardney (which did not take place till some time after) and the fate of his 
relics, v. ih. iii. 11, 12, notes. The length of Oswy'.s reign is from ib. iii. 
14. The date of Cenwalh's accession and the length of his reign given by 
A (E's xxi is a mere slip) do not agree with the date, 672, given by all 
MSS. for his death. The thirty-one years may be reckoned to ^scwiae's 
accession, 674. Theopold, p. 29, suggests a mistake of xxxi for xxix ; 
see however p. 3, supra. ASN., like E, put Cenwalh's accession and 
Oswald's death in the same year, but in 642. On Cenwalh cf. H. E. iii. 
7, notes. 

se Cen walh het atimbran, 7c.] This is a description, not a date ; for 
at this time Cenwalh was a heathen. The actual building and consecration 
are placed by F under 648, i. 28. On the significance of B, C's 
insertion, ' ])a ealdan cyricean,' see Introduction, § 113, note (cf. W. M.'s 
' ealdechirche ' at Glastonbury, i. 24). From 642 to 647, E is one year 
behind A. Then by the omission of 647 in E harmony is restored ; but 
they diverge again immediately. 

644 A, 643 E] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E is from H. E. iii. 14, where 
see notes. 644 is the correct date both for Paulinus' death and for Oswine's 

Oswine . . . Osrices, E] See the jjcdigree in note to H. E, iii. i. 
645, 646 A, 644, 645 E] The cause of Cenwalh's exile, the length of 
it (three years), and the place where he took refuge (East Anglia) are 
mentioned retrospectively, 658 infra. It was through Anna of East Anglia 
that he was converted and baptised, H. E. iii. 7. Three years from 645 
would bring his restoration to 648, and so Fl. Wig. 

650] NOTES 23 

p. 28. 648*] The reading ' Eadrede ' is a mere slip of E, but is followed 
by H. H. p. 59. 

iii- pusendo londes] That this means 3000 hides is proved by the in- Grant to 
sertion of the word ' hida' by B, C. But the elliptic use is quite frequent ; ^^^ ^^ ' 
cf. AS. Bede, H. E. iii. 24 : ' SuSmercna rice, pa seondon . . . fif j^usendo folces ; 
. . . NorSmercum, Jiara londes is seofon pusendo.' So iv. 13 : ' is [Su^seaxna] 
londes seofon J^usendo,' pp. 240, 300 ; where the Latin has ' familiar,' Bede's 
constant word to represent the AS. hid. So Wulf and Eofor for slaying 
Ongenthe'ow received ' hund Jjiisenda landes,' Beowulf, 2995 ; cf. Kemble, 
Saxons, i. 289 f. Ethelw. says : ' ex praediis suis tria millia' ; ' multas man- 
siones,' E. W. i. 141, 142. W. M. i. 29 represents Cenwalh as granting ' pene 
tertiam regni partem.' And the grant was an enormous one ; cf. Craw- 
ford Charters, p. 74; Maitland, Domesday, pp. 231 ff. H. H. says: 'dedit 
Cenwalh iEdredo coo-nato suo et adiatori ter mille uillas.' He therefore 
regarded the grant as a reward to Cuthred for help given to Cenwalh at hi.s 
restoration. This is not unlikely. It may also be a buying out of Cuthred's 
claims. We have noted the reading 'Cupred king' in some MSS. at 639, 
which points to an association of Cuthred with Cynegils in the royal power 
after the death of Cwichelm. Or again, the object may have been, as Earle 
suggests, the protection of the frontier against Mer^ia ; cf. Taylor, m. s., p. 15. 

-ffisces dune] ' There are three other mentions of this same place, Ashdown. 
and all very significant. In 661 Wulf here. King of Mercia, carries his 
ravages as far as this; in 871 ^Sered and .-Elfred fight with the whole 
Danish army on this down ; and in 1006 we have the Danes passing from 
the neighbourhood of Wallingford " along Ashdown" ; and we next find 
them at East Kennett, not far from Marlborough, ^scesdun is clearly 
that mass of chalk-hills between W^allingford and Marlborough, on which 
is the famous White Horse of Berkshire, and on which a private residence, 
Ashdown Park near Uffington, preserves the ancient name. Here it was 
that King Cenwalh gave a large tract of country to his cousin Cuthred; 
probably with a view to make the position secure against the Mercians. 
It is remarkable that 661, when Wulfhere advanced to yEscesdun, is the 
year of Cuthred's death. Perhaps he fell defending his territory. Cuthred's 
father Cwichelm was also famous in those parts, for " Cwichelm's-low " 
was near Ashdown (1006). Cf. K. C. D. No. 693." Earle {i. e. ' Skutcham- 
fly' Barrow, 8i miles from the White Horse\ 

650 A, 649 E] On ^gelberht, and the history of the West-Saxon see, ^gelberht. 
V. Bede, H. E. iii. 7, notes. F 650 says : ' her forfJferde Birinus se biscop, 
7 ^gebertus se Frenciscawas gehadod.' The last statement is an error, 
aa he was already ' pontifex ' when he came to Wessex from Ireland ; 
Bede, u. ^. The date of Birinus' death is probably only an inference, 
though a very reasonable one, from the mention of .iEgelberht's succes- 
sion. Bede gives no dates, and therefore these events do not appear iu 
his Epitome. 




Battle of 

Death of 

St. Botulf. 

Battle of 
the Win- 

651 A, 650 E] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. with the right date ; E is from 
H. E. iii. 14, where see notes. 

652 A] (Not in E or Fl. Wig.) W. M. i. 23 mentions two great battles 
of Cenwalh against the Britons; the second at Penn ( = 658, infra), the 
first ' in loco qui dicitur Wirtgernesburg.' No legend is known specially 
connecting Vortigern with Bradford-on-Avon. But unless ' Wirtgernesburg ' 
is Bradford, W. M. must have had some special source of tradition or a 
different form of the Chron. See Dr. Stubbs' remarks, I. liii ; II. xxv. 
Ethelwerd calls the battle of Bradford ' bellum ciuile ' ; i. e. he conceived 
of it as a battle not against the Britons, but against some other Saxon 
power, probably Mercia. 

653 A, 652 E] This entry is from Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. iii. 21, and 
notes. The date in A, B, C is correct. The mistake ' Middel-Seaxe ' for 
' Middel-Engle ' is peculiar to A. 

654 A, 653 E] For the death of Anna, slain by Penda, v. H. E. iii. J 8, 
ad fin. and note. Bede gives no date ; and therefore the occurrence is 
not mentioned in his Epit. 

Botulf] Botulf and his foundation are not mentioned by Bede ; but they 
are mentioned in the Hist. Anon. Abbatum, § 4, where it is said of Ceol- 
frid, afterwards Abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow : ' peruenit et ad Anglos 
Orientales, ut uideret instituta Botuulfi abbatis, quern singularis uitae et 
doctrinae uirum . . . fama circumquaque uulgauerat ; instructusque abun- 
danter . . . domum rediit.' From this it would appear that his foundation 
was famous as a school of monastic discipline and learning. His life by 
Folcard (eleventh century) says that he had founded it on the model of the 
monasteries in which he had resided in Gaul ; Mabillon, AA. SS. iii. i fF. 
Fl. Wig., like MS. F (see footnote), calls him St. Botulf. Icanho has been 
identified with Boston, Lines, {quasi ' Botulfestiin'), or with the neigh- 
bouring village of St. Botulf; Bright, Engl. Ch. Hist, p. 179 [ed. 3, p. 206]. 
In spite of the existence of the life by Folcard W. M. says : ' iacent in 
ecclesia [Bury St. Edmund's] duo sancti, Germinus et Botulfus, quorum 
gesta nee ibi nee alibi haberi meraini, nisi quod primus frater sanctae 
Etheldridae, secundus episcopus fuisse asseritur,' G. P. p. 156. For the 
last statement there seems no foundation ; cf Hardy, Cat. i. 373-375 ! H. Y. 
I. Hi. Bishop ^thelwold translated St. Botulf's i-elics to Thorney, Ord. 
Vit. iv. 280, 281. 

p. 29. her for'Bferde Honorius, E] The year 653 is correct for this ; 
Bede, H. E. iii. 20. 

pp. 28, 29. 655 A, 654 E] A, B, C (_a8 far as ' Cristne ') from Bede, 
Epit. ; E from H. E. iii. 24, in the notes to which it is shown that 655 
is the true date for the battle of the Winwsed ; and that the Chron. is 
wrong in making Peada King of all Mercia. He only ruled by Oswy's 
grant the South Mercians, who are probably the same as the ' Middel- 
Engle ' of 653 (652), supra. Mr. C^adwallader Bates sends me a paper on 

656] NOTES 25 

the importance and site of the battle of the Winwsed, which he would place 
at Stow in Wedale. The paper is an interesting one, though some points 
in it seem to me doubtful ; it is in Arch. Aeliana, xix. 182 ff. 

On his time, 70., E] The first of the Peterborough insertions in E, on Peter- 
which see Introduction, § 42. With them may be compared the Canter- borough m- 
bury insertions in F, the Glastonbury insertions in the B and C recensions ^j^jis^ 
of W. M.'s Gesta Reguni (see Dr. Stubbs' Preface, I. Iviii-lxii), and the 
Abingdon insertions in the Lambeth MS. (No. 42) of Fl. Wig. ; see i. 140, 
145-T48, 158, 182, 185, 199, 201,203,204,207:11.9,41,46,70,75. With 
the present entry compare Hugo Candidas, in Sparke's Scriptores, pp. 4-8, 
which is taken from this. Bede, H. E. iv. 6, calls Sexwulf himself ' cow- Sexwulf. 
strtictor et abbas monasterii quoddiciturMedesbamstedi' ; cf. 675 E, ad fin. 
He says nothing about Peada and Oswy. Possibly they may have joined 
in granting the land for the foundation, as Cynegils and Oswald granted 
Dorchester to Birinus, ih. iii. 7, and as Egfrid granted to Benedict Biscop 
the land for the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow, Bede, Hist. Abb. 
§§ 4, 7. The relation is probably truly enough expressed in the subscrip- 
tion of Sexwulf to the spurious Latin charter corresponding to the inter- 
polation at 675 E : 'Ego . . . Saxulfus regali beneficio eiusdem monasterii 
fundator,' K. C. D. No. 990; Birch, No. 48 ; H. & S. iii. 153-157. 

655 E] For the consecration of Deusdedit, see Bede, H. E. iii. 20, ad 
Jin. and notes. It is not in Bede's Epit. The date 655 is correct. This 
entry is only in E and F. 

p. 29. 656 E, p. 32. 657 A] At the end of the annal 654, E, following Murder of 
Bede, has rightly placed the murder of Peada at the Easter immediately "eada. 
following the battle of the Winwsed, i.e. Easter 656, according to the true 
chronology. Here, followii)g the other Chronicles, it repeats the entry at 
an interval of two years from that battle ; a further mistake is that Wulf- 
here is made to succeed to Mercia immediately on the death of Peada. His 
accession was the result of a successful rebellion of iMercia against Oswy in 
658 ; see H. E. iii. 24, ad fin. and notes. 

p. 29. On his time wasx, 7c., E] The second of the Peterborough in- Peter- 
sertions. The Latin charter on which this entry is based (a forgery prob- borough 
ably of the time of Edgar, D. C. B. iv. 590) is in K. C. D. No. 984 ; Birch, 
No. 22. 

his wed brotJeres . . . Os^wi] Brotherhood by compact is to actual bro- Artificial 
therhood what adoption is to actual fatherhood, i.e. it is a primitive legal brother- 
fiction ; cf. Maine, Ancient Law, chap. 2. Sometimes an attempt is made 
to mingle the blood of the contracting parties artificially. ' In the simplest 
form of this rite, two men become brothers by opening their veins and 
sucking one another's blood. Thenceforth their lives are not two, but one,' 
Kobertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, pp. 314 ft'. So when Dr. Peters 
swore blood-brotherhood with Mwanga, King of Uganda, the ceremony is 
thus described : ' A slight incision is made with a razor above the fifth 




'brothers by wed or pledge' exactly answers to 'fratres 

i. 219 ; so ' frater coniuratus ' of Malcolm III and Tostig, 

cf. ' statuimus . . . ut omnes homines totius regni nostri 

Leges Will. I, Thorpe, i. 492 ; Schmid, p. 509 ; 

rib on the right side. Coffee-berries are then soaked in the blood, and are 
exchanged and eaten by the two persons between whom the covenant is 
made. It is binding for life. The persons between whom blood-brother- 
hood is sworn never desert one another in danger ; and their mutual con- 
fidence is unbounded. It is stated that a case of breach of faith between 
those who have once made this strange compact in Central Africa has never 
been known.' The Icelandic plan was for the contracting parties to mingle 
their blood in the earth, with other ceremonies; the earth being regarded 
as the common mother of us all. See Orig. Island, i. 319 ; Dasent's Gisli 
the Outlaw, p. 23; Flack, in !l£tudes Romanes d(^diees k Gaston Paris, 
pp. 146 ff. 

The phrase 
adiurati,' S. D. 
ib.ii. 174, 175: 
. . . sint fratres coniurati, 
cf. Shakespeare's phrase : 

' I am sworn brother, Sweet, 
To grim Necessitj', and he and I 

Will keep a league till death.' Rich. II. V. i. 20 ; 

and the commentators, ad loc. We find both ideas, ' wed' and ' oath,' in 
1016, i. 153 : ' heora freondscipe . . . gefsestnodon gemid wedde, gemid 
a'Se.' Madden, Layamon, iii. 354, explains the term ' wed-brothers ' by 
' brothers at baptism,' ' pledged at the font together ' ; and so some trans- 
lators of the Chron. If the writer meant this, he was certainly wrong, 
for Oswy, like Oswald, must have been baptised while in exile among the 
' Scotti ' ; cf. Bede, H. E. iii. 3 ; but the words of the Latin ' Christiana fide 
confrater et coregnator ' make it probable that nothing more than Christian 
brotherhood is meant. I cannot agree with Professor Earle that ' his ' 
here refers to Peada. It refers to Wulf here ; cf. a little lower : ' win 
leoue freond Oswi.' No doubt the writer is in error in attributing these 
friendly relations to Oswy and Wulfhere, who had rebelled against him. 
But we need not be staggered at finding that the twelfth-century inter- 
polator should have tripped in his history. 

JESelred 7 Merwala] Ethelred succeeded Wulfhere on his death in 

675, infra. Merwala is not mentioned in Bede or in the authentic portions 

of the Chronicle. In the pedigrees, &c., appended to Florence (i. 264, 265) 

he is called St. Merewald, King of the West-Hecanas (= Herefordshu-e), 

husband of Eormenburga or Domneva (see on 640 a), and, by her, father 

of SS. Mildburg, Mildred, and Mildgith, and of a son St. Merefinn ; cf H. H. 

p. xxvii.; Hardy, Cat.i. 274.275,277,376-384; W. M. i. 78 ; Fl. Wig. i. 33. 

Cyneburg Kyneburges 7 Kyneswi'Ses] Cyneburg was married to Alchfrid, son ' 

and Cyne- of Oswy of Northumbria, and under him sub-King of Deira, Bede, H. E. 

swith. ...^ ^^ p^^ ^^^ traditional accounts of her and her sister Cyneswith v. 

note, I. c. 

and Mer- 

656] NOTES 27 

p. 30. sefter his eorles] This word alone stamps this docnment as a ' Earl.' 
forgery. In the sense meant here ( = ealdorman) it represents the Scandi- 
navian ' iarl,' and only came in with the Danish conquests ; of. F. N. C. 
i. 582. 

Deusdedit . . . Wilfrid preost] If any reliance could be placed on Signatures, 
these names they would fix the consecration to 662 x 664. Jaruman 
became bishop in the former year, Wilfrid in the latter, and Tuda died 
in 664. Ithamar, though the exact date of his death is uncertain, was 
certainly dead before 664, while as late as 664 Wine was still Bishop of 
Wessex (not of London). Ceadda went to Wessex to be consecrated by 
him after Deusdedit's death on July 14, 664; cf. H. & S. iii. 10, where, 
however, there are more inaccuracies than one. The charter of donation, 
infra, is dated 664. 

p. 31. geld na gaule] ' tax or rent.' Probably at the supposed date 
they would hardly be distinguished ; cf. Maitland, Domesday, p. 239. 

Ancarig] Probably Thorn ey ; the name 'Isle of Ancliorites' was due Thorney. 
to these settlers. We find ' the wood of Ancarig ' in Croyland charters, 
K. C. D. Nos. 265, 520 ; Birch, Nos. 461, 1178. Mr. Skene's equation of 
the epithet ' godfrihte,' ' God-fearing,' with the Irish Cell De (Culdees) 
seems fanciful, S. C. S. ii. 244. 

del nimende . . . lif] So with a genitive : ' dselneomende . . . ])3es 
ecan rices,' Bede, H. E. ii. 12, ad fin. ; p. 132 ; cf. ib. 112. 

p. 32. Sighere . . . Sibbi] Joint kings of Essex at this time, 664. Sighere 
See on Bede, H. E. iii. 22. They are not elsewhere mentioned in the Chron. ^^^ Sebbi. 

Eoppa preost . . . WiM] A misunderstanding of H. E. iv. 13. Eoppa. 
The passage about Eoppa refers not to the conversion of Wight, but to Conversion 
that of Sussex. Wight was not christianised until after its conquest by °^ ^^^ ^■ 
Ceadwalla. Bede expressly says : ' Vecta . . . eatenus erat tota idola- 
triae dedita,' and the priests who were sent to convert it were Bernuini 
and Hiddila, iv. 16. The misstatement here is due to the forger of the 
Latin charter ; but at 66 1 it occurs independently in all the Chronicles ; 
V. note a. I. From them it is adopted by H. H. p. 61, who tries to 
reconcile it with Bede's narrative by adding : ' ilia [Vecta] tamen necdum 
conuerti potuit.' It is omitted by the more critical Florence. 

p. 33. peonestmen] ' ])enest,'=^Germ. ' dienst,' is the abstract of ' f^egn.' The Thane- 
By ' Ji^nest men' the writer probably meant the king's thanes. The trans- ^° ■ 
lation given in the Glossary, ' serving-man, retainer,' gives perhaps too low 
an idea of the kind of ' service ' intended. 

undyde] = irritum faceret. The sense of ' opening ' which occurs just 
below is the older and more frequent. 

7 se sercebiscop on Cantwarbyrig] In thus reserving the rights of 
Canterbury, the forger must have ' stood astounded at his own modera- 
tion ' (Lord Clive, Macauiay's Essays, 1863, ii. 124). ,. 

SiWJon com, 7c.] On the Synod of Hertford, see Bede, H. E. iv. 5, and jjgrtford. 




notes ; infra, 673. That Wynfrid cannot have been deposed at that time 
is shown in the notes to H. E. iii. 6, q. v. 

pp. 32, 33. 658*] Here the chronology of the Chronicles harmonises 
once more. 

set Peonnum] ' This is Pen-Selwood, or head, of Selwood (locally pro- 
nounced Zilui'd), on the confines of Wiltshire, Somersetshire, and Dorset- 
shire. The place is famous for the "Pen Pits," Avhich Mr. Kerslake 
thought to be the vestiges of an ancient British town. In the neighbour- 
hood there is an earthen fortress of large area, known as " Keniwilkins's 
Castle," a name which bears a strong resemblance to that of Cenwalh.' 
Earle. Cf. 1016, i. 149 : 'set Peonnan wiS Gillingah^m ' ; of the latter 
Mr. Freeman says that it ' is undoubtedly Pen-Selwood. I am far from 
being so certain whether the spot . . . where Cenwealh defeated the Welsh 
is the same, or another of the Pens in the same county,' F. N. C. i. 382. 
Mr. Kerslake would place our ' jet Peonnum ' at Poynington, north of Sher- 
borne, and makes the Welsh fly down the valley of the Yeo to its junction 
with the Parrett at Langport. H. H. says of the Britons, the ' progenies 
Bruti': 'more niuis liquefacta est uis eorum,' p. 60. This might be a 
snatch of song or proverb such as H. H. sometimes preserves : ' swa sw^ 
snfiw.' Cf. ' sw^ swa fyr, ' 473 A. He also says that they were encouraged 
by Penda's victory over Cenwalh. If so, it is curious that they waited 
till thirteen years after Cenwalh's expulsion, and three years after Penda's 
death. Ethelwerd translates ' Cenwalh ... set Peonnum ' by ' Cenuualh 
et Pionna reges ' (!), p. 506. 

Of» Pedridan] Not Petherton, as M. H. B. (perhaps misled by B's ' mt 
Pedredan,' and Ethelw. p. 506 B), but the Parrett ; cf. 845, 894, p. 87 m. 
Note the absence of the article with river names. 

pis wses ge fohten, 7c.] An explanatory notice looking back to 645 
(644 E). See note a. I. A alone has preserved the strong form ' adrifenne.' 
It occurs, however, elsewhere ; v. Glossary. 

an forlet] A, B, C. Only here in our Chronicles ; r. Glossary. In the 
account of this incident in the AS. Bede, H. E. v. 7, the same verb is 
used Iv Tii-qati, ' forlet he an Pendan swustor ' = ' repudiata sorore 
Pendan,' p. 168. The editor, Dr. Miller, has translated ' an ' as if it were 
the numeral 'an,' ' one.' Here, as in many instances, the AS. language 
approximates to the rules of modern German for the use of separable verbs. 
E has the simpler form ' forlet,' which still survives in Lowland Scotch ; 
cf. Chambers' Book of Days, i. 57. 

660*] On this entry see Bede, H. E. iii. 7, notes. 

661*. on Posentes byrg] Pontesbury, south-west of Shrewsbury. 
Florence omits this battle. On Cuthred and Ashdown see on 648, supra. 
Ethelwerd, M. s., makes Wulfliere the accusative after ' gehergeade,' and trans- 
lates 'Cenuualh . . . captiuum duxit Uulfhere ... in [ = on, the reading 
of B, C] Escesdune ' ; but this, though grammatically possible, is clearly 


673] NOTES 29 

wrong. Cenberht is not mentionerl elsewhere except in the pedigree 685, 

where he appeai-s as the father of Ceadwalla. Fl. Wig. calls him ' Cen- 

bryht subregulus." On Wulfhere's grant of Wight to ^^ilthelwold of Grant of 

Sussex (Bede's JiJdilualch), see H. E. iv. 13, notes. On the alleged mission Wight to 

of Eoppa to Wight, see on 656 E, supra. Sussex itself was not evangelised ' 

till twenty years later than the present date, 681-686 ; H. E. v. 19, notes. 

Bede's statement, ib. iv. 1 3, that the grant of Wight to ^thelwold of Sussex 

was ' non multo ante' 681, rather points to a later date than 661 for that 

event also. 

p. 34. be "Wilferjjes worde 7 Wulfhere cyning] This is a good Antiqiie 
instance of an antique construction by which, when two names depend on construc- 
the same noun, the second name is put in tlie direct case. This is pre- 
served in A, B, C. In E it is altered to the more modern construction ; 
cf. Rhys, Proc. Soc. Ant. Scotland, May 9, 1892, p. 301. Professor Earle 
remarks that the spread of Latin culture resuscitated, and perhaps some- 
what extended the use of flexion. There is another instance, 1057 D, ad init. 

pp. 34, 35. 664*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit., with the addition of Death of 
the obit of Archbishop Deusdedit, who died of the plague on the same Deusdedit. 
day as King Ercenberht of Kent. E has added some details from the text 
of H. E. iii. 26-28, iv. i ; where see notes. It should be noted that even Synod of 
E omits all mention of the Synod of Whitby, and merely gives the depar- ^^J* -^ 
ture of Colman, which was the result of it. The same omission is made from 
in the AS. vers, of Bede. Chronicle. 

on "Wagele, E] See note on H. E. iii. 27. 

667 E] Peculiar to E. From H. E. iii. 29, iv. i. 

668*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E from H. E. iv. i. 

669*] On Reculver, see H. E. v. 8, notes. 

670*] In the notes to H. E. iv. 5, I have given reasons for believing Date of 
that the true year of Oswy's death and Egfrid's succession is 671 and not 670. ?^^ ^^ 
On Hlothhere and the West-Saxon bishopric, v. Bede, H. E. iii. 7, notes. ' 

671*. peBt micle fugla wsel] Ethelw. adds : ' ita ut et in mare et Murrain of 
in arida spurcissimus foetor uideretur tam de minutis auibus quam de birds, 
maioribus,' p. 506. H. H. turns it into a battle of the birds : ' maxima 
pugna uolucrum ' ; adding that a similar battle of birds had taken place 
in hia own time in Normandy, p. 61. He is followed by Wendover i. 162. 
For a similar phenomenon in the seventeenth century, see the ' Diary of 
Walter Yonge Esquire,' Camd. Soc. 1848, p. 45. Lappenberg suggests 
that this may be the origin of Milton's famous comparison about 'the 
wars of kites or crows,' which for long did so much harm to the study 
of early English history, I. Ix. 

672*] On the difficulties connected with the history of Wessex from Obscurity 

the death of Cenwalh to the accession of Ceadwalla, see Bede, H. E. of Wessex 
, history. 

IV. 12, notes. •' 

673*] A, B, C (as far as ' Heorot forda ') from Bede, Epit. On the 




death of Egbert and the Synod of Hertford, see H. E. iv. 5, and notes ; on 
^-Ethelthryth (Audrey) and the foundation of Ely, ib. iv. 19, 20, and 
notes. Note the erroneous reading of B and C (^jjclbriht). 

674*] See on H. E. iv. 12. 

675 *. set Biedan heafde] This entry is not in B. Note the meaning 
of the name ' at Bieda's head ' (Gaimar translates it ' al chef de Bede,' 
v. 1416; see above on 501), and of. Ann. Camb. 665, and note a. I. 
Imaginary details and moral reflexions in H. H. 

fiy ilcan geare] From Bede, Epit. See note a. I. The death of Wulf- 
here is not mentioned in the text of H. E. 

On his time, 7c., E] The third of the Peterborough insertions in E ; 
cf. Hugo Candidus, pp. 9-12.- It is hardly necessary to call attention to 
the flagrant character of the forgery, and the extravagant nature of the 
privileges claimed. The v^riter connects the grant with the first Roman 
appeal of Wilfrid. He has got the date right, for Wilfrid was at 
Rome 679-680 ; v. H. E. v. 19, notes. He has stumbled (like many 
another) in making Wilfrid Archbishop of York. See Bede II. 117, 226. 
It is within the limits of possibility that Wilfrid might have attended 
the Council of Hatfield on his way back from Rome ; but the whole 
tenor of Eddius' narrative implies that he returned direct to North- 
umbria, and was at once thrown into prison, c. 34. The spurious Latin 
charter on which this insertion is based is in K. C. D. No. 990 ; Birch, 
No. 48 ; H. & S. iii. 153-157 ; v. note, ih. 168. It differs somewhat from 
the present AS. version, but the differences are not on the side of greater 
modesty. ' The first real case of exemption of an English monastery 
from episcopal jurisdiction appears to have been that of Battle Abbey, 
Hallam's Middle Ages, ii. 165 notej Robertson, Church Hist. ii. 103, 
203.' Earle. 

p. 36. haue nan onsting] ' quicquam terreni oneris iniungat,' Lat. 

ne gafie ne geold ne feording] ' non census, non tributum, non 
militia,' Lat. 

sc^rbiscop] ' episcopus dioceseos,' Lat. 

abbot . . . legat of Rome] Thorn claims a similar privilege for 
St. Augustine's, Canterbury, c. 1779. 

ge redd] 'read;' so 'rsedon' a little lower down, p. 37. It is only 
in these late parts of E and Y that ' ra;dan ' and ' geraedan ' have 
their modern sense of ' to read ' ; their proper meaning is ' to counsel, 
advise ' ; v. Glossary. 

p. 37. Kineburh 7 Kinesuith] The Latin charter represents Cyneburg 
as dead at this time, and Cyneswith as still alive. 

Bredune, Hrepingas, Cedenac] See a paper by Dr. Stubbs, Arch. 
Journal of 186 1, pp. 202 if. He equates the first with Bredon in Leicester- 
shire, and places the second in the Hundred of Repington, and the third 
in Charnwood Forest. 

685] NOTES 31 

ic festnie mid min ge write] Cf. 'mid gewritum gefaestnod,' Oios. 
p. 244. 

CstrilSe] See 697, infra. 

Adrianus legat] This is Abbot Adrian, who was sent by Pope Vitalian Abbot 
to accompany Archbishop Theodore to Britain, Bade, H. E. iv. i. Adrian. 

Putta] He had ceased to be Bishop of Rochester in 676, ih. iv. 12. Putta. 
Another mark of forgery. 

"Waldhere] Erconwald, his predecessor, certainly did not die before 692. Waldhere. 
See ih. iv. 11, notes. 

foces] For ' folces.' Note the phonetic spelling. 

pp. 36, 37. 676*] On the civil and ecclesiastical history of Wessex Wessex 
at this time, see notes to H. E. iii. 7 ; iv. 12 ; v. 18. On Centwine and history, 
his daughter Bugge, ?'. Aldhelrn, 0pp. ed. Giles, p. 115. 

p. 38. Cynegils Ceolwulfing, A] In the Preface to A Cynegils is made 
nephew (bro])ur sunui, not son of Ceolwulf, probably meaning that he 
was son of Ceolwulf 's brother and predecessor Ceol. Fl. Wig. corrects 
the Chron. here, calling Cynegils ' filius Ceoli,' i. 34. The mistake might 
easily arise by overlooking tlie word ' bro))ur ' before ' sunu.' 

7 ^ESered . . . Centlond] From Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. iv. 12. 

pp. 38, 39. 678*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; E from H. E. iv. 12, 
where see notes ; cf. Ord. Vit. i. 436, Gaimar says that the comet 
followed Wilfrid wherever he went. 

679*] The death of ^Ifwine in A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; cf. H. E. 
iv. 21, whence E. Bede gives no date for the death of ^thelthryth, 
ih. iv. 19. 

Coludesburh, E] Coldingham. See «f). iv. 25, and notes. The date Destruc- 
given here is certainly too early. It is omitted by Fl. Wig. and H. H. p^i^-'^^ 

mid godcundum fyre] So in Orosius ' heofonlic fyr ' of the destruc- ij^m. 
tion of Sodom, p. 32; cf. ih. i, 94; Wulfstan, p. 297. 

680*] From Bede, Epit. ; v. H. E. iv. 17, 23, and notes. 

681 E] Only in E and F. From H. E. iv. 12, ad Jin., where see 

forjjan . . . hider] On the significance of this word hider Q)ider, F), 

see Introduction, § 68. , 

682*] Cf. G. P. p. 360: 'Norht Wal^s . . . tunc rebellionem medi- Defeat of \ 

tantes, Kentuuinus rex tam anxia cede perdomnit ut nichil ulterius t^e ^ntish 

„ , . , . bv Cent- 

sperarent. (juaie et ultima malorum accessit captiuis tributaria functio, wine. 

ut qui antea uel solam umbram libertatis palpabant, nunc iugum subiec- 

tionis palam ingemiscerent.' Whether this is more than a liberal inference 

from the Chron. I do not know. Probably not. 

684 E] Only in E. From H. E. iv. 26, where see notes. 
hyndan, /c] Cf. 'hi hendon 7 hergodon,' Bede, H. E. i. 6, p. 32. 

685 A, B, C] The obits of Egfrid and Hlothhere from Bede, Epit. 
On the rise of Ceadwalla, see notes to H. E. iv. 12, i:;. The notice of 




Death of 

Second re- 
storation of 
' Chester.' 

Wilfrid n. 


ravaged by 
the W^est 

of Cead- 

Ine and 

Mul (omitted in E) is an explanatory reference looking forward to 
687, infra. 

685 E] For Cuthbert's consecration see H. E. iv. 28, and notes ; for 
the slaughter of Egfrid and succession of Aldf rid, ib. 26, and notes. 

be nor'San see] ' to the north of the sea,' i.e. of the Forth ; not ' by 
or near, the North Sea,' as generally construed, M. H. B. ; Thorpe j 
Stevenson; Gibson ; Gurney ; Ingram. Gaimar is quite correct : 

' Ultra la mer devers le Nort ; ' 
he says that Egfrid was killed by ' li Orkenan,' it. 1496 fF. 

On John, Bishop of Hexham, see H. E. v. 2-6 and notes. 

d^e Wilfrijj in com] This is the second restoration of Wilfrid, when 
he obtained the bishopric of Hexham only, H. E. v. 3, 19, notes. 

Ceastre] York, as in 763 E, 779 E. ' Many places were locally called 
Ceaster ; but with the progress of centralisation it became necessary to 
keep up their di.-stinctive prefixes, as Tl^/Hchester, JT/aHchester, &c. Only 
one great place has come to be known by the simple name of Chester ; 
with obscure places such as Caistor, Castor, &c., it was more easy, and 
probably there are several of them in existence.' Earle. 

■WilfertJ Ms preost] This is Wilfrid II, Bishop of York ; cf. H. E. iv. 
23 ; V. 6, ad Jin., 23 ; Cont. Baedae, 732, 745, and notes ; 744, infra. 

685 F] Cf. Ann. Camb. 689 : ' Pluuia sanguinea facta est in Britannia, 
et lac et butirum uersa sunt in sanguinem ' ; ' blodig regn set aefen ' is one 
of the signs of the approach of the Day of Judgement, Blickling Hom. pp. 


686*, 687*] It is these ravages of the W^est Saxons in Kent which 
makes Bede say of the period irom the death of Hlothhere to the ac- 
cession of Wihtred : ' regnum illud per aliquod temporis spatium reges 
dubii uel extemi disperdiderunt,' H. E. iv. 26, ad fin., where see notes. 
Details of these West-Saxon campaigns and a fancy portrait of Mul 
in H. H. pp. 105-107. Details also, inconsistent with the former, in 
W. M. i. 17. 

686 E. paes Csedwala, 7c.] The fourth Peterborough insertion. 
Egbald did not become abbot before 709, Mon. Angl. i. 346, cited by 
Bright, p. 350 [ed. 3, p. 393]. 

pp. 40, 41. 688*] E is from Bede, H. E. v. 7, where see notes. It is 
not clear whence A is taken. Bede, Epit., mentions only the journey of 
Ceadwalla to Rome. His baptism and death did not take place till the 
following year, 689, and so rightly Fl. Wig. On the chronology of lue's 
reign v. Bede, w. s. The xxvii of E is of course a mere slip. 

7 he getimbrade . . . Glsestinga byrig, A margin] This notice, 
probably by the original scribe {v. Introduction, § 14, and i. 294), is found 
in W. and in Fl. Wig. The spurious charter of Ine to Glastonbury 
is in K. C. D. No. 73 ; Birch, i. 207 ; W. M. i. 36-39. The early 
history of Glastonbury is a mass of legend {v. W. M. De Ant. Glast. in 

694] NOTES 33 

Gale and Fulman, iii. 291 ff). There was, however, a religious foundation 
there in British times : ' Glastonbury must have been British territory 
until between 6.; 2 and 658, and there seems no doubt that the West- 
Saxon Christians at the time of its conquest allowed the monastery which 
they found there to continue,' H. & S. iii. 164 ; of. ih. i. 38. The Anglo- 
Saxon re-foundation must, however, be earlier than 680 ; ih. So that here, 
as elsewhere, Ine only completed what others had begun ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 
41, note. 

ymb .vii. nilit] Note the primitive Germanic mode of reckoning by Nights, not 
nights, not days ; v. Glossary, s. v. niht. *^''^y^- 

he him scop Petrum to name, E] Cf. ^If. Horn. i. 94 : ' hit waes 
gewunelic ])£et pa magas sceoldon J)am cilde naman gescyppan on J)am 
eahtoSan daege'; cf. ih. 92. 

under Cristas cla'Sum] v. Bede, H. E. v. 7, notes. 

690 A, 692 E] E and F are riglit as against A, B, C in placing an Native 
interval of two years between the death of Theodore and the election of aych- 
Berhtwald ; v. H. E. v. 8, and notes. Strictly speaking, Deusdedit was the 
first native archbishop. But the Chronicles (followed by Fl. Wig.) are 
right in making the continuous series of English primates begin here. 

pa wseron .ii- ciningas, 70., E] On this see notes to Bede, H. E. iv. Kentish 
26, ad fin. ; v. 8. He calls the two kings Victred and Suaebhard. The false ^'^S^- 
reading of E, Nihtred (not F, nor Gaimar), has misled H. H. pp. 108, 134, 
into making two persons out of one. He reckons ' Nithred ' and ' Web- 
hard ' among the ' dubii uel externi,' see on 686, 687, supra ; and 
makes ' Withred ' restore the native line in 694, q. v. 

693 E] On this annal v. H. E. v. S, notes. The death of Gebmund 
(' Gifemund ') is certainly placed too early. It cannot have taken place 
before 606 ; n. s. 

Brihthelm] Dry hthelm, D, rightly ; which here resumes. The slip in Dryht- 
E is due to the occurrence of the name Brihtwald iust above. helms 


of lyfe ge Ised] Not ' died,' as I have wrongly taken it in the Glos- 
sary ; so many of my predecessors, including Gaimar; it refers to the 
'leading' of Dryhthelm through the other world in the famous vision 
narrated by Bede, H. E. v. 12, where see notes. The phrase does, how- 
ever, mean to die in ^Ifric's Homilies, ii. 142. 

694*. Her Cantware . . . for bserndon] We have here the application Wergild, 
of the principle of the * wergild ' or blood-money, on which see S. C. H. 
i. 16 r, 162 ; Kemble, Saxons, i. ch. 10 ; Robertson, E. K. S. App. E ; Bede, 
H. E. iv. 21. As to the amount the authorities vary. A, D, E simply 
say 30,000, leaving the denomination unexpressed ; B, F, and practically C, 
say 30,000 pounds. Allen, Royal Prerogative, pp. 177, 178, would supply 
Kceatta, remarking that this is exactly the wergild of a Mercian king . 
' biS cynges anfeald wergild . . . xxx ])usend sceatta, 7 ])set bi3 ealles cxx 
punda,' Thorpe, Laws, i. 190 ; Schmid, p. 598. Ethelwerd says 30,000 
II. D 




Eeign of 

Murder of 

' Southum- 

Death of 

solidi, each consisting of 16 ' nummi,' by which pence are probably meant. 
W. M., followed by Elmham, p. 264, says 30,000 gold mancusses, i. 34, 
which at eight to the pound would agree with Fl. Wig., who gives 3,750 
pounds ; Thorn, c. 1770, says 3,000 poinds ; H. H. merely says ' multain 
pecuniae.' Wheloc has * xxx manna' (see i. 294). There would be 
nothing impossible in the surrender of thirty men in satisfaction for the 
death of Mul. But in view of the other authorities this is probably only 
a wrong expansion, either by Wheloc or the scribe of his MS., of the 
abbreviation in {i. e. millia) which appears in A, and is actually so expanded 
in M. H. B. p. 323. The misunderstanding, if such it is, might be helped 
by the fact that the rune for M bears the name ' man,' and is used as 
an abbreviation for that vocable ; see Bosworth-Toller, sub littera M. 
F makes Mul brother of Ine, wrongly. 

7 "Wihtred . . . rice] This probably mark;! his accession as sole king ; 
cf. 692 E, and Bede, H. E. iv. 26 ; v. 8, 23, notes. 

7 heold . . . V7intra] All the MSS., following H. E. v. 23, rightly place 
the death of Wihtred at 725, though this is not consistent with any of 
the numbers of years assigned to his reign here and at 725. Thirty- 
three years, however, would be right if reckoned from his first accession in 
692 E. On the continuation of this annal in F, see i. 283 and refF. 

697 E] Ostryth was the daughter of Oswy and wife of Ethelred of 
Mercia, H. E. iv. 21. She translated the bones of her uncle Oswald to 
Bardney, ih. iii. 11. Her tragic death is mentioned in Bede, Epit. : 'a 
Merciorum priuiatibus interempta ' ; but no account of the tragedy is given 
in the text of his work ; cf. S. D. i. 349. Lappenberg characterises it 
as 'a crime so rare in the history of Eui'ope, that we have to look 
forward eleven hundred years to find a parallel,' i. 217 (omitted 
in E. T.). 

SutJan hvmbre] ' Merci qui dicuntur etiam Sudhumbri,' H. H. p. 109 ; 
cf. 702 E and Bede II. 29, 30 ; and on this and the next entry cf. 
Introduction, § 59, note. 

699 E] Here again this event is only in Bede, Epit., where it is placed 
under 698, and ' Berht ealdorman ' appears as ' Berctred dux regius.' 
The Chron. possibly intends to identify him with Bede's ' Berctus ' ( = Briht, 
684 E), the general who commanded the expedition sent by Egfrid against 
Ireland in 684 ; and H. H., improving on the hint, makes his fate the con- 
sequence of the curses called down upon him by the Irish on that occasion, 
H. E. iv. 26 ; cf. R. W. i. 195, 196. But the diiFerence of the names as 
given by Bede must make this identification very doubtful. The Irish 
annals mention this engagement ; 698 Tigh., 697 Ann. Ult. : ' Bellum 
inter Sax ones et Pictos, ubi cecidit filius Bernith qui dicebatur Brectrid' 
(Brechtraigh, Tigh.). The ' Berneth ' father of ' Brectrid ' is the ' Bernhseth ' 
or 'Beornheth' of Eddius, c. 19; an ' audax subregulus ' who at the 
beginning of Egfrid's reign joined the latter in a successful attack on the 

705] NOTES 35 

Picts. (Mr. Skene, C. S. i. 260, 270, wrongly makes Bernhseth fight on 
the Pictish side.) 

702 E] The resignation of Ethelred and accession of Cenred of Mercia Accession 
are rightly placed by all the MSS., in agreement with Bede, Epit., at 704. of Cenred. 
This entry in D, E, F is therefore probably a doublet, taken from some 
source the chronology of which was two years out ; though it is possible 
that Ethelred may have associated Cenred with himself in the kingship 
prior to his resignation. 

Su'5 hvmbra rice] Gaimar thus defines the extent of the kingdom of Extent of 
the Southumbrians : the South- 

' Kenret regna sur Suthhumbreis : kingdom. 

Co est Lindeseye e Holmedene, 

Kestevene e Holland e Hestdene, 

Del Humbre tresk'en Roteland 

Durout eel regne, e plus avante. 

Par plusurs faiz fu la devise : 

Tels lieus i out dreit a Tamise. 

Le clef del regne soleit estre 

A la cit^ de Dorkecestre, 

E Huntendone e le conte 

Soleit estre de cest regne : 

Neis la meit^ de Grantcestre 

I fut jadis e devereit estre.' vv. 1594, ff. 

703*] The length assigned to Hsedde's episcopate by A, D, E, F (the Length of 
xxxvii of B, C is an obvious blunder) agrees with the date given above, 676, ■H®"'^^ ^ 
for his accession. From Bede, H. E. v. 18, however, it appears that he sur- 
vived Aldfrid of Nortliumbria, and therefore he cannot have died before 
705 ; V. notes and reff. a. I. Here again the chronology is two years out. 

704*] See above on 702. Bede, Epit., gives Ethelred a reign of thirty- Abdication 
one years, but in this he is inconsistent with himself, as he, like the Chron., of Ethelred 
places his accession in 675, ib. On Ethelred see H. E. ili. 11 ; iv. 12 ; v. 
19, and notes. That his body lay at Bardney is mentioned below at 716 ; 
but this does not necessarily fix his death to that year ; though Fl. Wig. so 
understands it. 

705*] On the date of, and the circumstances attending the death of Death of 
Aldfrid and the accession of Osred, see notes to H. E. v. 18. Here A, B, C -'^^frid, 
stand clearly over against D, E ; the latter alone giving the day and place 
of Aldfrid's death, and the accession of Osred, the former alone giving the 
obit of Sexwulf. This last is wrong. He must have died before 692. See and Sex- 
notes, ib. iv. 6 ; v. 19 ; H. & S. iii. i 29. Florence, who generally is nearest ^''^^^■ 
to D, has adopted this error of A, B, C, i. 46. The ASN". say : ' obiit 
Aldfridus monachtis, olim Rex Nortlanhymbrorum.' I know of no other 
authority for the italicised words. They may be due to a confusion with 
Ceolvvulf ; or they may be an inference from 718*, infra. 

D 2 




Division of 
the West- 


defeats the 

Avon and 

Nun or 
King of the 


709*] On the division of tlie West-Saxon diocese, on Aldhelm, Daniel, 
and Forthhere, see notes to H. E. v. 18 ; on the pilgrimage of Cenred and 
Offa to Rome, and the accession of Ceolred of Mercia, ih. v. 19, notes; on 
the death and burial of Wilfrid (added by D, E, F), ib. 

be westan wuda] ' be westan Selewuda,' ' to the west of Selwood,' 
B. Ethelwerd calls Aldlielm's diocese ' prouincia quae uulgo Sealuudscire 

in fbre -weardum . . . dagum] Cf. ' on foreweardre J)isse bee,' = principio 
libelli, Oros. p. 252; ' wses foreweard niht,' = prima hora noctis, Bede, 
H. E. ii. 12, p. 126. 

pp. 42, 43. 710*] On Acea (D, E, F), the successor of Wilfrid at Hex- 
ham, and the friend of Bede, see notes to H. E. v. 20. 

The battle of Berhtfrith against the Picts is placed by Bede, Epit., in 71 1 : 
' Berctfrid praefectus cum Pictis pugnauit.' It is mentioned in the Irish 
annals, Tigh. agreeing as to the date with Bede, and Ann. Ult. with the 
Chron. : 'Strages Pictorum in Campo Manonn apud Saxones ubi Finguine 
filius Deileroith inmatura morte iacuit.' This shows that Fl. is justified 
in saying of Berhtfrith : ' et uictor extitit.' Berhtfrith is the ' secundus a 
rege princeps ' of Eddius, c. 60, to whom Osred so largely owed his throne. 
See notes on H. E. v. 18. The occurrence of these related names, Beret, 
H. E. iv. 26 ; Chron. 699 ; Beornheth, father of Berctred, v. s. p. 34 ; 
Berctred, Bede, Epit. ; Ann. Ult. ; Berctfrid, Bede, Epit. ; Chron. ; all as 
names of persons holding high military office in Northunibria, suggests 
that the holders were members of the same fiimily, in which the office had 
become more or less hereditary. 

be twix Hsefe 7 Caere, E] ' The rivers Avon and Carron are probably 
meant, the plain of Manann being situated between those two rivers,' S. C. S. 
i. 270 ; P. & S. p. Ixxxi ; Skene, Four Books, i. 91 ; and this, if Tigh.'s au- 
thority may be accepted, who locates the battle 'in campo Manand,' v. s., 
seems decisive in favour of this as against other identifications which have 
been proposed. 

Ine 7 Nun . . . cyninge*] * iiictumque in fiigam uertere,' Fl. Wig. Nun 
(Nunna, B, C) is probably the ' Nunna rex Su'S.^axonum ' of whom charters 
dated 714 and 725 are in K. C. D. Nos. 999, 1000; Birch, Nos. 132, 144. 
If so, the fact that he is described as Ine's relative seems to show that 
Sussex had become by this time a sort of appanage to Wessex ; possibly 
in consequence of the victories of Cead walla, Bede, H. E. iv. 15, 16, notes. 
The annals 722, 725 seem to mark an unsuccessful attempt of the South 
Saxons to assert their independence under Ealdberht, a West-Saxon exile. 
The building of Taunton as a border fortress (mentioned under 722) is con- 
nected with this advance of Wessex. See G. M. E. pp. 387-3S9 ; and for 
Taunton Castle cf. a paper by Rev. F. Warre in Somersetshire Archaeolo- 
gical Proceedings, iv. 18 ff., 1853. 

Gerente] or Geraint is tlie Gerontius or Geruntius, King of the West 

715] NOTES 37 

Welsh, ' occldentalis regni sceptra gubernans,' to whom Aklhelm addressed of Corn- 
his famous letter on the Paschal question,; on which see Bede, H. E. v. 18, 
notes. Ethelwerd mistakes the preposition ' wiS ' for part of the proper 
name, writing : ' contra Uuthgirete regem,' p. 507. 

Hygebald, E ; Sigbald, 1)] His death is connected by H. H. with Sigbald. 
the same battle : ' cuius pugnae princijjio occisus est Dux Higebald,' 
p. Ill; but this is mere inference. Gaimar's ' Sibald,' v. 1633, is decisive 
in favour of D's reading. On Sigbald I have found nothing. On the 
omission of this annal by the original scribe of A, see Introduction, § 14 ; 
and on Gaimar's reading, ih. § 57, note. 

714*] Guthlac is not mentioned by Bede. See on him Bright, Early St. Gnth- 
Engl. Church Hist. pp. 386-390 [ed. 3, pp. 431-435] ; Hardy, Cat. i. 404- lac- 
410 ; H. H. p. xxvii. The principal authority for Guthlac is his life by 
Felix, printed by Mabillon and the Bollandists under April 11, and re- 
edited by Mr. W. de Gray Birch in his Memorials of St. Guthlac. There 
is an Anglo-Saxon version, of this life which has been edited by Goodwin 
(cf. Wulker, Grundriss, pp. 491-493), and an Anglo-Saxon poem on him 
in Codex Exoniensis, ed. Thorpe, pp. 104 ff. (cf. Wulker, pp. 179-183). 
Felix's life was written during the life of jEthelbald t757, AA. SS. Apr. ii. His life by 
49; and during the life of Guthlac's successor Cissa, Goodwin, p. 76 ; Felix. 
AA. SS. «. s. pp. 38, 41. In Bede, II. xxxvi. 342, I have shown that Felix 
was probably a monk of Croyland, and that his work was dedicated to 
jEthelbald of Mercia. It is true that in one MS. the writer is made to call 
himself ' Congregationis Sancti Bedan uernaculus,' whence some {e.g. Bright, 
«. s., and Mabillon) have made him a monk of Jarrow. But this all arises 
from an error of a scribe, who finding in the MS. which he was copying that 
Felix was a monk ' Monasterii Gyruensis,' i.e. ' of the Gyrwas,' a per- 
fectly true description of Croyland (cf. ' ])tet mynster is on middan Gyrwan 
fenne,' Hyde Kegister, p. 88), wrongly interpreted the phrase as referring 
to Jarrow. Modern editors have not avoided this confusion ; v. Bede II. 
174. Felix places the death of Guthlac in 715, but this, according to the 
Bollandists, is due to his using the era of the Incarnation, which, dating 
from the Annunciation, precedes the era of the Nativity by nine months ; 
see Appendix to Introduction. His day is April 11. Orderic inserts an 
epitome of Felix's life of Guthlac in his H. E. ii. 268 ff., characterising it 
as ' prolixo et aliquantulum obscuro dictatu.' He made the epitome during 
a five weeks' sojourn at Croyland. For a list of cliurches dedicated to 
Guthlac, see Birch, u. s. p. xxxii. Guthlac's cross still exists at Brother- 
house, near Croyland, and is also figured in Birch. Cf. also the life of him 
in D. C. B. ii, 823-826. Abingdon claimed to possess relics of his, and 
observed his festival, Chron. Ab. ii. 158, 315. A fourteenth-century French 
Calendar, formerly belonging to Ludlcw, makes him a bishop, Hampson, 
i. 464. 

714, 715 F] Here we have fragments of a Frankish Chronicle embodied 




Battle of 

Osrecl, &c. 





in F. The dates are correct for the deaths of Pippin of Heristal and 
Dagobert III. 

715*] For the place cf. 592, and i)ifra on 823. W. M. seems to imply that 
Ceolred was victorious, for he calls him ' uirtute contra Inam mirabilis,' i. 79. 
H. H. says: 'adeo horribiliter piignatum est utrinque, ut nesciatur cui 
clades detestabilior contigerit,' p. ixi. Mr. Green, u. s., thinks that ' the 
absence of all account of its issue shows that Ceolred's attack failed ' ; 
but the results of battles are sometimes omitted in the Chron. because 
they were supposed to be well known, see on 752, infra. 

716*] On Osred's character and death, see notes to H. E. v. 18, 22. 
As he succeeded in 705 he really reigned eleven years, and so H. E. v. 18. 
On Cenred, ib. v. 22, note; on Osric, ih. 23, notes; on Ceolred's death 
and character, ih. 19, notes ; on ^thelbald, ib. 23, notes ; on Egbert's 
conversion of the monks of lona to the Roman Easter, ih. 22, notes. 

be sulSan ge msere, E] Gaimar again quite correctly : ' en la marche 
devers midi,' v. 1645. 

beforan awriten, A] Viz. at 626. 

le hiwan, E] Cf. AS. Bede, p. 182 : ']>& hiwan . . . J/e in Jam mynstre 

718*] Of Ingild (Ingils, Fl. Wig.) nothing seems to be known. Egbert, 
the uniter of Britain, was descended from him ; see the West-Saxon pedi- 
gree given above, p. 4; cf. S. D. ii. 371. On the sisters cf. W. M. i. 35: 
' habuit . . . Ina sorores Cuthburgam et Quenburgam; Cuthburga Alfrido 
[H. H. p. 112, says wrongly Egfrido] Northanimbrorum regi nuptum 
tradita, sed, non post multum coniugio diducto, primo apud Berkingum 
sub abbati^sa Hildilida [Bede, H. E. iv. 10], mox ipsa magistra regulae 
Wimburnae Deo placitam uitam transegit. Ulcus est modo ignobilis, 
tunc temporis insignis, in quo frequens uirginum chorus . . . superos 
suspirabat amores.' Cf. Bede II. 264. On the discijjline of Wimborne, 
see a passage from tlie life of St. Lioba given in notes to Bede II. 150. 
A spurious charter of Aldhelm's professes to be drawn up at Wimborne, 
G. P. p. 379; K. C. D. No. 54; Birch, No. 114. There is a letter 
of confraternity from two abbesses, Cuenburga and Coenburga, in 
Mon. Mog. p. 126; H. & S. iii. 342, 343, of whom the former is probably 
to be identified with Cwenburg here (whom H. H. p. 112, also calls 
Cneburh, a very possible error, Cneuburg for Cuenburg). Curiously 
enough, the letter is addressed to an Abbot Ingeld ; but this cannot be 
our Ingild, if the Chron. is right in dating his death 718, for the 
letter must be as late as 729. Another sister of Ine's, Tetta, was also 
Abbess of Wimborne, H. & S. u. s. An Abbess ' Cuneburga regalis 
prosapiae' is addressed in a letter of 733 x 742, Mon. Mog. p. 109. 
This again may be for 'Cuenburg.' The Cuthburga mentioned among 
the lost souls seen in a vision described Mon. Mog. p. 275, is probably 
not this Cuthburg, and tlierefore Lappenberg's inference that Cuthburg 

72 8] NOTES 39 

acted as regent for Osred after Aldfrid's death falls to the ground, i. 2c6 ; 
E. T. i. 211. It is, however, curious that Bede, who makes so much of 
^thelthryth's voluntary separation from Egfrid, and her foundation of Ely 
(H. E. iv. 19, 20), should have nothing to say of Cuthburg's voluntary 
separation from Aldfrid and her foundation of Wimborue. 

721*] On Daniel, Bishop of Winchester, see H. E. v. 18, notes. The Strife in 
slaying of the Etheling Cynewulf, 'clitonem Cynewlfum,' Fl. Wig., marks ^^^^^^^^^ 
the renewal of that discord in the royal family which so long delayed -^^^^^^ 
the advance of Wessex. The events of 722, 725, and 728 connected with 
other Ethelings, Ealdbeiht and Oswald, illustrate the same point. 

me ofsloh, E] ProbHbly a mistake for ' ine ofsloh' (D), but it 
can be construed, as ' me ' is occasionally found in E and F for ' man. 

se halga biscop lofes.] Bishop of Hexham, and afterwards of York, St. John of 
who ordained Bede both deacon and priest; see H. E. v. 2-6, and notes ; 
cf. sM^ra,685 E. 

722*] From this it would seem that the fortress which Ine had Destruc- 
built to bridle his British foes had been seized as a vantage ground i^'^^j^^'^^Q^^ 
by his domestic rivals; cf. H. H. p. 112. On Ine's queen ^thelburg, ^^.j^^^^^^^ 
' foemina regii generis et animi,' and the curious legend of the way m 
which she induced Ine to resign his crown, see W. M. i. 35, 3^) 39- ^^^ 
appears with Ine in a spurious charter, K. C. D. No. 74 ! Birch, No. 143. 
Jacob Grimm suggested that the Andreas may have been written lor 
them, Andreas und Elene, pp. xii, li (1840) ; Wulker, Grundriss, p. 149. 

7 Ine . . . Sup Seaxum, A] The DE recension omits this cluuse Ine's wars 
here, probably taking it to be a doublet of the similar entry 725. ^^^^^ 
B, C retain it here and omit it there ; and so Ethelwerd, who dates 
this engagement ' post sex menses,' p. 507. Fl. Wig. agrees with A. 

725*] On Wihtred see above, notes to 690-692, 694, and the reff. there 
given. On the question of his successors, see Bede, H. E. v. 23, notes. 

728 A, 726 E] On Ine's resignation and death, see H. E. v. 7, ine's abdi- 
ad fin. and notes. As to the date of the former, C, D, E are nearer ^^^^J^ ^^'^ 
the truth (726) than A, B (728). The date of the latter is not known. ®^ 
F's placing of it here is due to a confusion of ' f6r' and 'gefor,' 'ferde' and 
' forSf^rde,' or of ' abiit ' and ' obiit.' (For the latter cf. the case of 
Colman, Bishop of Lindisfarne, cited H. E. iii. 26, note.) The insertion 
in a, ' 7 Jjffir his feorh gesealde,' is probably taken from 855 A, infra. 

..^pelheard] ' de prosapia Cerdici regis oriundo,' Fl. Wig. = ' paes cyn ^thel- 
g£eS to Ceardice,' A, Pref. W. M. says of him : 'surgentes eius primitias heard, 
frequenter interpolaret Oswaldus regii sanguinis adolescens,' i. 39. 
Oswald's death is mentioned at 730, infra. H. H. says that he had been 
forced to fly from Wessex, p. 114. Whether he had any authority for 
this is doubtful. Ethelwerd, u. s., calls him ' Osuueo.' An alleged grant by 
him is recited in a spurious charter of Athelstan, K. C. D. No. 374 ; Birch, 
No. 727. 





and Bede. 

source in D. 

of Mercia. 


Egbert of 



727 E] On Tobias and Aldwulf, see Bede, H. E. v. 8, 23, notes. 

pp. 44, 45. 729*] A, B, C from Bede, Epit. ; D, E, F from H. E. v. 
22, 23, where see notes. Gaimar says that Egbert ' enterrez fu a Mir- 
martin,' v. 1664 ; possibly a confusion with St. Martin's at Whitern. 

Osric, E] 729 is the right date for his death, as here given by D, E, F, 
and Fl. Wig. It is repeated again under 731 by all the MSS. except E and F. 

Ceolwulf] The king to whom Bede dedicated his Ecclesiastical History ; 
see H. E. Preface, and notes to v. 23 ; a fact to which both Fl. Wig. and H. H. 
here allude ; cf. S. D. i. 40, 360. ASN. add : ' qui post . . . monachus 
factus, Lindi^furnensium extitlt episcopus.' There is no authority for the 
words italicised, which are due to a confusion with Ceolwulf, Bishop of 
Lindsey, mentioned below, 794'", 796 E. 

730*. Oswald se sepeling] * uir strenuissimus,' Fl. Wig. 

731*j The use of a double source in D is here very clearly seen. Not 
only is the death of Osric repeated {v. s.), but the obit of Berhtwald or 
Brihtwold of Canterbury is entered twice within this same annal. (On 
his death, and on the consecration of his successor Tatwine, v. Bede, H. E. 
V. 23, and notes.) E has avoided both these errors. 

733*. ^])elbald . . . Sumur tun] A somewhat fancy description in 
H. H. pp. 114, 115, but he rightly emphasises the great position held by 
^thelbald at this time. ' In the anarchy that broke out on Ine's with- 
drawal ... he overran the whole of the West-Saxon country, till his siege 
and capture of the royal town of Somerton in 733 seemed to end the war,' 
G. M. E. p. 394, Cf. notes to Bede, H. E. v. 23. 

sunne apiestrode] Aug. 14, and so Bede, Cont. F's Latin description 
of the eclipse is from Bede, Chi-on. 0pp. Min. p. 256 ; cf. Fl. Wig. and 
S. D. ad ann. 

Acca . . . adrifen, E] The true date is probably 731 ; see Bede, H. E. 
V. 20, notes. His death is mentioned infra, 737 E. 

734*. se mona] This lunar eclipse was on Jan. 24. 

Tatwine] v. H. E. v. 23, and notes. 

Bieda] The true date of Bede's death is probably 735 ; see my Bede 
I. Ixxi. ff. 

Ecgbriht, E] On Egbert of York, whose consecration is recorded here, 
and his reception of the pallium under 735 by D, E, F, see the notes on 
Bede's letter addressed to hiin. 

736*] Nothelm is the ecclesiastic who supplied Bede with materials for 
his Eccl. Hist., especially documents from the Roman archives. See Bede's 
Preface, and notes a. I. F, Lat., in adding ' et tenuit v. ann.,' is incon- 
sistent with itself, for it places the death of Nothelm in 740 ; v. i. 294. 

737*. Forphere] See Bede, H. E. v. 18, notes. 

FripogiJ)] Queen of Wessex, wife of yEthelheard, Fl. Wig. She is 
mentioned in two charters, one spurious and one genuine, K. C. D. Nos. 
374, 1 1 57; Birch, Nos. 727, 831. 


741] NOTES 41 

Ceolwulf, E] See above on 729 E. 

Edberhte] D, E rightly give the accession of Eadberht under 737 j Eadberht 
it is repeated by all the MSS. under 738. The length of his reign, twenty- ^^ North- 
one years, added to 737 gives 758 for the date of his resignation, which is '^^™^^^- 
right, though the Ghron. gives it under 757, where see note. He ruled 
well and prosperously. He vpas at war with the Picts at the time of 
.^tlielbald's invasion of Northumbria, mentioned here by E [ = 740, Cont. 
Baed.], and seems to have reduced them to submission, fur in 756 he 
successfully allied himself with Oengus or Unust, King of the Picts, 
against the Britons of Strathclyde, though he lost the greater part of his 
army on his return, S. D. ii. 40; and either then or earlier he annexed 
a considerable part of what is now Ayrshire to his dominions, Bede, Cont. 
s. a. 750, and notes. Angles, Picts, Scots (of Dalriada), and Britons alike 
looked up to him. He was also in alliance with Pippin the Short, King 
of the Franks, S. D. 1. 48, 49; cf. S. C. S. i. 331, and the notes to Bede's "~ 

letter to Egbert, his brother. Alcnin says of him : 
' Qui dilatauit proprii confinia regni, 
Saepius hostiles subigens terrore phalangas,' vv. I274f. 
The remaining entries are placed by S. D. ii. 32 or Bede, Cont., or both 
under 740. 

his federan siinu] According to the pedigrees in 731 A, 738*, Ead- 
berht was first cousin of Ceolwulfs father, Cutha ; cf. p. 5, mpra. 

./EtJelwold biscop] Viz. of Lindisfarne ; v. H. E. v. 12, notes. His Eadberhfs 
successor Cynewulf was thrown into prison by Eadberht for harbourino- relf^tions 
Ofia, a Eon of Aldfrid, at the tomb of St. Cuthbert (St. Cuthbert himself chi^ch^ 
had foretold that troubles of this kind would arise, Baedae Vita Cudb. 
c. 37 suhfin.). Otfa was drawn from his sanctuary and slain. This was 
in 750, S. D. i. 47, 48; ii. 39 f. (For Cynewulf 's resignation see below 
on 779 E.) From all these facts it is clear that Eadberht, like Egfrid 
and Aldfrid, acted with very considerable independence towards the 
ecclesiastical power. There is a letter of Pope Paul I to him urging the 
restoration of three monasteries which he had forcibly seized, one of which 
seems to have been Jarrow, H. & S. iii. 394-396. 

..ffiUelwold hergode] lege ^^elbald ; v. critical note, and on this harry- 
ing cf H. E. V. 23, notes. 

738*. on anvun portice] The ' inum ' is emphatic, = the same ; ' sub 
unius porticus tectum,' Ethelw. p. 507 D. For the meaning of porticus see 
Bede II. 80, 330, 369. 

741 A, 740 E] The death of ^thelheard is placed in 739 by Cont. Death of 
Baed. ; S. D. ii. 32 : in 740 by C, D, E, F ; Ann. Lindisf. (which is con- ^^^^^' 
firmed by adding the length of his reign, fourteen years, to the probable ^*^ ' 
date of Ine's resignation, 726; see on 726 E) : in 741 by A, B ; Fl. 
Wig. (?). As to the relationship existing between him and his successor 
Cuthred, A, B, C say nothing; D, E call them vaguely 'relations,' 'his 






Burning of 

Synod of 

tion of 

Fl. Wig. ' cognatus,' H. H. p. 119; W. M. i. 40 ; while 
S. D. and Ann. Lind. ii. s. say that they were brothers, ' frater eius.' 
All the MSS. place Cuthred's death in 754, ivfra, which is inconsistent 
with the length here assigned to his reign {i\\e xxvi of B, C is a mere 

Eadberht, E] lege CuSberht ; due to the occurrence of Eadbrilit Eating 
just above. The error is copied by H. H. p. 119. 

Cupbryht . . . gehalgod, A] SoCont. Baed. 740: 'Cudberctus . . . con- 
secratus est.' He was, however, translated from Hereford, Fl. Wig. i. 54 ; 
G. P. pp. 8, 298, 299, having been consecrated in 736, S. D. ii. 32. (Fl. Wig., 
followed by iS. D. ii. 38, says of his accession to Canterbury, ' archiepisco- 
patum suscepit,' which is indefinite.) He had previously been Abbot of 
Lyming, K. C. D. No. 86; Birch, i. 231. This is the prelate to whom 
St. Boniface addressed his famous letter on the state of the English Church, 
which was either the cause or more probably the consequence of the 
Council of Clovesho in 747, H. & S. iii. 376-383 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 200 ff., 
where Jaffe dates tlie letter 748. There is a long and interesting letter 
of Cuthbert to Lullus of Mainz on the martyrdom of his predecessor, 
St. Boniface, H. & S. iii. 390-394; Mon. Mog. pp. 261 flf. ; also some 
verses by hiiu in G. P. pp. 298, 299 ; cf. ib. 8-1 1, 15. That he, like other 
people, borrowed books, and forgot to return them, is shown by Mon. Mog. 
p. 268. For his death see on 758, infra. 

Diin] He attended the Council of Clovesho in 747 (H. & S. iii. 362), 
and seems to have died the same year; v. D. C. B. iv, 911. 

741 E] Cf. S. D. 741 (ii. 38) ' Monasterium in Eboraca ciuitate suc- 
censum est ix. Kal. Maii, feria i ' ; i. e. Apr. 23, which was a Sunday in 
741. The Cont. Baed. notes 'siccitas magna' under 741, which would 
help to account for the fire. 

742 F] On this Synod of Clovesho (whicli must not be confused with the 
famous council of 747, not mentioned in the Chronicle), see H. & S. iii. 
340-342; K. C. D. No. 87; Birch, i. 233-237. It is of very doubtful 
genuineness ; and the charter said to have been granted at it is a later 
insertion even here. See critical note. 

pp. 46, 47. 743*] Note the combination of Wessex and Mercia against 
the common foe. 

744*. Her Danihel geseet] The meaning must be that Daniel resigned. 
Exactly the same phrase is used of the resignation of Cynewulf, Bishop of 
Lindisfarne, in 779, D, E. Yet it is hard to see how 'gesset' can mean 
anything but ' resided.' I suspect that the compiler had a Latin source 
before him and confused between ' resedit ' and ' recedit.' The latter is 
the word actually used by Florence here; but in 932, a passage indepen- 
dent of the Chron., he has ' resedit ' in the sense of ' resigned,' i. 130. For 
' resideo' of a bishop's occupation of his see, cf. Ltft. App. Ff. II. i. 226. 
On Daniel see notes to Bede, H. E. v. 18. Cyneheard, Hunferth's sue- 

754] NOTES 43 

cesser (754-780), speaks of the latter in a letter to Lullus, 755 x 766, as 
' Hunfrithus episcoporum mitissimus,' H. & S. iii. 432 ; Mon. Mog. p. 269. 

steorran foran, E] The shooting stars are placed by S. D. ii, 38, under Shooting 
745 : ' uisi sunt in aere ictus ignei, quales nunquam ante mortales illius aeui stars, 
uiderunt ; et ipsi paene per totam noctem uisi sunt, Kal. scilicet lanuarii.' 

WilfertS seo iunga] See H. E. v, 6, and notes. 

746*] Selred was King of the East Saxons, Fl. Wig, i. 55. He had sue- Kings of 
ceeded on the resignation of Offa. This was in 709, H. E. v. 19, notes; gg^ons. 
cf. ih. iii. 22 ; iv. 6, notes. He was succeeded by Swithred or Svvithed, the 
date of whose death is unknown (though W. M. makes him reign till 823 !). 
After his death the line of Essex sinks into obscurity, till the kingdom was 
reduced by Egbert of Wessex ; r. 82^, infra ; Fl, Wig. i. 263 ; W. M. i. 99. 
It is curious that none of the Chrons. mention the famous Synod of Clove- 
sho in 747 ; V. U. & S. iii. 360 fF. 

748*] H. H. p. 1 20, makes Cynric the son of Cuthred, and gives fancy Kings of 
details of his being slain in a ' militaris seditio,' which Lappenberg, i. 263 ; Kent. 
E. T. i. 269, accepts as history. On the Kentish succession, see notes to 
Bede, H. E. v. 23 ; cf. Elmbam, p. 321. 

750*] Here again H. H. u. s. gives imaginary details ; cf. Lappenberg, 
i. 264; E. T. i. 269. Ethelwerd says that the dissension was 'pro aliqua 
inuidia reipublicae,' p. 507. 

752*] H. H. pp. 121, 122, outdoes himself in his desci-iption of the battle Battle of 
of Burford. It would be rash to accept it as history, as Lappenberg, «. s., Burford. 
and, to some extent, Green, M. E. p. 396, do ; though it is just possible 
that some of the details may be derived from some old ballad. A, B, C 
do not mention the result of the battle, regarding it as too well known. 
The battle of Burford (Oxon.), ' satis durum proelium,' Fl. Wig., is an im- 
portant landmark. Mr, Green, u. s., says: ' the supremacy of Mid-Britain 
passed for ever away.' Considering the subsequent position of OfFa this is 
perhaps a little strong. Mr. Freeman says more temperately and more 
truly : ' it finally secured the independence of Wessex,' F. N. C. i. 37; cf. 
H. H. p. 122: ' Regnum . . , Westsexe ex hoc tempore ualde roboratum 
crescere usque in perfectum non destitit,' Cf. Bede, Cont, and S. D. *. a. 


753*] ' Post annum, ut solitus erat suae ferocitatis implere conamen 

arma contra Brittannos aptauit,' Ethelw, u. s. ' Denuo cum Britonibus 

pugnans, ex eis quam plurimos interfecit,' Fl. Wig. 

754*] ' Cudredus, rex magnus et excelsus . . . uitam finiuit,' H, H. p. 122. Death of 
The annal would be more compact if the clause '7 Sigebryht . . , gear' Cuthred. 
followed immediately after ' Cu])red for])ferde ;' cf. Ang. Sac. i. 194, 195. 

Cyneheard] Two letters from him to LuUus are extant. In the former Cyneheard, 
of these he calls himself ' indignus, ut uereor, Episcopus Wentanae ciui- ^? P 
tatis,' and begs LuUus to send him any books either of spiritual or secular ^^j. 
science, especially medicine, H. & S. iii. 431-433 ; Mun. Mog. pp, 268-270. 




logical dis- 

of the 

tion of 
• beniman. 

of kings 
by the 

Slaying of 

In the other he thanks him for his gifts and sympathises with his troubles. 
The letters give a very pleasing idea of the writer, ib. p. 287. He signs 
charters, K. C. D. Nos. 103, 104 (again calling himself ' indignus epi- 
scopus'), 115 ; Birch, Nos. 185, 186, 200. 

his mseg, D, E] ' suus propinquus Sigeberctus, filius Sigerici,' Fl. Wig. 

i. 56. 

With this year begins the chronological dislocation in the Chronicle, 
on which .see Introduction, § 100; Theopold, p. 17. For if we add the 
length of Cuthred's reign, sixteen years (741 A, 740 E), to the true date of 
his accession, 740, we get 756 as the date of his death. The other events 
should probably also be transferred; nor is the mention of Cyneheard 
opposed to this, for, as against Dr. Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 7 [p. 11, ed. 2], 
I believe there is no signature of Cyneheard's earlier than 757. 

755*] This is the most elaborate annal which we have yet had ; it is one 
of the most elaborate in the whole Chronicle ; see Introduction, § 7, note. 
Its structure should be carefully noted. It first gives the accession of 
Cynewulf on the deposition of Sigberht. It then follows the fortunes of the 
latter to his slaying. It next gives the general characteristic of Cynewulf's 
reign, his warfare against the Britons. Then it inserts a detailed and most 
dramat' i account of the circumstances of his death, the bare fact of which 
is inserted in proper chronological order, 784 below ; whither Fl. Wig. 
and H. H. p. 127, transfer these details, which they rhetorically amplify. 
After this with the words ' 7 J)y ilcan geare ' the events of 755 are resumed, 
and Offa's pedigree appended. 

Her Cynewulf benam, 7c.] In A ' beniman ' is construed with the ace. 
of the person and gen. of the thing ; so Bede, H. E. iii. 7 : ' Penda . . . hine 
his rices benom,' p. 168 ; ' Persa cyning benom Jjone ealdormon his scire,' 
Oros. p. 96 ; in E, F it is construed with dat. of the person and ace. of the 
thing ; in B, C, D with dat. of the person and gen. of the thing (which 
seems less intelligible, and to which no parallels are cited either by Bos- 
worth or Grein). It is also found with a double accusative ; cf. Bede, H. E. 
ii. 9 : ' })Jet he scolde Eadwine ])one cyning . . . ge rice ge lif beneoman,' 
p. 122 ; and with ace. of person and dat. of thing, v. Grein, s. v. 

Her Cynewulf . . . dsedum] On the deposition of Sigberht and the 
general question of the right of the Witan to depose the king, see Kemble, 
ii. 219 ff. ; F. N. C. i. 593 ff. ; S. C. H. i. 136 ff. ; and the passage from 
^Ifric o-iven below on 946 A. This is the first time that we have had 
mention of the action of the witenagemdt. Freeman, following Kemble, 
thinks that Ethelwerd shows royalist leanings here. Fl. Wig. simply says : 
' auxilium [Cynewulfo] ferentibus Westsaxonicis primatibus.' 

Ob he ofslog pone aldor mon, 7c.] This alderman, as the sequel shows, 
•was Cumbra, and was probably the master of the herd who avenged him 
(called Ansian, R. W. i. 234). H. H. pp. 122, 123, makes Cumbra slain 
by Sigberht because he remonstrated with him in the name of the people 

755] NOTES 45 

for liis misgovernnient ; i.e. he makes the murder of Cumbra precede the 
deposition of Sigberht. This will enable us to estimate the value of those 
details in H. H.'s narrative in which, says Mr. Freeman, u. s., ' the legal 
action of the nation stands out most clearly.' 

ymb . . . wint] Note the progressive corruption of the numeral: 
xxxi A, B, C ; xxi D ; xvi E. 

he ■wolde adrsefan . . . bropui'] ' sen gloria rerum elatus, . . . seu pos- Cynewulf 
teritati suae metuens,' W. M. i. 41. The latter is more probable. Tlie *ries to 
claims of Cynelieard were no doubt dangerous. S. D. ii. 51 calls him 'per- jieard. 
fidus tyrannus.' 

7 pa geascode, 7c.] ' In this circumstantial narrative the reader should Arrange- 
bear in mind the arrangements of a Saxon residence. The chief Iniilding „ c„,.„„ 
was the hall, around which were grouped the other apartments, each en- house, 
tered from the court ; the whole surrounded by a wall or rampart of earth, 
and therefore named a hurh. The common external entrance was the 
gate igeaf), which was an opening in the tcall • but the entrance to any 
of the enclosed buildings was a door (diiru). The description in this annal 
seems to imply that the residence at Merton covered a considerable area. 

'The king was in the lady's chamber Qvir — the "hotuer" of mediaeval 
romance), and Cyneheard surprised him there (hine Peer herad) by riding 
in unexpectedly through the outer ffnfe into the court, before the king's 
attendants, who had retired to the hall, were aware (or hine fa men 
onfunden J>e mid ^am cymnr/e wcerun). Then the fight between the king 
and his foe takes place at the door (dterii) of the lady's bower, and there 
the king was slain. And now the lady's screams had, for the first time, 
alarmed the king's guard in the hall. They hasted to the rescue, scorned 
Cyneheard's proposals, and fought till all but one were slain. Next morn- 
ing the rest of the king's party came up, and found Cyneheard in occupa- 
tion, and in a posture of defence (Jione cedeling onJ)cere hi/riff ivef(on). His 
party had closed the outer gates (/a gntu), and meant to defend them. 
After a fruitless parley, they fought about the gates (ymh pa gatu) till the 
party inside was obliged to yield. See Mr. Wright's very interesting work, 
Domestic Manners and Sentiments, p. 13.' Earle. 

on wif cypjje] ' cum quadam meretrice morando,' Ethelw. p. 508. 

Jjone bur] The note just given shows clearly that this reading of A, D, E 
is correct against that of B, C, ' ])a burh.' Cf. Bede, H. E. iv. 31, ' cumena 
bur' = ' hospitale,' p. 378. 

pp. 48, 49. ut rsesde on hine] Cf. Bede, H. E. ii. 9 : ' he rsesde on ]Jone 
cyning,' ' impetum fecit in regem,' p. 122, of the attempted assassination 
of Edwin by Eumer. 

on J?aes wifes gebserum] 'gebaere' is 'bearing,' 'carriage'; Bede, H. E. ' gebsere.' 
iv. 22; 'of his ondwlitan 7 on gebserum ' = ' ex uultu et habitu,'p. 328 ; more 
vaguely = manners, mode of life: 'he swi?for lufade wifa gebsero Jjonne 
wsepned monna,' Oros. p. 52. Here it probably includes both gestures and 




for comites 
to survive 
their lord. 

' Self- 

Want of 
tive pro- 
nouns in 

The comi- 
tatus an 

cries ; and so almost exactly Ores. p. 194 : ' to Ssem mfestan ege, svva hit 
men on ))ara waspned monna gebserum ongitan mehte.' In Layamon 
' ibere ' constantly means ' cries ' ; of. Madden's Glossary. 

swa hwelc ... 7 radost] D and E simply omit the 7; B and C 
omit both the last words. The text of A is probably the most original, 
and was altered because a difficulty was felt ; the sense is : * they ran ' 
thither as each was re.ndy, and [could get there] quickest. 

of) hie alle lEegon, A] ' till they all lay dead.' E, alone of all the MSS., 
has altered this impressive phrase into the conventional ' were slain.' 
That it was he'd disarraceful for members of a comitatus to survive the 
lord is shown by the implied excuses made for the one survivor : (a) he 
was only a Welshman ; {h) a mere ho-tage ; and (c) severely wounded. 
So of the one survivor on the Etheling's side below : (a) he was godson 
of the victorious commander ; (b) wounded in many places ; cf. Bede, 
H. E. iii. 14, notes. 

his aldormon Osric*] ' Osred,' S. D. ii. 51. 

hiera agenne dom] Cf. Battle of Maldon, I. 38 : ' hyra 
sylfra dom.' This is what is called in Icelandic law ' self-doom,' 
' sjalf-dsemi.' See Vigf. Diet. s. v. It was for the party to whom it 
was granted the most honourable termination of a feud or suit, he being 
allowed to fix his own damages, compensation, &c. It is found also in 
Irish sources, where it is probably due to Scandinavian influences ; cf. LL. 
1 11^, 35 ff. ; Customs of Hy Many, p. 12 ; MS. Laud Misc. 610, f. io» ; 
O'Curry, Manners and Customs, iii. 37, 38 ; Todd, Gaedhil and Gaill, 
p. 118. 

7 pa, gebead . . . ofslogon] The poverty of the English language in 
demonstiative pronouns as compared with the Latin hie, ille, is, iste, ipse 
appears very strongly in this passage, and makes it very difficult to 
follow. I give a translation, using E to indicate the Etheling's party, who 
were inside the ' burh,' and K for the king's party, who were outside : 
'then he (the Etheling) offered them (K) their own terms in fee and 
land if they would grant him the kingdom ; and they [or he] (E) told 
them (K) that their (K) kinsmen were with them [or him] (E), and 
would not leave them [or him]. And then they (K) said that no kinsman 
was dearer to them than their lord, and that tiiey would never follow 
his slayer. And then they (K) ofi'ered their kinsmen that they might 
depart unscathed. And they (E) said that the same offer had been made 
to their (K) comrades, who had been with the king before. Then said 
they (E) that they (E) regarded it [the offer] not a whit the more than 
did your [or their (K)] comrades who were slain with the king. And 
they (K) were then fighting about the gate until they made their way in 
and slew the Etheling.' 

peet Mm nsenig mseg leofra nsere, 7c.] The tie of the comitatus super- 
sedes that of the kin ; the comitatus forms as it were an artificial family 

755] NOTES 47 

with its leader as ' father and lord.' So the monastery is an artificial artificial 
family, , and the terms 'familia' in Latin and 'hi wan,' 'hired,' in AS. are family, 
constantly applied to it ; cf. Ducange and Bosworth-Toller, s. vv. It is 
noteworthy that in Irish the word ' muinter,' which is used both of the 
monastic family and of the secular comitatus, though more frequently of 
the latter, is simply the Latin word ' monasterium.' 

his banan] ' bana,' ' slayer,' is a perfectly neutral word, and must not ' Bana.' 
be translated by ' murderer ' or any word connoting criminality. A man 
who slays another in self-defence, or in righteous execution of the law, is 
still his ' bane.' Ethelwerd translates : ' nee praesenti uultu exequias eius 
sectari ualemus'; i.e. he confused between 'bana,' slayer, and ' b.'ln,' 
bone (the two words occur in juxtaposition 979 D, E). This may give 
some measure of Ethelwerd's qualifications as a translator. 

eowre geferan, A] This sudden return to the 'oratio directa,' socharac- Eetnm to 
teristic of antique narration, and especially frequent in the Icelandic oratio 
sagas, is preserved in A and C alone. So they and D have preserved the 
unusual word ' fulgon ' below, for which B has substituted ' wurdon ' and 
E the singularly unhappy ' flugon ' ; unless this is a mere slip ; cf. Oros. 
p. 38 : ' ))8et hi him fram fulgen.' 

god sunu*] ' filius de baptismo,' Ethelw. p. 508 ; ' filiolus,' H. H. p. 128. 
The alderman is of course Osric ; though H. H. wrongly makes the survivor 
Cyneheard's godson. 

ricsode .xxxi. wint] This would bring his death to 786, and so S. D. Length of 
ii. 51. Below it is entered under 784 ; 786 is correct, but as the true date CynewuLfs 
of Cynewulf's accession is 757, the length of his reign was xxix (so ASN. 
rightly), not xxxi years, Theopold, pp. 28-30. 

py ilcan geare] i.e. 755 (757), not the year of Cynewulfs death. The Murder of 
murder of ^thelbald (see H. E. v. 23, notes), 'a suis tutoribus [guards] -^thelbald. 
noctu fraudulenter peremptus,' and the accessions of Beornred and Oflfa are 
all placed by Cont. Baed. and S. D. ii. 41, in 757. Offa's accession has been 
assigned to 758, for the Synod of Cealchythe in 789 is dated ' anno xxxi regni 
Offan,' H. & S. iii. 465 ; K. C. D. No. 156 ; Birch, No. 256. But if Offa 
succeeded late in 757, and was only crowned in 758, 789 might still be 
his thirty-first year, dating from his coronation. S. D. ii. 41, 58, is in 
favour of 757, but tlie matter is uncertain, Theopold, pp. 50, 51. 

Hreopa dune] ' quod erat tunc coenobium nobile, nunc ut audiui pauco Monastery 
uel nullo incolitur habitatore,' W. M. i, 43; 'tunc temporis famosuni °^ ■^^P**'^- 
monasterio ; nunc est uilla comitis Cestrensis, cuius gloria pro situ uetustatis 
exoleta,' ib. 264 ; cf. G. P. p. 298. F, wrongly, makes lam. slain at Eepton. 

he rixade .xli. wintra, E] He came to the throne in 716, v.s. So Length of 
this again brings his death to 757. -lEthel- 

Beornraed feng to rice, A] ' heres Adelbaldi,' says F, Lat. But Fl. reign. 
Wig. distinctly speaks of him as a usurper : ' regnum Beornredus tyrannus Beornred. 
invasit, . . . quo mortuo successit . . . Oifa,' i. 56 ; cf R. W. i. 234. 


D, E, F only say that he was banished ; A, B, C are silent as to his fate. 

As a matter of fact he survived his deposition twelve years, S. D. ii. 44 : 

'769. Ceterecte [Catterick, Bede, H. E. ii. 14, 20; iii. 14, and notes] 

succensa est a Bearnredo [the editors wrongly print ' ab Earnredo '] 

tyranno, et ipse infelix eodem anno incendio periit, Dei iudicio' ; cf. E.. W. 

i. 239. Mr. Freeman points ont the curious little fact that when Matthew 

Paris wants a tyrant with whom to compare Harold, he chooses Beornred, 

the rival of his own monastic founder, Offa, F. N. C. iii. 631. On the 

so-called life of OfFa, cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 49S, 499 ; Theopold, pp. 112 ff. 

p. 50. Ms sunu EgferJ)] See below on 784. 

Eanwulf Osmoding] He is mentioned by Offa as the founder of Bredon 

Monastery, in a genuine charter, K. C D. No. 138; Birch, No. 234; 

. cf Bede II. 341. OfFa liimself, before his accession, was connected with 

the Hwiccas, Birch, No. 183. 

Abdication p. 5i_ 757 g] The Cont. Baed. and S. D. ii. 41, place Eadberht's 

berht resignation in 75S (which is right, see on 737 above), and the murder of 

Oswulf in 759. S. D. says that the other English kings implored 

Eadberht not to resign, and offered him concessions of teriitory to induce 

him to alter his resolution, i. 49. W. M. quotes Alcuin's letters to show 

' quam cito post mortem Egberti [lege Edberti] regnum Northanhirabrorum 

propter peruicaciam malorum morum pessum ierit,' i. 72. H. H. praises 

him as the eighth English king ' qui regna sua pro Christo sponte 

dimisit,' p. 124. 

Murder of hine ofslogon his hiwan] 'a suis ministris facinorose occisus est,' 

Cont. Baed. ; 'occisus est nequiter a sua faniilia iuxta Mechil [?)e/<(°r,Methel, 

as S. D. ii. 376] Wongtime ix Kal. Augusti,' S. D. ii. 41 ; cf. i. 49. The 

same place-name occurs in the Vita Anon. Cudb. § 35 (Baedae Opp. Min. 

p. 278), in a corrupted form. It is probably Market Weigliton. It means 

the ' town of the field of discus=;ion ' ; of the Frankish Mallus. 

Burial of pp. 50, 51. 758*1 For Cuthbert see above on 741. Fl. Wig. gives the 

Archbishop , *^^-,. ' o r, ,^ ,, ^ • ^r rri ij -rr 

Cuthbert "^^ '^^ "''^ deatii, Oct. 20; the true year is 760, ilieopold, p. 34. He was 

the first archbishop to be buried in Christ Church, and not at St. Augus- 
tine's, Canterbury. The monks of the former concealed his illness and 
death until the interment was over. The same trick was played when 
Bregwine died. The Aunfustinian view may be read in Thorn, cc. 1772 ff. ; 
Elmham, pp. 317, 318 ; cf Ang. Sac. i. 3, 83, 85 ; ii. 186 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 
483, 4S4 ; Liebermann, p. 61 ; infra, 763, 790, notes. 
Bregwine. 759*] The true date of Bregwine's consecration is 761. He died 
August, 764. His successor, laenberht, was consecrated Feb. 2, 765 = 
Chron. 763 A, B, C, 762 D, E, F ; v. Theopold, pp. 32-34. From a letter 
of Bregwine to LuUus it appears that they had previously been in 
Rome together. He excuses his delay in writing because of ' plurimae 
ac diucrsae inquietudines apud nos,' H. & S. iii. 398, 399 ; Mon. Mog. 
pp. 277-279. A life of him by Eadmer is in Ang. Sac. ii. 184 ff. It 

763] NOTES 49 

contains nothing of value ; cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 483, 484 ; Theopold, 

PP- 32, 33 

Moll ^Uelwold, E] S. D. ii. 41 dates liis accession August 5, 759. Accession 
Note that the dates in D, E, which are taken from northern sources, do ^T",^ 
not require correction. The Cont. Baed. under 759 says : ' Edilualdusa sua 
plebe electus,' which suggests that be was not the next in succession. If 
he was the ' qiiidam patricius . . . Moll nomine ' to whom Eadberht gave the 
confiscated monasteries mentionerl above, note to 737> '^^ "would seem that 
he was Eadberht's brother, H. & S. iii. 395, 396. In his second year there 
was a great plague, Baed. Cont. He marrieil in 762 ^thelthryth, S. D. 
ii. 42, who afterwards became an abbess, and received one of Alcuin'a 
usual hortatory epistles, Mon. Ale. pp. 274-277. She was the mother of 
Ethelred, King of Northumbria, 774-779, 790-796, on whose death Alcuin 
wrote her another epistle, ih. 297-299. 

7 hit pa forlet] See below on 765 E. 

760*. ^pelbryht . . . forpferde] See Bede, H. E. v. 23, notes. 
The true date is 762, Theopold, p. 36. 

Ceolwulf . . . for'Sferde, E] ' non liic obiit, sed bine abiit,' says H. H. Death of 
very beautifully, p. 125. S. D. places his death in 764, ii. 43. The Welsh Ceolwilf 
annals place in 760 a battle between the Saxons and Britons at Hereford ; 
cf. Taylor, Cotswold, p. 20. 

761*] 'The mickle winter' lasted from December, 763, to March, 764. Hard 
Accordingly some foreign Chronicles give it under 763, Pertz, i. 144, 145 ; ^mter. 
others under 764, ih. i. to, 1 1 ; iii. 116* ; as does S. D. u. s., adding : ' cuius 
ui arbores oleraque magna ex parte aruerunt, ac marina animalia multa 
inuenta sunt mortua,' ii. 42 ; cf. Ann. Ult. 763, which in the following year 
note ' defectio panis.' Then, as now, a hard winter caused many disastrous 
fires, S. D. «. ^t. 

Moll . . . of sloh Oswine, E] As to the date S. D. u. s. agrees with Slaying of 
the Chron. August 6, 761. The place was ' iuxta Eldunum,' and a rather Oswme. 
later hand has added ' secus Melrose ' ; i. e. the Eildon Hills ; cf. 
Robertson, E. K. S., i. 26. ' Eadwines clif ' may be a ' volks etymologie ' 
for ' Eldunes clif ; in which case the last part of the name would, as 
often, translate the first part; 'aildun' in Gaelic meaning 'rock-fort.' 
The name Oswine suggests a member of the Northumbrian royal family 
(cf. Bede's beautiful sketch of an earlier Oswine, equally a victim of 
dynastic feuds, H.E.iii. 14). Fl. Wig. calls him 'clito nobilissimus'; H. H. 
' fortissimus ducum suorum.' He says that he fought ' iure gentium 
spreto,' and fell 'iure Dei,' p. 125 ; cf. R. W. i. 237. But there are no 
means of knowing the rights of the case. Gaimar misunderstands the 
passage, v. 1969. 

763 A, B, C, 762 D, E, F] If Bregwin died in the autumn of 764, laenberhl 
V. s., the fortieth day after mid-winter (Candlemas Day, as the anno- of Cantert 
tator of C rightly says" must be February 2, 765, which was not a Sunday ^' 
II. E 


in 765, though it was in 766, a fact which has been thought to favour that 
year. The festival, however, ' Maria purificante,' may have been consi- 
dered sufficient ; cf. H. & S. iii. 403. The mistake ' Eadbriht ' in B, C, 
repeated by C in 764, is probably due to the recent mention of Eadberht of 
Northunibria. It is less likely to be due to a confusion with Eadberht, who 
succeeded Totta as Bishop of the Mercians in 764, S. D. ii. 42. laenberht 
had been Abbot of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, Fl. Wig. ; G. P. p. 15' 
Thorn says that the Christ Church monks elected laenberht to prevent 
him. from appealing to Rome on the burials question, c. 1773. 
Bishops of set "Witerne, E] On Whitern or Candida Casa see Bede, H. E. iii. 4, 
wnitern. notes. According to the data here given Frithewald's consecration at York 
would be fixed to Aug. 15, 734 (not Aug. 14, 735, as H. & S. iii. 335. 
Osric died May 9, 729, H. E. v. 23. The sixth year of Ceowulf is there- 
fore from May, 734, to May, 735. August of that year is August, 734. 
xviii Kal. Sept. is Aug. 15, and that was a Sunday in 734). If he sat 
full twenty-nine years this would bring his death to May 7, 764. But 
probably May, 763, in his twenty-ninth year, is meant, for July 17, the 
day on which Pehtwine was consecrated, was a Sunday in 763 and not 
in 764. S. D. places this succession under 764, but only vaguely, ' his 
temporibus.' There is, however, one serious objection to the above 
scheme, viz. that the Cont. Eaed. connects the consecration both of Frithe- 
wald and Fritheberht with the reception of the pallium by Egbert, and 
all authorities seem agreed that this was not till 735. The matter, 
therefore, must be left uncertain. See on 766. 

JSAfet ee] This does not seem to be known ; Raine in D. C. B. iv. 280 
suggests Elmet, but the form is against this. It may be Elvet, which 
now forms part of Durham, and occurs in the Lib. Vit. Dun. as ^luet, 
Eluet, pp. 75, 120. 

764 A. onfeng pallium] ' a papa Paulo Stephani papae sui praedecea- 

soris germano,' Fl. Wig. The true date is probably 766, Theopold, p. 42. 

Abdication 765 E. Her feng Alhred] Viz. on the cession of Moll ^^^thelwold, 

'^Ftlh*'l^ - above, 759 E ; cf. S. D. 765 : ' Ethelwald regnum Northanhymbrorum 

succession' *miisit in W^incanheale, iii Kul. Nov.' (ii. 43, i. e. at Finchale, Oct. 30) ; 

of Alchred. cf. ih. 376. Tigh. 764, says: 'Moll ri Saxan, [rex Saxonum] clericus 

efficitur.' This was probably involuntary, to judge from the language 

of the Chron. and S. D. ; cf. ' ins'diis Alcredi occubuit,' W. M. i. 74. 

Finchale was a common place of meeting for Northumbrian gemdts, infra, 

788 ; S. D. ii. 59 ; H. & S. iii. 444 ; so that there may have been some form 

of deposition. Fl. Wig. says : ' Moll regnum . . . dimisit et Alhredus 

filius Eanwini successit qui fuit Byrnhom, qui fuit Bofa, qui fuit Bleacman, 

qui fuit Ealric, qui fuit Idae.' This might at first suggest that Florence 

used some form of Chronicle different from any of ours, but he probably 

incorporated the pedigree from his own genealogies, i. 254, 255. S. D. seems 

rather to distrust it : ' Alcred prosapia Idae regis exortus, ut quidam 

766] NOTES 51 

dicunt' ii. 43 ; sed vide, i. 49. Alchred is the king to whom St. Willehad 
applied for leave to go and evangelise the Saxons and Frisians, which 
leave was granted in a Northumbrian Council, H. & S. iii. 433 ; Pertz, 
ii. 3S0. There is a letter from him and his wife, Osgeofu, to LuUus of 
Mairz, Mon. Mog. pp. 284, 285, which shows that he had sent an 
embassy to Charlemagne on the latter's accession in 768. Alchred man-ied 
in 768, S. D. ii. 44, where his wife is called Osgearn. The two names 
might be easily confused. There is an Osgeofu at the end of the list of 
' Reginae et Abbatissae ' in the Lib. Vit. Eccl. Dan. f. I4^ 

eahta winter] D reads viiii. If Moll was deposed Oct. 765, and Length of 
Alchred was expelled Easter 774, his reign would be about eight and a ^^ reign, 
half years. 

766 E. Ecgberht aerce'b.] See above, 734 E, and references there given. Egbert of 
The length of his tenure, thirty-six years, is clearly wrong ; D is yet wider York, 
of the mark, giving thirty -seven years. This may warn us not to rely too 
much on these numbers. 

FriWeberht in Hagustaldes ee] He died Dec. 23, 766, according to Frithe- 
S. D. ii. 43, in the thirty-second year of his episcopate. In this S. D. is ^^!^^ '^^ 
inconsistent with himself, for he places his accession on Sept. 8, 734, ii. 31. 
(So Ric. Hex. p. 37.) D and E give him thirty-four years (the xxxiii of 
my E text is an unfortunate misprint); cf. H. H. p. 125; Mem. Hex. 
I. XXXV, 37, 199, 200. The connexion of this consecration also with 
the reception of the pallium by Egbert («. *. on 763) is in favour of 
735- Here no help is to be got from the days of the week, for Sept. 8 
was not a Sunday in 734 or 735, though it was in 737. That it is the 
Nativity of the Virgin may have been considered sufficient. On tl;e relics 
of Fritheberht and his successor Alchmund, see Mem. Hex. i. 195-200. 

man ge halgode] Ethelbert of York, Egbert's successor, and Alchmund Ethelbert 
were both consecrated on April 24, 767, S. D. ii. 43 ; Ric. Hex. p. 37 ; '^^ York, 
which was not a Sunday in that year, though it was in 76S. 

uElSelberht] The chief authority for the life of Archbishop Ethelbert is 
Alcuin's poem De Sanctis Ebor. vv. 1393-1595. He gives him the highest 
character. While quite young he was placed in the monastic school of 
York under Archbishop Egbert, who was his relative. He must therefore 
have been connected with the royal family of Northumbria. Egbert made 
liim ' defensor cleri '^ ' and master of the monastic school, where he taught 
grammar, rhetoric, (canon) law, versification, astronomy, natural history, 
the paschal rules, but especially the Scriptures. Like Benedict Biscop he 
made many voyages abroad (including one, at least, to Rome), collecting 

* I find this term nowhere ex- who was a sort of public guardian 

plained. My friend, Mr. R. L. Poole, and official trustee. Analogous ec- 

thinks that it means a trustee and clesiastical officers were established 

guardian of the property of the by the Council of Carthage in 405, 
church, like the ' defensor ciuitatis,' 

E 2 




His resig- 

His death. 

books and learning. Alcuin himself was one of his pupils (r. 1394, 
' proprii magistri ' ; cf. the passage cited below from Alcuiji's letter to 
Eanbald II). 

In 766 he was made archbishop, ' compulsus . . . populo rogitante,' vv. 
1466 f. He received the pallium from Adrian I in 773, S. D. ii. 45; 
Reg. Pont. p. 205. He rebuilt the cathedral after its destruction in 741 
(Chron. D, E ; Sim. Dun. ad ann.), Alcnin and Eanbald superintendincr the 
work. On his retirement, two years and two months before his death, 
vv. 1520 fF., the latter succeeded him as archbishop, the former as master 
of the school (which Ethelbert seems to have superintended even after his 
elevation to the see, vv. 1479-1482) and as librarian of the library, which 
he had largely increased, if not founded, and of which a list, the earliest 
existing catalogue of an English library, is given, vv. 1535-1561; cf. 
Alcuin to his pupil Eanbald II, congratulating him on having been called 
'laborare ... in ecclesia ubi ego nutritus et eruditus fueram, et praeesse 
thesauris sapientiae [i. e. the library] in quibus me magister mens dilectus 
Aelbertus archiepiscopus haeredem reliquit,' H. & S. iii. 501 ; Mon. Ale. 
p. 331. The fact of his resignation is seen in S. D. s. a. 780: ' Alberht 


Eanbaldo, se aflhuc uiuente 

ordinato,' ii. 47 ; cf. 

Death of 

H. Y. ii. 336 ; also in Chron. D, s. a. 779 : ' ^])elberht forSferde 
Jiaes steal Eanbald wses aer gehalgod.' E, by omitting the little word ' ser,' 
has obliterated this important fact. El. Wig. ignores it also, and places 
Ethelbert's death in 781. S. D.'s date, 780, is right ; so Ann. Lind. 
Alcuin (yv. 1582 fF.) says that he died at noon on Nov. 8, in the fourteenth 
year from his consecration, i. e. from April 24, 767- His retirement, there- 
fore, would fall in 778. (I do notshai-e Canon Raine's view, ut infra, that 1 
the Chroniclers have mistaken the date of his retirement for that of his 
death, though it receives some support from H. Y. ii. 336. Of course, if 
his consecration be dated 768, his retirement would fall in 779, and his 
death in 7S1.) Alcuin's lament over his death is genuine and sincere; 
cf. especially vv. 1589-1 591 : 

' Te sine nos ferimur turbata per aequora mundi, 

Te duce deserti uariis inuoluimur undis, 

Incerti qualem mereamur tangere portum.' 
Cf. also the Life of Alcuin, cc. 1-5, in Pertz, xv. 186 ff; Mon. Ale. pp. i fF. 
There is a letter of Lullus of INIainz to him, with his answer, in H. & S. iii. 1 
435-437 ; Mon. Mog. pp. 288, 290, 291. From these it appears that he had ■ 
another name, Coena, which is also the name under which he occurs in ■ 
Florence's lists, i. 245. See Raine's article on him in D. C. B. ii. 217, 218. j 
A late writer says that he was buried 'in Burgh,' i.e. Peterborough, 
H. Y. ii. 473, but I know no good authority for this. It is, perhaps, 
a confusion of Coena with Cynsige ; see 1060 D. 

768 E] S. D. agrees with D against E as to the day of Eadberht's 
death : ' Eadberht . . . decimo anno amissionis regni sui in clericatu 

777] ^OTES 53 

apud Eboracum feliciter spiritum emisit ad superos, xiii Kal. Sept.' 
[Aug. 20]. So Fl. Wig. 

769 E] On these Latin Carolingian annals in E, see Introduction, §§ 43, 
44. The true date is 768. 

772*. Milred bisc] Of Worcester. The date is wrong, as he certainly Milred 
signs charters as late as 774, Stubbs, Ep. Succ. pp. 6, 170 [pp. 11, 232, Bishop of 
2nd ed.]. El. Wig. places his death in 775, and this, as possibly embody- Worcester, 
ing local knowledge, is entitled to weight, so the matter must be left 
uncertain; Theopold ai'gues for 774, pp. 36, 94. He succeeded Wilfrid 
in 743, Fl. Wig., possibly in the lifetime of the latter. Other authorities 
give 744, 745. There is a letter (cited on 741) from him to Lullus of 
Mainz, on the death of St. Boniface, dated 755. It shows that in the 
previous year he had been with Boniface and Lullus, Mon. Mog. pp. 267, 
268. He was present at the Council of Clovesho in 747, H. & S. iii. 360 ; 
and his name occurs in various charters, both genuine and spurious, which 
are of considerable interest; v. D. C. B. iii. 915, 916. 

773 A, 774 E] FL Wig. and S. D. place these events in 774. 

Alhred, E] ' Alcredus rex consilio et consensu suorum omnium regiae Alchred 
familiae ac principum destitutus societate, exilio imperii mutauit maiesta- exiled, 
tem. Primo in urbem Beblian postea ad regem Pictorum nomine Cynoht 
[Kenneth] cum paucis fugae comitibus secessit,' S. D. ij. 45 ; cf. i. 49 f. ; 
S. C. S. i. 301. The phrase ' consilio et consensu suorum ' suggests a formal 
deposition by the Witan. So F. N. C. i. 593, 594. In i. 49, S. D. speaks of 
Alchred as exiled ' fraude suorum primatum ' ; the two statements are not 
incompatible. Besides the son Osred, who succeeded in 788 or 7S9 {infra), 
Alchred had another son, Alchmund, who was put to death by Eardwulf in 
Soo, ih. ii. 63. Alchred's successor is called Ethelbert by Fl. V/ig. i. 58, Succession 
SQ ; while W. M. combines the two names : 'Ethelbertusqui et Adelredus,' °^ Ethelred 
1. 74; so the pedigree m hi. Wig. 1. 255. On his expulsion, restoration, \,qj^^ 
marriage, and death, v. infra, 778, 790, 792, 794. 

set Ottanforda*] According to H. H. p. 126, the battle of Otford was a Battle of 
brilliant victory for the Mercians under Ofia ; v. note. Otford is in Holmes- Otford. 
dale, near Sevenoaks. There is a description and history of the place in 
Cassell's Family Magazine, vii. 587 fF. Many skeletons with weapons lying 
near them have been discovered in the neighbourhood. 

wunderleca nsedran] Gaimar gives marvellous details as to these, vo. 
1993 fiF. 

776 E] S. D. and Fl. Wig. place the death of Pehtwine in 777, K. W. Death of 
in 778, i. 242. We have seen that his consecration was most likely in 763, -Pentwme. 
and both the Chron. and S. D. give him an episcopate of fourteen years. 
On the other baud, both the Chron. and Fl. Wig. place the consecration of 
his successor on June 15. This was a Sunday in 777, but not in 778 ; and 
this is in favour of 776 as the date of Peht wine's death. 

777*] Fl. Wig. places all these events in 778. R. W. places the battle 




Capture of 
Benson by 

of Whitern 
and Hex- 




of three 

Office of 



xElfwold or 

of Benson in 779; which agrees with the usual dislocation of the chrono- 
logy, i. 243. The battle is not mentioned in ASN. ; cf. Chron. Ab. i. 
8, 14. 

Benesing tCln] See on 571. It now becomes permanently Mercian, 
H. & S. iii. 130. On this occasion Offa, ' infestus praedo,' took away certain 
townships from the monastery of Malmesbury, G. P. p. 3S8. 

man gehalgode ^E'Selberht, E] See note on 776. Ethelbert became 
Bishop of Hexham in 789, S. D. ii. 53 ; assisted at the consecration of Bishop 
Baldwulf 791, infra (790 S. D.) ; at the coronation of Eardwulf in 795, 
iilfra (796 S. D. ii. 58) ; and at the consecration of Eanbald II, 796, infra, 
and S. D. u. s. He died in 797, infra ; cf. Mem. Hex. i. 40, 41. There 
is a letter of Alcuin to him when Bishop of Hexham, urging liim and his 
monks to study and teach, Mon. Ale. pp. 374, 375. 

p. 52. On pas kinges dsei Oflfa, E] Another of the Peterborough in- 
sertions. We reach the lowest point when we have a lease of monastic 
lands embodied in a national chronicle. 

an abbot . . . Beonne] Beonna was at the Council of Clovesho, 803, 
K. C. D. No. 1024 ; Birch, No. 312. He may be the Beonna who became 
Bishop of Hereford in 823. Stubbs in Archaeological Journal, i86r,p. 206. 

anes nihtes feorme] On this, see Maitland, Domesday, pp. 318 ff. 

Ceolwulf] Bisliop of Lindsey. 

p. 53. Inwona] or Unwona, Bishop of Leicester. 

Brordan] Brorda, alderman of Mercia. He was present at the legatine 
synod of 787, H. & S. iii. 461 ; D. C. B. i. 339 ; and signs many charters. 
According to S. D. he was also called Hildegils, and died in 799, ii. 62. 
A papal privilege to Woking, also from a Peterborough source, is in H. & S. 
iii. 276, 277. 

778 E] S. D. gives Sept. 29 as the date of the slaughter of these ' tres 
duces.' His words are : 'rege praecipiente fraude necati,' and he connects 
with this event the expulsion of Ethelred, which he places in 779. H. H. 
represents them as defeated in two great battles, p. 126. The preposition 
' set ' (see the Glossary, s. v.) need not mean that the slaughters were done 
at those places, but only that the .slaughtered reeves belonged to them. 
Gaimar calls them 'treis vescontes,' v. 2012. The word 'he'ahger^fa' occurs 
779 E, looi A, 1002 E. It is only fountl once in the laws, Thorpe, i. 186 ; 
Schmid, p. 396 ; a passage which merely gives his wergild, and throws no 
light on liis functions. Kemble (Saxons, ii. 156, 157) thinks that he was 
an occasional officer specially commissioned, and not part of the regular 
machinery of government. 

Alfwold . . . ..^Celred] ^Elfwold, who superseded Ethelred, was a son 
of Oswulf (cf. supra, 757), S. D. i. 50 ; ii. 47. He calls him ' rex pius et 
iustus ' ; cf. ' eximius rex,' ii. 52; 'amicus Dei,' H. H. p. 129. He sum- 
moned a Northumbrian synod to confer with the papal legates sent by 
Adrian I ; see 785, infra, note ; H. & S. iii. 448, 459, 461. He is men- 

78o] NOTES 55 

tioned in a letter of Alcuin's, »&. 493 ; Mon. Ale. p. 18 r. He is sometimes 
called iEthelwold ; S. D. uses both names indiscriminately, i. 50 ; ii. 391. 
Tor ' on lande ' we should read ' of.' The error is also in D. 

x- winter] Th:s would bring his death to 78S ; and so S. D. Below it 
is given under 789 E. 

pp. 52, 53. 780 A, 779 E] The battle between the Franks and Saxons 
was in 7S2, Pertz, i. 162-165 ; Theopold, p. 20. 

on -ix. t lanr., E] S. D. agrees with E against D as to the day of the Burning <>t 
burning of Beorn, 'patricius regis,' viz. Dec. 24 ; as to the year he agrees ®*''''^" 
with A, viz. 780. H. H. imagines a reason lor the slaughter : ' quiarigidior 
aequo extiterat,' p. 127. 

^^elberht ercefc] On his death and previous resignation, see on 766, 

Eanbald] Eanbald I ; see on him 766, supra ; D. C. B. ii. 11. He was Eanbald 1. 
present at the northern legatine synod, H. & S. iii. 459 ; and at the crown- 
ing of Eardwulf, 795, iiifra ; 796, S. D. 

Cynebald fc] A mistake for Cynewulf (D), caused by the preceding Cynewult 
Ean6«/-7 ; followed by F and H. H. On Cynewulf of Lindisfarne, see '^l^^'^'^' 
above, 737, note. To this Cynewulf some have assigned the poems which 
bear that enigmatic name, Wiilker, Grundriss, pp. 149 ff. 

gesaet] 'resigned,' see on 744: ' Higbaldo gubernacula ecclesiae cum His resig- 
electione totius familiae commisit,' S. D. ii. 47 ; i. 50 ; Ann. Lindisf. Both ^^^tio"- 
these authorities place his resignation in 7S0. The phrase has misled H . H., 
who translates it ' factus est episcopus.' For Cynewulf 's death, see infra, 
782 E; S. D. u. s. 

780 E. Alchmund] For his consecration, r.s. on 766. Fl. Wig. places AIchmun>l. 
his death in 779, S. D. in 782, and inserts a legend about his relics, ii. 
47-50. So Eic. Hex. i. 37. 

Tilberht] He was consecrated at a place called Wolfswell, S. D. ii. 50 ; Tilberht. 
assisted (with Higbald) at the consecration of Aldwulf, Bishop of Mayo, at 
Corbridge, 786, ib. 51 ; and died in 789, ib. 53 ; cf Mem. Hex. I. xxxvi, 
xxxviii, 37, 40. He is not mentioned again in the Chrou. 

Higbald] His consecration is placed by Fl. Wig. and S. I), in 779 and Higbald, 
781 respectively. On his relations with Alcuin, see on 793, infra. 

.^Ifwold . . . sende man ... to Home] Tn order to obtain the sense Alcuin sent 
required we must tak* ' man ' as an accusative. This, though unusual, ^^ Kome. 
does occur ; cf ' gif hund mon toslite,' Thorpe, Laws, i. 78 ; Schmid, p. 84. 
This ' man ' so indefinitely mentioned, who was sent to Rome for Eanbald's 
pallium, was no other than the famous Alcuin. And the mission proved 
of European importance ; for it was on his return from this mission that 
he met Charlemagne at Parma (Spring 781), and received from him the 
invitation which he accepted in 782 ; thus becoming the organiser of 
Prankish education, Mon. Ale. p. 17. This was not his first meeting witli 
Charles : ' nouerat enim eum, qui olim a magistro suo [Archbp. Ethelbert] 






Deatli of 
of Wessex. 

of Berht- 

Abbot of 


Division of 
the pro- 
vince of 

ad ipsum directus fuerat,' Vita Ale. c. 6. He had also as a youth been at 
Rome with Ethelbert, and this journey is alluded to in his letters : * dum 
ego adolescens Romam perrexi/ Mon. Ale. p. 458 ; cf. ib. 399, 835 ; Diimm- 
ler, Poetae Aeui Carol, i. 160, 161, 201. 

782 E] Werburg ' ciuondam regina Merciorum, tunc vero abbatissa,' 
S. D. ii. 50. She was the daughter of Wulfhere and Eormengild, and 
married her first cousin Ceolred, Fl. Wig. i. 252, 265 ; cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 
421-423. But, as Wulfhere died in 675, this would make her over a 
hundred. Even the statement of the Chron. makes her survive her 
husband sixty-six years. 

Aclea] R.aine would identify this with Aycliffe, near Darlington, Mem. 
Hex. i. 38-40 ; while H. & S. would place it in the South ; this seems to 
be right ; see the passage cited on 851, infra. 

784*] Here, in chronological oi-der, comes the mention of the death of 
Cynewulf, the story of which has been given in 755 ; v. note a. I. By S. D. 
this event is placed in 786 (so Liebermann, p. 62), and that is the correct 
date; cf. Hoveden, I. xcii. One of the last acts of Cynewulf was to hold 
a conference with Offa and the papal legates sent by Adrian I, whose 
coming is mentioned in the next annal, H. & S. iii. 443, 447, 454, 461. 
There is a letter of Cynewulf to LuUus of Mainz, ib. 439 f. ; Mon. Mog. 
pp. 306, 307. 

to Cerdice] According to Chron. Ab. i. 15, he was brother to Cynewulf. 
Yet he and all the kings since Ine ' non parum a linea regiae stirpis ex- 
orbitauerant,' W. M. i. 43. For the plirase, see notes on A's genealogical 
Preface, p. i, supra. 

To pysan timan, a] Note the Kentish addition of a and F ; and for the 
significance of it, see p. 71 > infra. 

785 E. Botwine . . . Hripum] His death is placed in 786^ by S. D. ; 
he was succeeded by Aldberht, who died the following year, and was suc- 
ceeded by Sigred, ii. 50, 51 ; 788, infra. There is a letter from Botwine 
to Lullus of Mainz in Mon. Mog. p. 295. On the significance of these 
Ripon entries, see Introduction, § 67. ' 

set Cealc hyjje*] ' There seems no reasonable doubt that Cealchythe is 
Chelsea,' H. & S. iii. 445 ; see, however, another theory cited on ^22, infra. 

laenbryht . . . forlet sumne dsel, 7c.] Gaimar states the fact from the 
other side : ' Done fu . . . a Hibald [lege Hibert] croce done,' v. 2056 ; 
i.e. the archiepiscopal cross, instead of the episcopal crozier. Fl. Wig. 
understates the loss of Canterbury by translating ' sumne dsel ' by ' modicam 
por tionem.' According to W. M. , Canterbury only retained four suffragans, 
London, Winchester, Rochester, Selsey, i. 85, 86. But this seems to be 
an error on the opposite side. 

This invasion of the rights of Canterbury naturally caused much 'geflit.' 
In G. P. p. 16, Malmesbury asserts that the Pope was bribed ; and the pro- 
mise of a yearly tribute of 365 mancusses made by Offa to the papal legates. 

785] NOTES 57 

H. & S. iii. 445, may have had m uch to do with the result. The new province 
only lasted a short time ; Leo III in 802 restored the rights of Canterbury, 
and this was confirmed in the Council of Clovesho, 803 ; ib. 536-544, 446. 

The aim of Offa in setting up the archbi.shopric of Lichfield was to make Position of 
Mercia independent, ecclesiastically as well as politically. At this time it Mercia 
looked as if the union of the English was to come from Mercia. Egbert of ^^^^^' ^^*- 
Wesaex, who ultimately achieved it, was at this time an exile at the court 
of Ofia, whence he was expelled two years later, in consequence of the mar- 
riage of his rival Berhtric to OfFa's daughter Eadbui-g, infra, 787 ; and 
took refuge at the Frankish court, W. M. i. 105. Olfa is styled ' Rex 
Anglorum,' K. C. D. Nos. 121-123, ^34; Birch, ISTos. 213, 214, 216, 226; 
' Offa rex et decus Britanniae,' ib. No. 293 ; K. C. D. No. 1020. So Alcuin 
writes to Offa : ' uos estis decus Britanniae, tuba praedicationis, gladius 
contra hostes, scutum contra inimicos,' Mon. Ale. p. 265 ; cf. H. H. p. 124. 

pp. 54, 55. from Offan . . . gecoren] On ecclesiastical appointments, 
cf. F. N. C. ii. 571 ff. He seems to me, however, to lay too exclusive stress 
on the action of the royal power. 

Ecgferp to cyninge gehalgod] This coronation of Egferth in the life- Coronation 
time of Offa is an interesting fact. H. H. makes him under-king of Kent, ofEgferth. 
p. 128 ; Lappenberg. of the Hwiccas, i. 244 ; E. T. i. 237. But in charters 
he distinctly signs as 'Rex Merciorum,' K. C. D. Nos. 152, 165 ; Birch, 
Nos. 253, 257 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 446 ; Theopold, p. 98. Elsewhere he signs 
as ' clito,' Birch, No. 272 ; or ' filius regis,' ib. Nos. 269, 274 ; K. C. D. 
Nos. 164, 167. He was evidently a prince of high promise, a sort of young 
Marcellus. Alcuin writes to Offa : ' saluta . . . nobilissimum iuuenem, et 
diligenter eum in Dei erudi timore, et non pereat spes multorum in eo,' 
Moil. Ale. p. 292. He exhorts Egferth himself to virtue, and says : ' Disce 
... a patre auctoritatein, a matre [Cynethrytli] pietatem,' ib. 266, 267 ; cf. 
W. M. i. 93, 94. Professor Earle has a very interesting theory that the 
Beowulf in its present form was composed as a sort of ' De RegLmine Prin- 
cipum ' for Egferth. See bis Translation, Introd. part iii. 

in Uas tid, 7c., E] The coming of the papal legates is mentioned only by Coming of 
D, E, F; it is rightly placed in 786 by S. D. ; cf. Hoveden, I. xciv. The ^^ ^'^P'^^ 
legates were George, Bishop of Ostia, and Theophylact, Bishop of Todi. Their 
report to the Pope is in H. & S. iii. 447-461. From this we can trace 
their movements. They went first to laenberht, Archbishop of Canterbury ; 
then to Offa. They next held a preliminary conference with Cynewulf and 
Offa; and as Cynewulf died in 786 this further fixes their coming to that 
year, Theopold, pp. 37 ff. After this, Theophylact went to Mercia and 
Wales, while George went to Nortliumbria. By agreement with King 
^Ifwold and Archbishop Eanbald, a synod of the northern province was Legatine 
held, at which certain decrees were passed and signed. The legates then Synods, 
proceeded to Mercia, where a synod of the southern province was held, and 
the same decrees were passed and signed after being read ' tam Latine 




of Berht- 
ric and 

of the Scan- 

quam Teiitonice.'' Two questions are raised : (a) is the northern legatine 
synod to be identified with the Synod of Finchale, entered below at 788 
(Sept.), and by S. D., more correctly, at 787 ? {b) is the southern legatine 
synod to be identified with the ' contentio\is synod ' of Cealchythe earlier 
in this annal ? H. & S. would answer both these questions in the affirma- 
tive, iii. 445, 446. At first sight it seems difficult to believe that the Chron. 
would ]ilace the southern legatine synod three years before the northern, 
when it was really subsequent to it. We must remember, however, (i) that 
only the later Chronicles D, E, F mention the Synod of Finchale ; (2) that 
they have placed it a year too late (?'. s.) ; (3) that for the Synod of Cealc- 
hythe the usual correction of two years has to be made. These corrections 
would bring both the synods of Cealchythe and Finchale within the year 787, 
and, therefore, the view of H. & S. that they are respectively the southern 
and northern legatine synods cannot be pronounced impossible. Theo- 
pold, liowever, argues that the northern legatine synod took place before 
the end of 786, and is not identical with that of Finchale, pp. 37-40, and 
I am inclined to agree with him. H. H. clearly identifies the Synod of 
Cealchythe with the southern legatine synod, p. 128; he says nothing 
about the northern synod. I cannot attach much weight to Grubitz' 
argument for putting the southern legatine synod in 78S on the strength 
of K. C. D. No. 153 ; Birch, No. 254. This only proves that a synod was 
held at Cealchythe in 788, not that it was the legatine synod. Another 
synod was held there in 789 ; see below. 

Berhtric, the new King of Wessex, does not seem to have been present at 
the southern synod ; anyhow he does not sign the decrees. Perhaps, though 
too weak to oppose, he was unwilling to agree to the spoliation of Canter- 
bury. Two years later his marriage with Oflfa's daughter sealed for a time 
the dependence of Wessex on Mercia. Higberht signs the southern 
legatine synod merely as bishop. He could not assume the archiepiscopal 
style till he received the pallium from Rome. This he seems to have done 
in 788, as he signs one charter of that year as bishop, and another as 
archbishop, H. & S. it. s. ; while in 789 a synod was held at Cealchythe 
' praesidentibus duobus archiepiscopis lamberhto . . . et Hygeberhto,' 
K. C. D. No. 156 ; Birch, No. 256. 

787*] On the significance of the marriage of Berhti-ic and Eadburg, v. .s. 
The true date is probably 789, H. & S. iii. 463. According to Asser, 
copied by S. D. ii. 66, 67, Eadburg was a very Jezebel, and in poisoning' 
a favourite of her husband poisoned him also, M. H. B. p. 471. But all 
this sounds very mythical. 

on his dagum] As to the Scandinavian invasions, note that the 
Chron. does not fix their beginning to 787 (as is commonly assumed, e.g. 
F. N. C. i. 42 ; Green goes further, and misquotes the Chronicle, C. E. 
p. 50) ; but merely says that they began ' in Berhtric's days.' (For the 
similar error as to the coming of the Saxons, v. Bede, H. E. i. 1 5, notes.) 


787] NOTES 59 

iii- scipu (Nor^Smanna)] A is the only MS. which omiti? ' Noi ?Jmanna,' 
Note that the Chron. uses 'Northmen' and ' Danes' as convertible terms; 
of. Adam of Bremen : ' Dani, et ceteri qui trans Daniam sunt populi, ab 
historicis Francoriim omnes Nordmanni uocantur,' Pertz, vii. 291 ; whereas 
in Alfred's additions to Orosius the Danes (divided into northern and 
southern) are clearly distinguished from the Northmen, p. 16 ; of. ih. 268, 
where ' Danish ' apparently translates ' Marcomanni.' Their ravages are 
described by Ermoldus Nigellus, Poetae Aeui Carol, ii. 59, in a passage 
which recalls Sidonius Apollinaris' famous descriptions of the Saxons, 
Epp. viii. 6, 9 ; Carm. vii. 369-371. On the analogy of the Saxon and Danish 
invasions, cf. F. N. C. i. 43 li'. Odo of Clugny ascribes to the Danes a 
regular institution like the Latin ' uer sacrum ' : ' quoniam Danorum tellus 
sibi insufRciens est, moris est apud illos, ut per singula lustra multitude 
non minima dictante sortis euentu a terra sua exulet, et in alienis terns 
mansionem sibi quoquo modo, ad propria non reuersura, uindicet,' 
Bouquet, vi. 318. Their coming is constantly regarded as a divine judge- A divine 
ment on the sins of the English, cf. e.g. Alcuin's Letters, ed. Jaffe, Nos. Jiidgement. 
22-28, 65, 86, 87, and at a later stage, Wulfstan, pp. 91, 129, 156-167, 
180, 181, 207; cf. ih. 14, 45,47, 295; especially of the Northumbrians, 
thinks H. H. p. 139 ; certainly Northumbria suffered severely, S. D. i. 7, 
8, 113, 121. It is noteworthy that in early ninth-century charters the 
national obligation of the ' fyrd,' ' espeditio,' is specially referred to service 
against the heathen, K. C. D. Nos. 196, 216; Birch, Nos. 332, 335, 348, 


of Here'Sa lande, E] Strictly HbrSaland on the Hardanger-fjord in Heretha- 
Norway, the country of the HorSiar or Haurds (Charudes, Harudes). It land, 
appears in Irish as ' Irruaith,' which comes to be a general term for Norway ; 
cf. Zimmer, Kelt. Beitr. i. 205, 232. Munch, however, equates it with 
Hardeland or Hardesyssel in Jutland, on the ground that no descents had 
yet been made on England from HorSaland in Norway. Gaimar calls the 
place whence the ships came ' Guenelinge,' v. 2091. 

se gerefa pserto rad*] Ethelwerd gives additional details : ' Regnante The Eeeve 
Byrhtrico rege piissimo super partes Anglorum occidentales . . . aduecta ^^^ *"^ 
est subito Danorum ardua non nimia classis, dromones numero tres ; ipsa 
et aduectio erat prima. Audito etiam, exactor regis, iam morans in oppido 
quod Dorceastre nuncupatur, equo insiliuit, cum paucis praecurrit ad 
portum, putans eos magis negotiatores esse quani hostes ; et praecipiens 
eos imperio, ad regiam uillam pelli iussit ; a quibus ibidem occiditur ipse, 
et qui cum eo erant ; nomen quippe exactoris erat Beaduheard,' M. H. B. 
p. 509 C. Evidently the reeve, as the king's financial officer (S. C. H. i. 
113 ff . ; Kemble, Saxons, ii. 162 fF.), was trying to enforce payment of the 
royal customs. Whence Ethelwerd got these details I do not know ; they 
sound perfectly genuine, as does the statement of ASN. that the Danish 
ships ' applicuerunt in insula . . . Portland,' which fits in well with Ethel- 




' The first 

Synod of 

Death of 

Death of 
and elec- 
tion of 

ward's Dorcbester ; though it may be an inference from his ' praecurrit ad 

pa serestan scipu] This, like ' serest ' above, shows that this was written 
at a time when such visitations had become only too common ; cf. H. H. 
p. 129 : ' Hie primus fuit Angiorum caesus a Dacis, post quern multa millia 
millium ab iisdem caesa sunt.' A complete specimen of a war-galley 
72 feet long was found in Nydam Moss, at East Sottrup, in South Jutland, 
during the excavations which began in 1859; see the Gentleman's 
Magazine for Dec. 1863, p. 686. There is a model in the Pitt-Hivers 
collection in the New Museum, Oxford. 

788 E] On the Synod of Einchale and death of Abbot Aldberht, see above, 
pp. 56, 58. As to the form of the name ' Pincanheale ' E, ' Wincanheale ' D, 
Fl. Wig., who is generally nearer D, has 'P,' and H. H., who is generally 
nearer E, has ' W ; S. D. has ' W,' ii. 43, 376, and ' P,' ih. 59 ; but the 
two letters are inextricably confused ; K. W. distinctly says Einchale, 
i. 248 ; cf ih. 265. 

789 E] The date of ^Ifvvold's death is given by S. D. as 788 ; the 
place as ' Scythlescester iuxta murum,' which has been identified with 
Chesters, near ChoUerton, on the line of the Roman Wall. As to the light 
he speaks doubtfully, ' dicitur uideri a plurimis.' A church was reared on 
the spot dedicated to SS. Oswald and Cuthbert, ii. 52 ; cf. i. 50. On the 
church of St, Andrew at Hexham, cf. notes to Bede II. 318, 330, 360, 
and reff. A later cross of great beauty is said to mark ^Ifwold's tomb ; 
see Mem. Hex. I. xxxvi. f., 38, 40. His sons ^If and ^Elfwine were 
treacherously murdered by Ethelred three years later, S. D. ii. 53. 
Sicga, ^Ifwold's murderer, is perhaps the signatory of the northern 
legatine synod, H. & S. iii. 460. He died 793, infra. According 
to S. D. he committed suicide, and was buried at Lindisfarne, ii. 53; 
' digne deperiit,' H. H. p. 1 30. On the synod at Aclea, cf. H. & S. iii. 
464, 465 ; Mem. Hex. I. xxxviii. 38, 39. 

790*. laenbryht . . . ^Jjelheard] The death of laenberht and the 
election of ^^thelheard belong to 792, S. D. s. a.; H. & S. iii. 467, 468 ; 
Theopold, p. 34. laenberht had been Abbot of St. Augustine's when the 
monks of Christ Church deluded their rivals as to the deaths of archbishops 
Cuthbert and Eregwine ; see above on 758. To prevent anything of the 
kind in his own case laenberht had himself removed to his old monastery, 
and there died and was buried, Gervase, ii. 346; G. P. pp. 15-17; 
R. W. i. 251. This did not avail to restore the old custom. His epitaph 
is in Elmham, p. 355. He is the first archbishop of whom any coins have 
been preserved. For his relations with Kent and Mercia, see his life by 
Dr. Stubbs in D. C. B. iii. 336-338. 

iEthelheard was not consecrated till July, 793, H. & S. u. s. ; F, a 
Canterbury book, calls him ' abbas Hludensis monasterii ' ; so S. D. ii. 53 ; 
perhaps Louth, H. & S. w. s. On his position in Kent and his relations 

792] . NOTES 6l 

with the dominant power of Mercia, and with Alcuin, cf. ih. 468, 495, 496, 
506, 507. 509-5". 518-521, 552, 553; Men. Ale. pp. 372, 373, 719-722 ; 
and Stubbs' life of him in D. C. B. ii. 223-225. His correspondence with 
Alcuin is cited by W. M. i. 74, 82, 86 ; G. P. pp. 17-19. His coins bear 
the name of Offa, or Cenwulf, on the reverse, which illustrates his depen- 
dence on Mercia. 

Osred . . . JESelred, E] 790 is correct for the return of Etbelred, son of Expulsion 
iEthelwold Moll (see on 774, 778), and the expulsion of Osred. The latter was ^^^^g^xirn 
forcibly tonsured at York and driven into exile in the Isle of Man. In 792 of Ethel- 
he was induced to return 'sacramentis et fide quorundani principuni,' but red. 
wa.s deserted, and put to death by Ethelred at Aynburg, S. D. ii. 52, 54; 
i. 50. Alcuin was in England at the time of this revolution : ' AeSelredus 
filius AeSelwaldi de careers processit in solium, et de miseria in mniesta- 
tem. Cuius regni nouitate detenti sumus,' Mon. Ale. p. 170; ef. ih. 174, 
175 ; and again: ' cognoscas . . . turbatas res me offendisse in patria, nee 
inuenisse animum noui regis qualem uel speraui uel uolui. Tamen aliquid 
fecimus ammonitionis illi et aliis, et hodie laboramus contra iniustitiam 
prout possumus cum quibusdam potentibus,' ib. i 72, 173. Later he wrote 
to Ethelred himself : ' non deeet te in solio sedentem regni, ru.stieis uiuere 
moribus,' ih. 264 ; cf. ib. 180-190 ; H. & S. iii. 488-494. S. D. calls him 
' rex impiissimus,' i. 50. 

791 E] Baldwulf, or Badulf, was the last Anglian Bishop of Whitern : Baldwulf, 
'nee praeterea plures alicubi reperio, quod cito defecerit episcopatus, quia f y 
extrema . . . Anglorum ora est, et Scottorum uel Pietorum depopulationi jjishop of 
opportuna,' G. P. p. 257. S. D. gives the date of Baldwulfs consecration Whitern. 
as 790, and the place as ' Hearrahalch, quod interpretari potest, locus 
Dominorum,' ii. 53. This has been identified with Harraton. In 796 
Baldwulf joined in the coronation of Eardwulf, and in the consecration of 
Eanbald II, infra, 795, 796; S. D. ii. 58. In 803 he helped to consecrate 
Egbert of Lindisfarne, ih. i. 52 ; and this (not 795 as S. C. S. i. 31 1 ; G. P. 
u. s. note) is the last mention of him. For Bishop Ethelbert, see on 777- 

792*] Probably 794 ; so ASN. ; 793, El. Wig. 

Offa . . . ^Jjelbryhte] Of the circumstances under which Ethelbert Beheading 
of East Anglia was put to death by Offa nothing is really known. The ?^ f^ ,? 
later accounts become more and more legendary; cf El. Wig. i. 62,63; East 
W. M. i. 84, 97, 98, 262 ; II. xeiv. f . ; G. P. p. 305 ; R. W. i. 249 ff. ; on Anglia. 
which ef. Theopold, pp. 110, 11 1 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 494-496 ; H. & S. iii. 469. 
The least legendary is in Fl. Wig. i. 262 : 'innoeenter sub paeis foedere 
occisus est ab Offa ' ; so ASN. This unmerited fate gave to him, as to 
others, the character of a martyr ; his relics were translated to Hereford, 
and he became the patron saint of that see, hence called ' see ^Selbryhtes The patron 
mynster,' infra, 1055 E, i. 187. No kings of East Anglia are named saint of 
between Ethelbert and Edmund, martyred by the Danes 870, tw/ra; Fl. 
Wig. i. 262 ; W. M. i. 98 ; though Abbo's passion of Edmund makes him 





of Lindis- 

the son of a certain King Alchmund, who is not otherwise known, Hardy, 
Cat. i. 527. An unnamed king of the East Angles submitted to Egbert in 
825, infra, 823. 

Osred, E] On the return and death of Osred, v. s. 790. After this, in 
June, 793, Alcuin left England, and never returned, Poetae Aeui Carolini, 
i. 160, 161. rifled, Ethelred's 'new wife,' was a daughter of Offa. The 
marriage took place at Catterick, S. D. ii. 54. According to H. H. 
' Edelred, . . . sua relicta, uouam duxit uxorem,' p. 130. There is no 
hint of this in the Chron. or S. D. On tlie death of Ethelred, Alcuin 
exhorted her to enter a monastery : ' in coenobio militet Christo, quae 
thalamo priuata est uiri,' Mon. Ale. p. 294. 

793 E. forebecna] In Blickl. Hom. p. 117, this word is used of the 
signs Cpa, tacno 7 ])a forebeacno ') which precede the day of doom. 

ligraescas] Cf. Wulfstan's Homilies, p. 297 : ' unasecgendlice ])unras 7 
byrnende ligi-sescas.' 

p. 57. on •vi- iduslanr] 'viid. lun.,' Ann. Lind. ; 'vii id. lun.,' S. D. 
i. 51, 361 ; ii. 54-56. June is certainly right. The wikings would not 
cross the sea at midwinter, Steenstrup, Vikinger, p. 9. See a similar 
mistake, 802, infra. 

Both the ravaging of Lindisfarne by the heathen, and the portents which 
preceded it, are alluded to in Alcuin's letter to Ethelred, H. & S. iii. 493 ; 
Mon. Ale. pp. 180-184. This ravaging of St. Cuthbert's Holy Isle produced 
an immense impression, to which Alcuin gave voice. He addressed to 
Higbald, Bishop of Lindisfarne, an elegiac poem ' De clade Lindisfainensis 
monasterii,' containing some really fine lines, Poetae Aeui Carol, i. 229 fF. 
He also sent to him and his monks letters of sympathy and exhortation, 
H. & S. iii. 472, 473; Mon. Ale. pp. IQO-195. (For an earlier letter of 
Alcuin to Higbald, v. Mon. Ale. pp. 146, T47.) He also alludes to the 
visitation in other letters, H. & S. iii. 476, 492, 499 ; Mon. Ale. pp. 184- 
190, 196-209, 290-293 ; cf. W. M. i. 73 ; G. P. pp. 267, 268. 

793 F, Lat. p. 56, note i] This note should run 'uastauit terram . . . 
homicidiis. Translatio Sci. Albani,' M. H. B. p. 388, note 24. On this 
translation, cf H. & S. iii. 469 f. 

pp. 56, 57. 794*. Adrianus papa] Adrian died Dec. 25, 795 ; i. e. 796 
according to the system which begins the year at Christmas, Theopold, 
pp. 20, 21. There is a letter of Alcuin to the bishops of Britain asking 
them, in the name of Charles the Great, to pray for the soul of Adrian, 
' quia fides amicitiae erga defunctum maxime probatur amicum,' Mon. Ale. 
p. 296. 
and of Offa. Oflfa cyning] Offa died July 29, 796, Hoveden, I. xcii. f. His death 
is entered again at 796 by D, E., and so originally F, a=i there is an erasure 
of two lines. Offa's sword became an heirloom in the Wessex royal house : 
' ic geann Eadmunde minen breSer Sses swurdes '(5e Offa cyng ahte,' Will 
of the Etlieling Athelstan, K. C. D. iii. 362. It is curious that the Chron. 

Deaths of 



794] NOTES 63 

says nothing of Offa's relations to Charlemagne, on which W. M. rightly 
lays stress, i. 91, 93 ; E. W. i. 240-242 ; cf. Pertz, ii. 291 ; Mon. Ale. pp. 
167-169 ; H. & S. iii. 486-4S8, 496-499. 

^paired . . . of slaegen . . . peode] This event also belongs to 796. It Slaying of 
took place at Corbridge on ' xiiii Kal. Mai' (Apr. 18), S. D. ii. 57, 576 ^i^'^^,*^ 
(not xiii Kal. as the Cliron.). It was regarded as a judgement for his vunbria. 
share in the death of Osred, W. M. i, 75. It roused the intense indignation 
of Charlemagne. Alcuin writes to Offa : ' Karolus ... in tantum iratus 
est contra gentem illam, ut ait . . . homicidam dominorum suoruni,' &c., 
H. & S. iii. 498, 499 ; Mon. Ale. p. 290. His slayer was a certain ' Aldred 
dux,' who, in revenge, was slain three years later by ' Thorhtmund dux,' 
S. D. ii. 62 ; who is recommended by Alcuin to Charlemagne as ' Hedilredi 
regis fidelem famulum, uirum in fide probatum, strenuum in armis ; qui 
fortiter sanguinem domini sui uindicauit,' H. & S. iii. 534 ; Mon. Ale. 
p. 619. He was succeeded for twenty-seven days liy ' Osbald patricius,' Northum- 
who was expelled and took refuge first at Lindisfarne and then at the , J?''^ revo- 
Pictish court, S. D. ii. 57. Though the Chron. ignores Osbald, the struggle 
was evidently a bloody one. Alcuin writes to Osbald himself, urging him 
to enter a monastery, as he had previously promised to do : ' ne pereas 
cum inipiis, si innocens es de sanguine domini tui. Si uero nocens in con- 
.«ensu uel consilio, confitere peccatum tuum et reconciliare Deo. . . . Cogita 
quantus sanguis per te uel per propinquos tuos regum, principum, et populi 
effusus est,' Mon. Ale. pp. 305, 306. From this it appears (i) that Osbald 
had not given up his pretensions ; (2) that Alcuin regarded him as an 
accomplice in Ethelred's death. He is, perhaps, the ' Osbaldus patricius ' 
to whom Alcuin addressed a letter jointly with Ethelred, H. & S. iii. 488- 
492; Mon. Ale. p. 184. Ultimately he took Alcuin's advice, and became not 
only monk but abbot ; he died in 799, and was buried at York, S. D. ii. 62. 

Ceolwnlf . . . Eadbald] Bishops of Lindsey (not Lindisfarne, as Fl. 
Wig.) and London. Theopold, p. 40, thinks that this entry, to be cor- 
rected like the rest to 796, really refers to their death. The words 'of 
J)aem londe aforon ' miyht easily originate in the common confusion of 
'obire ' and ' abire,' cf. p. 39, supra. If so, Ceowulfs death is entered 
again under 796. 

Ecgferp . . . forpferde] On him, see above, 785, and note. He reigned Death ot 
141 days, 755 A, ad Jin. His early death was regarded as a judgement for ••^'Siertn. 
his father's cruelties. Alcuin, writing to his successor Cenwulf, urges him 
to avoid these, and says : ' non . . . sine causa nobilissimus filius illius tarn 
paruo tempore uixit. . . . Saepe merita patris uindicantur in filios,' Mon. 
Ale. p. 353. So in a letter to a Mercian ' patrician ' : ' paterni sanguinis 
ultio in filium usque redundauit. . . . Scis . . . quam multum sanguinis 
effudit pater eius, ut filio regnum confirmaret,' ih. 350. 

Eadbryht . . . Prsen] His accession also belongs to 796. He was Eadberht 
a renegade priest, ' clericus apostata,' and represents an attempt of Kent to ^*^' 





Death of 



ravaged by 
the Danes. 

of Eard- 

Death of 
Ejanbald I. 

Eanbald II 

freeitself from the domination of Mercia, H. & S. iii. 496, 524. On Kentish 
chronology at this time, cf. W. M. II. xxii. f . ; i. 18 ; and Bede, II. 338. 

7 u^J^elheard ealdorman, E] From this point the events noted 
really belong to 794. S. D. describes ^thelheard as ' quondam dux, tunc 
autem clericus.' He died at York, ii. 56. 

Ecgfei^es mynster set Done mupe] The monastery of St. Paul at 
Jarrow, on the foundation of which see Bede, Hist. Abb. § 'j, and notes. 
Jarrow is called ' Donemu?J,' as being at the junction of the Done with the 
Tyne. Most of the editors and translators understand it to mean Wear- 
mouth (Dr. Stubbssays Tynemouth, Hoveden, I. xxxvii. 27, margin) ; and 
several of them read 'set Sone muSe,' which is impossible, as cef cannot 
govern an accusative. Mr. Stevenson is quite correct, and so is Gaimar : 
' en la buche de Don,' v. 2187 ; though his editors first misunderstand the 
Chron., and then charge Gaimar with ' error ' on the strength of their mis- 
understanding. The disaster which overtook the Danes was regarded as a 
judgement on them for the sack of Lindisfarne, S. D. ii. 56 ; i. 51, 52 ; H. H. 
p. 138 ; cf H. & S. iii. 395. Alcuin, writing to the monks of Wearmouth 
and Jarrow, after the latter event, had warned them that their turn might 
come next : ' uos maritima habitatis, unde pestis primo ingruit,' Mon. Ale. 
p. 199. 

795 E] Both the eclipse and the accession of Eardwulf belong to 796, 
Theopold, p. 72. 

hancred] ^Ifric, following Bede, divides the time from sunset to 
sunrise into seven parts, of which cockcrow is the fifth ; cited, Hampson, 
ii. 51, 66. 

V. kf. Apr.] March 28, 796, is correct for the date of the eclipse. 

EardwTilf ] Under 790 S. D. has the following strange story : ' Eardulf 
dux captus est, et ad Eipun perductus, ibique occidi iussus extra portam 
monasterii a rege [Ethelredo]. Cuius corpus fratres cum Gregorianis con- 
centibus ad eccle=iam portantes, et in tentorio foris ponentes, post mediam 
noctem uiuus est in ecclesia inuentus,' ii. 52. It is lawful to suspect some 
jugglery here. He went into exile, whence he was recalled to the throne 
in 796. The twenty-seven days of Osbald's reign (r. s. on 794) reckoned 
inclusively from A])ril 18, the date of Ethelred's death, bring us to ' ii id. 
Mail,' May 14, the date given here as the date of Eardwulf's accession. 
His coronation at York was ' in Ecclesia S. Petri, ad altare beati . . . Pauli,' 
S. D. ii. 57, 58, 376, 377; i. 52. 

796 E] On the deaths of OfTa and Ceolwulf, v. s. 794. 

7 Eanbald] Alcuin vsrrites to Arno, Bishop of Salzburg : ' obsecro ut pro 
anima Eanbaldi archiepiscopi intercedere diligenter iubeas ; quia mihi et 
pater et frater et amicus fidelissimus fuit, etiam et condiscipulus. . . . Ecce 
ego solus relictus,' Mon. Ale. pp. 323-325. He died ' in monasterio quod 
dicitur ^t Isete,' S. D. ii. 58 ; H. Y. ii. 336. 

ojjerne Eanbald] Eanbald II had been with Alcuin in 795, Mon. Ale. 

798] NOTES 65 

p. 252. Alcuin wrote to the clergy of York with reference to this election, 
warning them against simony. He also wrote several hortatory letters 
to Eanbald himself after his election, H. & S. iii. 500-505 ; Mon. Ale. 
PP- 331-339- (' xix- kt Sept.' = Aug. 14 is right for the consecration of 
Eanbald II. It was a Sunday in 796.) Alcuin urged Leo III to send 
him the pallium : ' quia ualde iUis in partibus sacri pallii auctoritas neces- 
saria est, ad opprimendam improborum peruersitatem, et sanctae ecclesiae 
auctoritatem conseruandam,' Hk 358, 359. (The reception of the pallium is 
mentioned under 797.) These troubles of Eanbald are alluded to in later 
letters, ib. 564, 623. They were due partly at least to the fact that 
Eanbald bad supported the opponents of Eardwulf, i&. 620-622 ; H. & S. 
iii. 535, 536. He seems to have had an understanding with Mercia, ih. 536, 
563—566. See an interesting life of Eanbald II in D. C. B. ii. 11-14. 

Her Ceolwulf, 7c.*] So A, D, E, F. In B, C it has been corrected Mis- 
to Cynulf. Ethelwerd has Ceolf. Fl. Wig. is right ; so is H. H., though reading, 
his editor is wrong, p. 131. The mistake is due to the fact that the next 
King of Mercia was Ceolwulf, 819, infra. 

The overrunning of Kent and capture of Eadberht Praen belong to 798. Kent sub- 
Cenwulf crowned himself King of Kent, ' imponens sibi coronam in capite, dued by 
sceptrumque in manu,' S. D. ii. 59 ; who also confirms the account given in 
F of the atrocities perpetrated on Eadberht. Ultimately Cuthred, Cenwulf's 
brother, was set up as under-king in Kent, Fl. Wig. i. 260 ; H. & S. iii. 
559. His death is mentioned infra, %o^ ( = 807). W. M. has a story that 
at the dedication of Winchcombe Abbey, Cenwulf, with the consent of 
Cuthred, released Eadberht. But it all sounds rather mythical, W. M. i. 
94, 95 ; G- I'- P- 294 ; cf. H. & S. iii. 574. 
o]} Mersc, A] This reading is peculiar to A. 

ASelard . . . sette synoU, F] On this alleged synod, v. H. & S. iii. 
516-5 1 8, 547. 

"Wiht gares] A mistake for ' Wihtredes.' 

797*. Her Romane . . . astungon] The true date is 799. For the Outrages 
phrase, cf. Oros. p. 168 : ' fa sticode him mon ])a eagan lit' ; cf. ih. 256 ; ^^ Leo III. 
jElfric, Lives, p. 458 : ' dydon him ut ];a eagan, 7 his earan forcurfon.' For 
Leo III and his relations with Charlemagne, v. D. C. B. In a letter to 
Charles, May, 799, Alcuin says : ' nonne Romana in sede . . . extrema 
impietatis exempla emerserunt ? Ipsi cordibus suis excaecati excaecauerunt 
caput proprium,' Mon. Ale. p. 464. In August he writes ; ' de apostolici 
pastoris mirabili sanitate . . . decet omnem populum Christianum gaudere,' 
ih. 485. 

Heardred, E] Bishop of Hexham, died in 800, and was succeeded by Heardred 
Eatiberht, S. D. ii. 63, whose death is mentioned below, 806. He had been ot Hexham, 
one of the consecrators of Egbert of Lindisfarne, S. D. i. 52 ; infra, 803 E. 
He was succeeded byTidfrith, the last Bishop of Hexham, G. P. pp. 255, 256 ; 
Mem. Hex. I. xxxix, 41, 42. 

II. r 




Siric, King 
of the East 




journey to 



Death of 

798 (?) F] The former part of this annal is identical with 797 E ; then 
it goes off to the bishops of Dunwich. It is curious that both at Hexham 
and Dunwich there should have been bishops named Heardred and Tidfrith 
about the same time, Stubbs, Ep. Succ.pp. 168, 181 [2nd ed. pp. 230, 244]. 
The profession of the Dunwich Tidfrith is given, H. & S. iii. 511 ; a letter 
of Alcuin to him, ib. 551 ; Mon. Ale. p. 739. 

Siric East sexana cing] Theopold, p. 89, identifies Siric with the 
' Sigricus Dux' who signs K. C. D. No. 172 ; Birch, No. 280 ; which Kemble 
marks as spurious. He was succeeded by a son Sigred, in whom the East- 
Saxon line comes to an end, Fl. Wig. i. 250. His signature is found in 
three charters, two genuine, one .spurious, K. C. D. Nos. 196-198 ; Birch, 
Nos. 335, 338, 339. 

Wihtburge lichama] The translation of St. Wihtburg is mentioned 
also by Fl. Wig. ; cf. W. M. i. 260 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 469 f. 

798 E] Heardberht, the father of Alric,maybe the Heardberht mentioned 
778 E. S. D.'s entry is as follows : ' coniuratioiie facta ab interfectoribus 
Ethelredi regis, Wada dux . . . cum eis bellum inierunt (sic) contra Eard- 
wlfum regem in loco, qui appellator ab Anglis Billingahoth, iuxta 
Walalege, et ex utraque parte plurimis interfectis Wada dux cum suis 
in fugam uersus est, et Eardwlfus rex uictoriam regaliter sumpsit ex 
inimicis,' ii. 59. Wada is mentioned in conjimction with Eanbald and 
Cenwulf in a later letter of Leo III, H, & S. iii. 563, 564. So perhaps this 
revolt also had been encouraged by Eanbald and Mercia. There is a Wada 
among the ' reges uel duces' in Lib. Vit. Dun. 

pp. 58, 59. 799*] The true date of ^thelheard's journey to Rome is 
801, Theopold, pp. 40, 41. He was accompanied not only by Cyneberht, but 
also by Torhtmund, the avenger of Ethelred of Northumbria (v.s. on 794), 
and by Ceolmund of Mercia. Alcuin wrote advising them with reference 
to their journey, and also recommended them to Charlemagne, H. & S. iii. 
532-534 ; Mon. Ale. pp. 616-622. The object of iEthelheard's journey was 
to obtain from the Pope the restoration of the rights of Canterbury. In 
this he succeeded, H .& S. iii. 536-544. Alcuin asked that Higberht 
might retain the pallium for his life, Mon. Ale. p. 269 ; but apparently he 
resigned not only the pallium but the see, if H. & S. are right in thinking 
that he is the Higberht who signs an act of the Council of Clovesho, 803, as 
a simple abbot, H. & S. iii. 545-547 ; K. C. D. No. 1024 ; Birch, No. 312. 

Cynebryht] He is not heard of again. Possibly he never returned. 
There is a letter of Alcuin to him, H. & S. iii. 482, 483 ; Mon. Ale. p. 517. 

"Wesseaxna bisc] ' Note how this title continues, in spite of the 
division of the diocese,' Earle. See on 812, infra. 

800 E. Her . . . se mona, 7c.] 800 is correct for this lunar eclipse, which 
took place on Jan. 15, at 8.30 p.m. ; i.e., as the Chronicle rightly says, ' at 
the second hour of the eve of Jan. 16.' 

Beorhtric . . . rice*] The true date of the death of Berhtric 

805] NOTES 


(' gloriosus rex,' 'nobilissime praefuit,' S. D. ii. 66, 68; 'rex piissimus,' 
Ethelw. p. 509), and of the accession of Egbert, is 802, S. D. u. 5. ; H. & S. Accession 
iii. 557 ; Hoveden, I. xciii. ; Theopold, pp. 43-49. On the significance of Egbert, 
of Egbert's accession and reign, v, F. N. C. i. 38-42. 

rad ^pelmund ... of Hwiccium] The only mention of the Hwiccas Decline of 
in the Chron. See on them, Taylor, Cotswold, pp. 4fr., 15 ff. The words Mercia. 
' of Hwiccium ' are to be taken with 'rad,' not with ' aldorman ' ; 'of 
meaning/roM, not of; see Glossary, s. vv. 'of,' 'on.' H. H. has construed 
it rightly, in spite of Mr. Arnold. This victory of the men of Wilts was 
an omen of the ultimate triumph of Wessex over Mercia. In the previous 
year (801) Eardwulf of Northumbria had invaded Mercia on account of 
Cenwulf's reception of his opponents. Peace was, however, made by the 
advice of the chief men, clerical and lay, on both sides, S. D. ii. 65. Simeon of 
From this point there is a lacuna of about half a century in S. D. And I^^rham. 
when he resumes he draws almost wholly from southern sources, Asser 
and the Chron. itself, so that we lose his invaluable help as a northern 
corrective and supplement to the southern chroniclers. 

802 E. Her . . . se mona . . . lanr.] The year 802 is correct. But Lunar 
Ian. must be a mistake for lun. There was no lunar eclipse in December eclipse, 
in any year at the beginning of the ninth century. But there was one on 

May 21 (xii Kal. lun.), 802, at 4 a.m., which is no doubt the one intended. 

Beorn mod*] The true date is 804. His predecessor, Wermund, signs Beornmod. 
an act of the Council of Clovesho in 803, which Beornmod signs as ' presby- 
ter,' H. & S. iii. 546, 547. His profession of obedience is given, ih. 550, 551. 

803 E. Ecgberht] Egbert was consecrated at By well by Eanbald, Egbert of 
Eanberht, and Bakhvulf (iii id. = June 11, was a Sunday in 803), S. D. i. ^""^is- 
52. It was to Egbert that ^thelwulf dedicated his poem ' de Abbatibus,' 

S. D. i. 265 ff. ; Dtimmler, Poetae Aeui Carol, i. 582 ff. See Addenda. 

^pelheard . . . "Wulfred*] The true date is 805. Wulfred's conse- Wulfred. 
cration was probably on August 3. On him and the chronology of his 
archiepiscopate, see H. & S. iii. 557, 5.^9-561, 563, 564, 586-588, 596-604 ; 
Theopold, pp. 34, 35 ; and Stubbs in D. C. B. iv. 1195 ff. 

Forfred . . . forpferde. A] Not in D, E, F. Probably it also belongs Abbot 
to 805. Grubitz makes him Abbot of St. Augustine's, and builds theories Eorthred. 
on the supposition, p. 14. There is no room for him among the abbots of 
St. Augustine's, and that he was a Mercian abbot is shown by the fact 
that he signs the Synod of Clovesho among the clergy of the see of 
Leicester as ' presbyter abbas/ H. & S. iii. 546, 547. He signs charters 
from 790 to 803, D. C. B. ii. 549. 

804*. Wulfred , . . pallium] Really 806. On this occasion the Eng- The pal- 
lish bishops protested against the papal attempts to force archbishops to lium. 
go to Rome for the pallium, H. & S. iii. 559-561 ; see notes to Bede, 
H. E. i. 27. 

805*] Really 807. 

r 2 





of Eard- 

Bishop of 
the West 


Cu])red cyning] On him, see 796, note. 

Ceolbiirg abbudesse] viz. of Berkeley, FI. Wig. She is mentioned in 
a charter of S04, H. & S. iii. 548, 549 ; K. C. D. No. 186 ; Birch, No. 313 ; 
and was the widow of Alderman ^Ethelmund, whose death was recorded 
under 800. See a paper by the Rev. C. S. Taylor on Berkeley Minster, 
Bristol and Gloucestershire Arcli. Trans, xix. 70 ff. 

806 E. Her se mona . . . kt Sept.] There was a total eclipse of 
the moon on September i, 806. 

Eardwulf . . . adrifen] The expulsion of Eardwulf is probably to be 
referred to the end of 807 or beginning of 808. He was succeeded 
by yEIfwold, S. D. i. 52. Eardwulf appealed in person to the Em- 
peror and Pope, and was by them restored in 808 or 809. The appeal 
and restoration are not mentioned in any native chronicle, but are 
found in Einhard's Annals and in Einhardi Fuldensis Ann. ; Pertz, i. 
195, 196, 354. Ademar, in embodying these notices, makes Northumbria 
a part of Ireland, ih. iv. 118; cf. F. N. C. i. 559-561 ; H. & S. iii. 561. 
For the correspondence between Charles and Leo III about Eardwulf, see 
ih. 562-567. Leo evidently suspected Eanbald and Cenwulf of causing 
Eardwulf's expulsion. He seems not to have survived his restoration long, 
as we find his son Eanred succeeding shortly afterwards, v. infra, p. 84. 
The Ann. Lindisf, Pertz, xix. 506, say that Eardwulf had married a 
daughter of Charles. If so, Charles' interference is explained ; but I 
know no other authority for the statement. Of the later native kings 
of Northumbria the Chronicle only mentions the two rivals Osberht and 
-(?511e, 867, infra. Hence H. H. says : ' Ardulf a suis fugatus . . . Postea 
Nordhumbri, ut apparet, insania nequitiae praeoccupati, aliquantisper sine 
rege fuerunt,' p. 136. 

Eanberht . . . for^ferde] See above on 797. 

806 F, Lat. p. 58, note 5j Identical with entries in Pertz, iv. 6 ; xv. 
1294 ; Liebermann, p. 63. 

809 F. Her seo sunne . . . -xvii. kt. Aug.] July 16, 809, is correct 
for the solar eclipse. 

812*] Really 814. 

"Wulfred] See above on 803. 

■Wigbryht "Wesseaxna bisc] Note that the title ' bishop of the 
West Saxons, ' which at 799 is given to Cyneberht of Winchester, is here 
given to Wigberht of Sherborne, the second of the two dioceses into which 
Wessex was divided at the death of Hisdde, Bede,* IT. 307. On Wig- 
berht, see D. C. B. iv. 11 76. He and Wulfred went to Rome ' pro negotiis 
Anglicanae ecclesiae,' R. W. i. 272, who has the right date. On the extra- 
ordinary corruption of the Latin entry of E, see Introduction, § 43, note. 

813*] Probably to be corrected to 815. 

gehergade Ecgbryht, /c] There is a possible allusion to this expedition 
in a letter of Dunstan to Ethelred, 980 x 988 : ' hit gelamp ])set West 

82 2] NOTES 69 

Wealas onhofon hi ongean Ecgbriht cyng, \)& ferde se cyng Jjyder/ gewylde 
hi,' Crawford Charters, p. 18, and note. Ravages of the Saxons in Wales 
proper are entered, Ann. Camb. 816, 822 ; Brut y Tywys., 817, S23. 

814*] Really 816. 

pp. 60, 61. 816 A, 815 E. Stephanu spapa] He died January 24, 817. 

forborn Ongolcynnes scolu] On this, cf. Anastasius de uitis Ponti- Burning of 

ticum (under Paschal I) : ' eodem tempore fSi/l • • • pei' quorundam tiieEnghsh 

,. \ . , ... ' .^ , . ^-n '- ,,-,,• . school at 

gentis Anglorum desidiam, ita est omni.s illorum habitatio quae m eorum jjQmg 

lingua burgus dicitur , . . combusta, ut nee uestigia pristinae habitationis 

inueniri potnissent. . . . Unde . . . ter beatissimus pastor, considerans 

illorum peregrinorum inopiam, . . . necessaria . . . omnia . . . subrainis- 

trabat,' Muratori, SS. Rer. Ital. III. i. 2 14 B. There was another great 

fire under Leo IV., ib. p. 233 B. These ' schools' were hostelries for the 

reception of pilgrims, and other nations had their ' schools ' as well as the 

English. One tradition attributed the foundation of the English school to 

Ofia, W. M. i. 109 ; another carries it back to Ine, R, W. i. 215, 216 > 

Bede, II. 281. It was near the basilica of St. Peter. 

819*] Really 821 ; v. Hoveden, I. xcvi ; Theopuld, p. 49 ; H. & S. iii. 
590 ; K. C. D. No. 214; Birch, No. 366. 

Cenwulf . . . Ceolwulf ] According to Gaimar, Cenwulf died ' el liu Death of 
de Basewerc,' r. 2240 (Basingwerk, Flintshire). Fl. Wig. calls him Cenwnlf. 
Sanctus Kenulphus, i. 65. Between the reigns of Cenwulf and his brother Legend of 
Ceolwulf, is said to come the brief reign of his son Kenelm, aged seven St.Kenelm. 
years [Keuelin, cynebearn, Hyde Reg. p. 92], murdered by contrivance of 
his sister Cwenthryth, Abbess of Winchcombe, Fl. Wig. i. 65 ; H. H. 
p. xxvi ; W. M. i. 262, 263; G. P. pp. 294, 295; R. W. i. 273-275; 
Hardy, Cat. i. 508, 509; D. C. B. iii. 601. But the whole story sounds 
most mythical, and cannot be traced back earlier than the eleventh 
century; cf. Hampson, ii. 231. Archbishop Wulfred had a long suit with 
Cwenthryth as ' filia Coenwulfi heresque illius,' for injuries done to him 
by her father. This was terminated in the Council of Clovesho, 825. 
Cwenthryth was present and signed the agreement there come to, H. & S. 
iii. 596 ff. Is it likely she would have done so, had she been known to be 
a fratricide ? And is it likely that a child of seven would ever have been 
elected to the crown ? 

821*. Ceolwulf . . . besciered] Really in 823. He was succeeded by Deposition 
Beornwulf, Fl. Wig.; H. H. ; W. M. i. 95; R. W. i. 275, who is not ofCeolwulf. 
mentioned in the Chron. till two years later. 

822*] Really 824, Theopold, p. 42 ; Hoveden, I. xcvii. Ethelwerd 
reverses the order of the two events entered here, making Burghelm and 
Muca slain at Clovesho, 'ibidem,' p. 510 B. 

senoj) . . . 8et Clofeshoo] On this, see H. & S. iii. 592-595. The Locality of 
only previous mention of Clovesho is at 742 F. The identification of Clovesho. 
Clovesho has always been a great crux. Talbot, in a note in MS. C, says 




' doctor Hethe's benyffyce.' This is Dr. Nicolas Heath, successively 
Bishop of Rochester, Worcester, and Archbishop of York, 1540, 1543, 1555. 
The benefice in question is Cliffe-at-Hoo, in Kent, near the estuary of the 
Thames. This was the prevailing view of the antiquaries of the sixteenth 
century. Later, Abingdon came into favour. Mr. Kerslake contends 
that ClifFe is right. Moreover, he would locate other meeting-places of 
councils in the same district. Cealchythe he would place, not at Chelsea, 
but at Chalk or Challock, between Higham and Gravesend ; Aclea, at 
Oakley, also near Higham. Even Theodore's Haethfeld he would identify 
with 'Hatfield or ClifFe near Rochester,' and ' Herutford ' he would place 
in the same district, which, if Clovesho is ClifFe-at-Hoo, would hang 
well together with the resolution of the latter council to meet annually in 
future at Clovesho. Mr. Kerslake supports his theory by a reference to 
the political supi-eraacy which Mercia exercised over Kent at the end of 
the eighth and beginning of the ninth century, D. C. B. iii. 603. The 
ecclesiastical supremacy of Canterbury might also be used as an argument. 
And the nearness of these places to the broad estuary of the Thames 
would make them accessible from many quarters. See the interesting 
monograph of Mr. T. Kerslake, ' Vestiges of the Supremacy of Mercia ' ; 
of. Grubitz, p. 15. 
823*] Really"^825. 

"Wala gefeoht] Two charters, dated August 19, 825, are said to have 
been drawn up : ' quando Ecgbergtus rex exercitum Gewissorum mouit 
contra Brettones ubi dicitur Cridiantreow,' K. C. D. Nos. 1033, 1035 ; 
Birch, Nos. 389, 390. ' (It may be noted how in these charters Egbert's 
' ducatus ' or Bretwaldadom is dated ten years later than his * regnum.') 
The Welsh meant are the ' West Welsh ' or Corn Welsh ; and this 
represents the final reduction of Cornwall under Wessex ; cf. F. N. C. 
i. 41. 

gefeaht . . . on Ellen dune] On this H. H. has preserved one of his 
proverbs: ' EUendune riuus cruore rubuit, ruina restitit, faetore tabuit.' 
Ethelvveid gives the name of one of those slain in the ' micel 
wsel ' : ' Hun ibi occiditur, dux prouinciae Sumorsiston, requiescitque 
nunc in urbe Uuintana,' p. 510 (yet Hun signs not only the two 
charters cited above, but also charters of 826, K. C. D. No. 1031, 1035- 
1037, 1039 ; Birch, Nos. 377, 390-392, 398). Ethelwerd calls the contest 
' ciuilia bella,' and shows the importance of it by dating other events from 
it, p. 514; cf. R. W. i. 275, who calls Egbert ' uictor funestus.' The 
sudden collapse of Mercia after its predominance under Offa and Cenwulf 
is striking. ' Mercia owed its greatness wholly to the character of its 
individual kings,' Green, C. E. p. 45 ; cf. F. N. C. i. 40. By W. M. this 
Locality of battle is placed in 826. In the small edition of the Chron. I identified 
EUendun. EHendun with Allington near Amesbury ; but the Rev. C. S. Taylor 
writes to me : ' It seems unlikely that Beornwulf would be allowed to 

Battle of 

Battle of 

823] NOTES 'Jl 

penetrate so far into Wessex. Wroughton is also called EUingdon, and 
lies just at the point where the Kidgeway crosses the Ermine Street ; the 
natural point for a West-Saxon king to resist an invasion from the north. 
Close by is Wanborough, where Ine and Ceolred fought in 715, and where 
the battle took place which led to Ceawlin's expulsion in 592. A large 
part of the modern parish of Wroughton is included in the Domesday 
manor of Elendune.' 

pa sends he ... to Cent, 70.] The reduction of Kent is placed by 
R. W. in 827 ; cf H. & S. iii. 557. 

Ealhstan his bisc] Bishop of Sherborne, where he succeeded Wigberht Ealhstan. 
in 824, v.s. on Si 2 ; K. C. D. No. 1031 ; Birch, No. 375. He is our first 0^^^'^^'°* 
instance of the fighting prelate, of whom we shall have other specimens. 
' Alchstan and Swithhun were the two props, military and civil, of 
Ethelvvulf's reign,' Earle's SwiShun, p. 27; cf. Lib. de Hyda, pp. 22, 23. 
(On fighting clerics, cf. iElfric's Pastoral Epistle, in Thorpe, Ancient Laws, 
ii. 386.) Ealhstan had evidently been on the expedition against the 
West Welsh, as he signs the two charters cited above. We find him 
defeating the Dunes at the nmutli of the Parret at 845. His death is 
given at 867, where an episcopate of fifty years is attributed to him. 
But this, though repeated by other authorities, is too long by seven 
years. See H. & S. iii. 595 ; Episc. Succ. pp. 10, 165 [2nd ed. pp. 19, 
227]. By W. M. i. 108, 109 ; G. P. pp. 175, 176, a highly coloured sketch is 
given of his activity under Egbert and ^thelwulf. But he condemns him 
to Tartarus for his aggressions on Malmesbury. 

him to cirdon] 'Submitted to him,' cf. 878, ad init. 

Jjy hie . . . anidde wserun] ' Because they had formerly been Relations 

wrongly forced away from his kin.' There is nothing in the grammar to oiitentana 

. Wessex. 

show whether these words apply to all the kingdoms named, or only 

to one or some of them. The same uncertainty runs through the 

Latin chroniclers: 'ex cuius propinquorum manibus prius extorti, ex- 

traneorum regum ditioni per aliquot annorum curricula inuiti sunt 

subacti,' El. Wig. i. 66; cf. W. M. i. 107. By H. H. the reference is 

explained of the expulsion of Eadberht Prsen (above, 796) : ' quos prius 

cognatus suus Pren iniuste amiserat,' p. 132 ; ' sed de cognatione eius cum 

Egberto adhuc quaerendum,' M. H. B. ad loo. But in the reference to 

Kent I believe he is right. That is the main subject of the preceding 

sentence, Surrey, &c., being thrown in parenthetically. This assertion of 

a hereditary claim on the part of Wessex has caused much difficulty. 

The key is apparently to be found in a little-noticed entry in F and a at 

784 : ' Then Ealhmund was king in Kent. He was Egbert's father, who 

was ^Ethelvvulf's father.' What authority this rests on I do not know. 

There is a grant of ' Ealmundus rex Canciae' to Reculver, K. C. D. 

No. 1013 ; Birch, No. 243. The date is 784, so that the entry in F under 

that year may be made up from the charter. If the establishment of 




houses of 


anil Essex. 

Death of 

Death of 

Ingild's line of the West-Saxon house in Kent is a fact, it cannot have 
lasted long ; as it must be placed between the death of Ethelbert II, 760 
( = 762), and the accession of Eadberht Prsen, who was dethroned in 796 
( = 798). On the state of Kent at this time, see W. M. II. xxiii. 

SuJ) Seaxe] The last ruler of Sussex who signs as king is Ethelbert, 
c. 774, K. C. D. No. loio ; Birch, No. 211. In 780 and 791 grants are 
made by Oslac and Aldwulf respectively, with the style of ' dux 
Suthsaxonum,' K. C. D. Nos. 1012, 1015, 1016 ; Birch, Nos. 237, 
261, 262. 

East Seaxe] Since the slaughter of Selred, 746, supra, Siric is the 
only East-Saxon king mentioned in the Chron. See on 798 F. W. M. 
makes Selred's successor, Swithaed or Swithred, the king who submitted 
to Egbert, i. 99 ; i. e. he gives him a reign of nearly eighty years ! Fl. Wig. 
admits that there were ' reges pauci ' between Swithred and the submission 
of Essex, but he cannot give their names, i. 263, 264. We have seen that 
Siric was succeeded by Sigred. He signs as 'rex' in 811, afterwards as 
' subreguliis ' ; so that up to 811, Essex seems to have retained some 
shadow of royalty, K. C. D. Nos. 196-198; Birch, Nos. 335, 338-340, 
373. His last signature seems to be in 823, so that he probably disappeared 
after this submission to Egbert, unless he is to be found among the Sigereds 
who sign a little later with the title of ' dux.' 

East Engla cyning . . . for Miercna ege] The East Angles had 
a special reas(m for hating Mercia, in the murder of their King Ethelbert, 
above, 792. 

gesohte Ecgbryht . . . him to fripe] Cf. Oros. p. 228 : 'he siji])an 
gesohte Eomane him to fri])e.' 

slogon . . . Beornwulf] This probably belongs to 82 6, H. & S. iii. 



7 ; so E. W. i. 


/ho says that Beornwulf had been trying to get 

of Wiglaf. 

possession of East Anglia ever since the time of Offa. 

825*. Ludecan . . . cyning] He is probably the ' Ludeca dux 'who 
signs at the Council of Clovesho in 824, K. C. D. No. 218 ; Birch, Nos. 
378, 379. He fell in trying to avenge Beornwulf's death on the East 
Angles, according to Fl. Wig. i. 66, 67 ; W. M. i. 95, 96, 107 ; ASN. ; 
while E. W. makes him slain by Egbert, i. 276. Possibly both views 
are mere inferences from the Chron. The true date is probably 828, 
H. & S. u. s. ; Hoveden, I. xcvii. Gaimar treats ' Burnulf and ' Lutecan ' 
as contemporary and rival kings, vv. 2282 ff. 

Wiig laf] W. M. calls him Wihtlaf ; so Ethel werd, p. 510; but he is 
Wiglaf in K. C. D. No. 227 ; Birch, No. 400. 

827*. Her mona . . . niht] The true date of this eclipse is Dec. 25, 
828; i.e. 829 according to the sj'stem which begins the year with 
Christmas, Tlieopold, p. 21. 

ge eode . . . Miercna rice] According to E. W. i. 276, followed by 
H. & S. u. s., Wiglaf was expelled almost immediately on his accession, 

829] NOTES 73 

and was in exile three years. W. M. also says that he was expelled ' in 
initio regni,' i. 96. Fl. Wig. i. 67, and H. H. p. 133, imply that his first 
reign lasted two years, and that he was only now expelled in 827 ( = 829). 
This may be merely an inference from the Chron., but it is more likely to 
be right than R. W. 

7 he wses se eahtepa eyning, 70.] This is based on Bede, H. E. ii. 5, 
where see notes. H. H. adds to the list Alfred and Edgar, p. 52. 

Bretwalda, A ; Bryten wealda, E] I am unable to accept Kemble's The Bret- 
argument, Saxons, ii. 8 ff., that ' brytenwealda ' is to be taken as meaning ^aldas. 
simply ' wide ruler,' though it is supported by the high authority of 
Prof. Earle, Charters, pp. 473, 474. Anyhow, whatever its original signifi- 
cation, it was certainly interpreted as meaning ' Wielder of Britain ' ; thus 
'rector totius huius Brittanie insule ' is translated ' brytsenwalda eallses 
i5yses Iglandes,' Earle, a. s. p. 360 ; Birch, Nos. 705, 706 ; K. C. D. No. 
mo. Again, we have the late form ' welding Brytone,' i7). No. 11 19; Birch, 
No. 738 ; cf. F Lat. here : 'octauus rex qui rexit Bryttanniam.' 

Norpan hymbre . . . him . . . eapmedo budon] ' Regem Eandredum Submission 
statuit [Egberctus] sub tributo,' R. W. i. 277. That Northumbria, after of North- 
so many years of anarchy, should have submitted easily, is not surprising ; "™*^"''' 
cf. Gaimar, vi\ 2349 ^- '• 

' A Everwch fu receuz 
Ore fu reis e North e Suth.' 

The reduction of Wales, mentioned in the nest entry, completed the and Wales. 
process : 'totius insulae pene nactus est monarchiam,' W. M. i. 2 ; cf. ib. 
loi, 102 : ' legnorum uarietates ad uniforme dominium, seruans unicuique 
proprias leges, uocauit ' ; and a curious and interesting passage on the 
monarchy of England in Rudborne, Ang. Sac. i. 198. But the work was 
soon more than undone by the inroads of the Danes. 

pp. 62, 63. 828*. Her eft 'Wilaf onfeng] Wiglaf was restored as Eestora- 
tributary king under Wessex, not earlier than Sept. 2, 830, as a document ti^P o^' 
of Sept. I, 831, is dated ' anno primo secundi regni mei,' K. C. D. No. 227 ; ^^^laf- 
Birch, No. 400; Hoveden, u. s.; H. & S. u. s.; W. M. i. 96, 107 ; R. W. 
i. 277. 

JEjjelwald bisc] Of Lichfield ; cf. H. & S. iii. 608. ^fSelbald, D, E, F 

Ecgbryht . , . TiTorJj Walas] W. M. makes Egbert's reduction of the Eeduction 
North Welsh a following up of his defeat of the West Welsh, 823, supra: of Wales, 
'quibus subiugatis, Aquilonales Brilannos qui a praedictis brachio maris 
diuiduntur, tributaries fecit,' i. 106. See, however, on 853 A. 

829*] From 829 to 839 the eiTor in the Chronology amounts to three 
years, Theopold, p. 51. We have already noted this as regards single 
entries under 823, 825. 

Felogild aW . . . .iii. kt Sepi., F] The election and consecration of Consecra- 
Felogild as archbishop are mentioned only in this insertion of F. That *^*^" ^^'-^ 




death of 


of heathen 

Battle of 

and Here- 

these events belong to 832 is shown by the fact that 'v id. lun.' (June 91 
was a Sunday in 832; cf. H. & S. iii. 557, 558; Theopold, pp. 35, 36. 
Felogild's death as simple abbot is given by the other MSS. under 830 ; 
it really took place Aug. 30, 832 ; cf. Liebermann, p. 64. Possibly he 
was not reckoned among the archbishops, as not having received the 
pallium. He signs Kentish charters from 803 to 825. If, as H. & S. 
think, he was a Canterbury abbot, he must have belonged to Christ 
Church, as Wernoth was Abbot of St. Augustine's at tliis time. Thorn, 
CO. 1775, 1776 ; Elmbam, pp. 14, 15 (against Gruhitz, p. 14). See Addenda. 

830*. Ceolnop] His election and consecration probably belong to 833, 
H. & S. iii. 610, 611. The day of his election, June 29, only in F Lat. 
He was consecrated Aug. 27, Gervase, ii. 348 ; Liebermann, p. 64, though 
this was not a Sunday in any year between 831 and 836. 

831*, 832*] Probably 834, 835. 

heepne men] It is noteworthy that in a Kentish will of about this 
time leaving certain rents to St. Augustine's, Canterbury, express pro- 
vision is made for the ease that in some years payment may be impossible 
'J)urh hsejien folc,' Birch, ii. 106, 107. So a little later, in Alfred's Laws, 
one of the causes which excuse the failure to return entrusted property is : 
' ^ hit here name,' Thorpe, i. 52 ; Schmid, p. 62. 

833*] The true date is possibly 836, Theopold, p. 42. 

gefeaht . . . wij) -xxxv- scip hleesta] The xxv of D, E, F is a mere slip. 
From the word ' scip hlaesta ' here and in 840, Robertson argues that the 
fight was on land, and that 851 was the first naval victory, E. K. S. ii. 
437. But this is more than doubtful ; in 875 and 882 the same phrase 
is used where it must refer to naval fights, and in Oros. p. 178, ' xx.k 
sciphlsestra ' translates ' cum triginta nauibus.' 

/HereferJ) . . . aldormen forpferdon] H. & S., following!?.. W. i. 278, 
regard the two bishops and the two aldermen as slain in the battle of 
Charmouth ; and this is perhaps the view of H. H. p. 133 (they are not 
mentioned by Ethelw., Fl. Wig., or W. M.). ' ForSferan ' is not commonly 
used of any but a natural death, though it is sometimes ; cf. on 946 A. 
There is a difficulty about the two bishops ; Wigthegn and Hereferth 
were both bishops of Winchester ; they occur as fourteenth and fifteenth 
respectively in Fl. Wig.'s lists, i. 235 (so Hyde Eegister, p. 18). Dr. 
Stubbs conjectures that Hereferth may have been coadjutor to Wigthegn, 
Ep. Succ. pp. 10, II, 161 [ed. 2, pp. 18, 19, 223] ; H. & S. iii. 570, 571, 
595) 59^) ^^Z- Tlie form ' WigferS ' for ' Wig])egn ' in D, E, F is a mere 
slip due to the preceding ' HereferS.' Instead of Wigthegn, R. W. i. 278 
has Sighelm of Sherborne, who lived just a century later. This may be 
some measure of the value attaching to R. W. See also Theopold, p. 70, 
for a very unfavourable opinion of R. W. Wigthegn signs both, and 
Hereferth one, of the charters which Egbert issued on his expedition 
against the West Welsh ; above, 823. Possibly they too, like Ealhstan, 

836] NOTES 75 

were fighting bishops ; and this might favour the view that they fell in 
battle. If this was their character they bore singularly appropriate names, 
' War-thane ' and ' Army-spirit.' 

835*] This union of the Danes and Welsh is very significant. Nor is Danes and 
it wonderful, considering how OfFa had cut short the North W^elsh ; cf. Welsh. 
Z. N. V. pp. 64, 65, 76, 77 ; a subject on which the Chron. is silent. The 
Scandinavian inroads seem to have revived in the Celtic population the 
hope of throwing off the Saxon yoke ; cf. G, C. E. pp. 67, 77, 80 ; F. N. C. 
i. 41, 42. A seems almost to break into verse on approaching Egbert's 
great victory : ' ]7a he ))8et hierde, 7 mid fierde ferde.' C keeps this feature 
almost intact. In B it is obscured, and in D, E, F is wholly lost. The 
usual correction of two or three years should probably be made. 

836*. Ecgbryht . . , forpferde] The true date is 839, H. & S. iii. 612, 
624, 625 ; Theopold, pp. 30, 31, 43-49. 

afliemed •iii- gear] We must read xiii for iii, as Lappenberg saw, i. 270 ; Egbert's 
E. T. ii. I ; i. e. 787-800, according to the chronology of the Chronicle, exile. 
The mistake runs through all our MSS. of the Chron., for the significance 
of which fact see Introduction, § 100, note. For some interesting remarks 
on Egbert's exile, v. W. M. i. 105, 106. 

feng Ejjelwulf] In G. P. there is a story that he was educated by Accession 
Swithhun for the Church, and ordained subdeacon, but received a dispen- of ^heU 
sation from Leo IV, because there was no other heir, pp. 160 f. ; cf. Lib. ^"^ " 
de Hyda, pp. 21, 22. The last statement is false; there was Athelstan 
(see below) ; Leo IV did not become Pope till 847, and the whole tale 
is a myth. Some MSS. of H. H. make ^^thelwulf Bishop of Winchester ! 
So Hoveden, i. 33 ; R. W. i. 293. That he may have been a pupil of 
Swithhun's is both intrinsically and on chronological grounds quite pos- 
sible ; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 68. One of Swithhun's biographers says: 'rex 
Athulfus . . . Swithunum altorem et doctorem suum . . . solitus erac 
nominare, 2it in quibusdam sciiptis ipsius regis repperimus^ Earle's 
SwiShun, pp. 68, 69. No grants of ^thelwulf to Swithhun seem to be 
in existence, so that there are no means of testing this interesting 

he salde his suna ^pelstane, A ; ^'Selstaii his o'Ser sunu feng, E] Athelstan 
The reading of D, E, F makes Athelstan Egbert's son ; that of A, B, C '^^^^^'■-^^"S 
seems to make him .^thelwulf's son ; and so it was understood by Fl. Wig. ' 

i. 69 ; W. M. i. 108 ; II. xl. f. ; Ethelwerd, p. 511 ; cf. ib. 514 B, where, 
enumerating the sons of .^thelwulf, he says : ' primus Ethelstanus qui et 
regnum obtinuerat simul cum patre suo ' ; R. W. makes him an illegitimate 
son of ^thelwulf, i. 279. But I believe the real meaning of A to be 
identical with that of E ; 'he salde ' refers to Egbert in the sense given 
byH. H. : ' regnum Cantiae Adelstano moriens reliquit,' p. 171. Athel- 
stan is mentioned, 851, infra, as king, and nowhere else : ' quando et quo 
fine defecerit incertum,' W. M. i. 108. He signs charters as 'rex' from 






Death of 
Herbert of 

The Danes 
I^taples, &c 

battle of 

Battle at 

841 to 850. (He seems to sign charters of 873, 874, Birch, Nos. 536, 
538, but the signatures have evidently been transferred from earlier 
documents.) He died before 855, as then, if not earlier, ^thelwulf seems 
to have made his son, Ethelbert, King of Kent, see below, p. 82 ; the 
passage cited above from Ethelwerd also points to his having died before 

Cantwara rice, 7c.] At some time after the expulsion of Baldred, 823 
( = 825), the districts which then submitted were formed into a sub-liingdom, 
which was held as an appanage of Wessex ; cf. F. N. C. i. 40. .Ethelwulf 
held this till Egbert's death, when it was transferred to Athelstan. In 
D, E, F Essex is omitted through homoioteleuton, which shows that the 
'East Seaxna 7-ice^ of B, C is the original reading. 

837*. Wulf heard] The date is probably 840 ; Wulfheard certainly 
signs as late as 838, K. C. D. No. 239 ; Birch, No. 418 ; Theopold, p. 43. 

838 A] This annal is very corrupt in D. It is omitted by E and by 
Gaimar. H. H. has it, but he may have got it from C. 

Here bryht aldor mon] Of Mercia ; there is a coin of his figured in 
Numismatic Chron. vi. 163. He signs certainly as late as 839, K. C. D. 
No. 241 ; Birch, No. 426. The date is probably 841. 

pp. 64,65. 839*. Cwantawie, A ; Cantwic, E] The mention of this 
between London and Rochester lends plausibility to C's reading ' Cant- 
warabyrig,' followed by H. H. p. 140 (Gaimar omits it altogether). 
Cantwic or Cwantawie is St. Josse-sur-mer (S. lodocus), or Etaples ; on 
which see Bede, H. E. iv. i, note ; Nennius, § 37. That this is right is 
shown by the following entries : ' 842. Ea tempestate Normannorum classis 
in emporio, quod Quantouicus dicitur, . . . adeo debacchati sunt, ut nihil 
in eo praeter aedificia pretio redempta relinquerent,' Prudentii Trecensis 
Annales; Pertz, i. 439, or Bouquet, vii. 61 ; cf. Nithardi Hist. '842.Nort- 
manni Contwig depraedati sunt,' Pertz, ii. 669. This also shows that we 
have still to correct the chronology by three years. On the importance of 
Cwantawie, cf. Steenstrup, Vikiuger, p. 41. 

on Hrofes ceastre] From Rochester Gaimart akes the Danes to Sand- 
wich, where there is another great battle, in which the Kentishmen are 
defeated. This cannot be identified with the battle of Sandwich in 851, as 
Mr. Martin thinks, for Gaimar has that also in its right place ; and in that 
the Kentishmen were victorious. 

840*] ' This Annal looks rather like a repetition of 833, but both are 
found in all the Chronicles, Saxon and Latin,' Earle. See on this point, 
Theopold, p. 61 ; as to the Chronology, ib. 61-65. Theopold would 
identify this battle with one mentioned by Prudentius Trecensis under 844, 
in which the 'Nortmanni ' defeated the ' Angli-Saxones,' Pertz, i. 441, or 
Bouquet, vii. 63. I am inclined to agree with him, though Lappenberg, 
Pauli, and Steenstrup, Vikinger, p. 42, take a ditferent view. 

845*] Similarly, Theopold, m. $., identifies this battle with a defeat of the 

851] NOTES 77 

Northmen, placed by Prudentius under 850, Pertz, i. 445 or Bouquet, the mouth 

vii. 66 ; Steenstrup again opposing, ti. s. p. 43. 2, ® 

Eanulf, A ; Earnulf, E] The charters are decisive in favour of A's _ 
J. i.T-.i.T,,i •. , ■. Eanwulf. 

reading ; and so is Jithelwerd, both here and also p. 513 A, where he says 

that Eanwulf died in 867, and was buried at Glastonbury. Ethelwerd uses 

this battle of PedredanmuOa also as a date to reckon from ; cf. on 823, 


851*] From this point (owing in part to the occurrence of blank annals Truechron- 
in the Chronicle between 845 and 851' the true chronology is restored, ology 
Theopold,pp. 6off. ' resumed. 

Note the difference in the order of events in A as against B, C, D, E. Peculiari- 
Fh Wig. follows B and C, except that he (like Asser and ASN.) has ^esof MS. 
Sheppey in the place of Thanet (S omits the place altogether; on Thanet, 
see Bede II. 10, 41). Ethelwerd diflfers from both. The present com- 
mentary follows the order of S. 

Note also that from this point there are frequent omissions in S, showing 

that it is a rather careless copy of an older original. 

set Wicgan beorge] Sometimes identified with Wembury. Mr. David- 
son, in a letter to Professor Earle, suggests Weekaborough, four miles from 
Torbay, which certainly in form is nearer to the text ; though I have not 
succeeded in finding the place. 

-ffijjelstan cyning] See above, on S36. 

7 Lunden burg, A] Note the omission of these words in D, E, F, and 

Beorhtwulf Miercna cyning*] The Chronicle does not give the date of Chronologj- 
his accession and Wiglaf 's death. H. & S., on the strength of certain ^^ ^Ji^^^' 
documents of Berhtwulf's reign, would fix the date to 839, iii. 612. reign. 
Florence gives the date as 838, i. 69 ; adding that Wiglaf died in the 
thirteenth year of his reign, ib. 266. Beckoned from the Chron.'a and 
Florence's (incorrect) date of 825 ( = 828) for Wiglaf s first accession, this 
is consistent. W. M. gives Wiglaf and Berhtwulf each a reign of thirteen 
years, which reckoned from 825 is also consistent, i. 96. See above on 
827, 828. Now, as Fl. Wig.'s date for Wiglafs death and Berhtwulfs 
accession, 838, is not taken from the Chronicle, it does not follow that it 
requires correction as do the dates which come from that source. Nor are 
the documents cited by H. & S. really inconsistent with it. The only one 
which seems to be so is K. C. D. No. 247 ; Birch, No. 432, which is dated 
Christmas, 841, in Berhtwulfs third year. But if the year begins with 
Christmas Day, this would really be what we should call 8.^0. Berhtwulf 
died in 852, Fl. Wig. i. 73. Florence is inconsistent with himself in 
saying (ib. 267) that this was in the thirteenth year of his reign, for if his 
accession was in 838 no part of 852 could fall into his thirteenth year. 
The date 852 is, however, confirmed, not only by what is said below, that 
his successor, Burgred, had been ' about twenty-two years ' on the throne at 





Battle of 



' graefa.' 

the time of his expulsion in 874, but also by two charters of Burgred, in one 
of which (K. C. D. No. 299 ; Birch, No. 524) 869 is called his seventeenth 
year, which shows that he cannot have succeeded earlier than 852 ; while 
in another (K. C. I). No. 290 ; Birch, No. 509) July 25, 864, is said to be 
in his thirteenth year, which shows that he must have succeeded before 
July 25, 852. Sa^thryth, Berhtwulf s queen, signs all his genuine charters ; 
in two, K. C. D. Nos. 242, 258 ; Birch, Nos. 428, 450, a son, Berhtric, 
also appears. 

JEpelbald his sunu] He signs as ' filius regis ' (in one case ' Dux, 
filius regis,' K. C. D. 1049 ; Birch, No. 549) from 847 to 850, and then not 
again during his father's reign. 

set Aclea] Ockley, Surrey. Professor Earle points out to me an entry 
in the Rituale Eccl. Dun. S. S. p. 1S5 : ' be suSan Wudigan Gaete [prob. 
= Newdigate] set Aclee on West Ssexum,' which makes it probable that 
this is also the Aclea of the Synods, K. C. D. Nos. 151, 186, 190, 256, 
1031; Bird), Nos. 251, 313, 322, 377, 445. Note, however, a different 
theory of Mr. Kerslake cited on S22. 

op f>isne /weardan dseg, A] Note this touch of nearly contemporary 
writing in A, B, C. In D, E this is weakened and made more general. 
It agrees with the importance assigned here to this battle that Ethel werd 
uses it also as a date to reckon from, p. 514 E. 

852 E] Another of the Peterboi-ough insertions. In the signatures, 
' Ceolred sercefe,' is of course a mistake for Ceolnoth ; ' Cenred' is a mistake 
for Ceolred (of Leicester). The other signatories are Tunberht of Lich- 
field, Alhun of Worcester, Berhtred of Lindsey. The original charter is 
K. C. D. No. 267 ; Birch, No. 464. 

twself folJur grsefan] I borrow the following from Napier and Steven- 
son's notes to the Crawford Charters: — 'The word "grSfa, -e " (weak 
masc. or fem. ?) appears to mean " bush, bramble, brushwood, thicket, 
grove." We have noted the following instances of its occurrence : 
Wiilker, Glossaries, i. 406, 526, " frondosis dumis " = " ])sem gehilmdum 
graefum"; ih. 517 "per dumos="J)urh graefan"; ib. 225 "dumas" = 
" spinas uel grsefe " (have we here a strong fem. " grSf " ?) ; Birch, ii. 364 
(original charter, A.D. 931) *' on Sa blacan grsefan" (either ace. sing, 
fem. or ace. plur.) ; ih. iii. 655 (Codex Winton.) " on hincstes grefan, of 
hincstes grafan . . . on ])onne mearcgrefan." The same word is found once 
in the Ormulum (1. 9210) : — 

"7 whserse iss all unnsmepe gett ])urrh bannkess 7 Jjurrh grsefess, 
7 sharrp 7 ruhh 7 gatelaes Jiurrh J)orrness 7 ])urrh breress, 
])aer shulenn beon ridinngess nu, 7 effne 7 smej)e wejjess." 
The context shows that close impenetrable thickets are here meant. The 
same word occurs frequently throughout the ME. period in the form 
" greve," meaning " grove, wood " : cf. Chaucer's Knight's Tale, 

853] ^OTES 79 

" And with his stremes dryeth in the greves 
The silver dropes, hanging on the leves." 
Palsgrave, 1530, gives " greave or busshe, boscaige," and this form sur- 
vived until Elizabethan times. As a suffix it still exists in Sheffield local 
names. The word is probably related to the OE. " graf " masc. neut., which 
occurs in the charters, and wliich survives as NE. " grove," ' p. 61. Pro- 
fessor Earle, who in his own edition of the Chronicle gave a different 
explanation of the word, writes : ' The wood and faggots may well have 
been wanted for repairing the dykes in the fens ; cf. Paston Letters, ed. 
Gairdner, i. 252 : "be war ther leve no firsis in the deke that ye reparre, 
and that the wode be mad of fagot, and leyd up forthwoth as it is fellid for 
taking away." ' 

853 A, 852 E. NorJ) Walas] R. W. i. 288 calls them ' Mediterraneos Reduction 
Britones,' perhaps as being intermediate between the Cornish and Strath- ofWales. 
Clyde Britons. This shows that the hold of Wessex on Wales (828, swpra) 
had not been maintained. 

sende . . . Alfred ... to Rome, A] Tliat Alfred was sent to Eome at this Alfred sent 
time, 853, there is no doubt ; see \V. M. II. xli ff., where Dr. Stubbs cites ^"^ Kome. 
a letter of Leo IV to .^thelwulf : ' filium uestrum Erfred . . . benigne 
suscepimus, et quasi spiritalem filium consulatus cingulo, honore uestimen- 
tisque, ut mos est Romanis consulibus, decorauimus, eo quod in nostris se 
tradidit manibus,' MS. Add. 8873, No. 31. Compare Stephen IV's words 
to Carloman in 77° • ' Obnixe quaesumus ut de . . . regali uestro ger- 
mine ... in nostris ulnis ex fonte sacri baptismatis, aut etiam per 
adorandi chrismatis unctionem, spiritalem suscipere ualeamus filium,' 
Mansi, xii. 699 ; R. P. p. 201. The ' spiritalis filius ' here = the ' biscep- 
sunu ' of the Chron. ; cf. Asser, p. 488 : ' ad manum epi?copi in filium 
confirmationis acceptus ' ; so : ' filius a chrismate . . . ut niodo sub manu 
episcopi solemus, accipientes paruulos, filios nominare,' Etlielw. p. 511. 
[On sponsors at Confirmation, r. Bede, II. 383.) All this shows tliat con- 
firmation by the Pope is meant. But English writers regarded it as a royal 
unction, Chron. (here) ; Ethelw. u. s. ; Asser, p. 470 ; Fl. Wig. i. 74 ; 
H. H. p. 141 ; W. M. i. 109. 

There has been much discussion as to the date of Alfred's birth, Stubbs, Date of 
M. s. It seems to have been overlooked that the date is fixed by the f^^^^'^ 
genealogical Preface to MS. S. of the Chron., a strictly contemporary 
authority, which says that he was ' turned ' twenty-three at his accession ' 
in 871, i. 4. This fixes his birth to 84S. He was therefore five years old at 
the time of his first visit to Rome. (Napier's text of this document reads 
xxii for xxiii, but is less ancient than S ; and Sweet's copy, Earliest 
Texts, which is the most ancient of all, also reads xxiii.) 

Alfred went again to Rome with his father in 855, Asser, u. s. ; infra Second 
sub anno; and it is to this journey that the spurious charter (Birch, Ji'^"®y*° 
No. 493 ; K. C. D. No. 1057; cf. ih. iv. 176) refers the royal unction; 





of tlie 




journey to 


so E. W. i. 290, 291, who makes tliis unction of Alfred as king, 
to the exclusion of his elder brothers, one of the main causes of ^thel- 
bald's revolt (see notes to 855). F 855 represents Alfred as being at 
Rome when his father died (Jan. 858) ; on the news of which event 
Leo anointed him king, and also confirmed him, i. 67. The object of 
this is to make the royal unction more probable. But Leo IV died 
in 855. 

pp. 66, 67. geaf . . . his dohtor] This is J^thelswith, whose death 
occurs below, 888; see also on 874. She is mentioned as 'queen' in a 
Wessex document of 854. She signs Mercian charters from 855-872. 
We find a place in Hants called ' ^])elswiSe tuninga lea ' in a charter of 
948 (K. C. D. No. 1 163; Birch, No. 865). This may have been one of 
her dowry estates. According to Asser the marriage took place at Chip- 
penham, p. 470 B. 

855*. Her haepne men] ' Scilicet Dani et Frisones,' Ann. Lindisf. ; 
Pertz, xix. 506. 

serest . . . ofer winter seetun] But an earlier wintering has been 
mentioned, 851, supra. These winterings ' mark the transition from the 
first to the second period of their invasions,' F. N. C. i. 45. A Mercian 
charter of this very year is dated ' quando fuerunt pagani in Wreocen- 
setun,' K. C. D. No. 277 ; Birch, No. 487 ; i. e. ' the dwellers round the 
Wrekin in Shropshire,' Eev, C. S. Taylor, The Danes in Gloucestershire, 
p. 10. 

gebocude . . . teopan dael his londes] The difficult subject of 
^■Ethelwulf's donation cannot be discussed here; see on it, H. & S. iii. 
631, 632, 636-648; Kemble, Saxons, ii. 481-490; W. M. i. 118-120; 
Earle's SwiShun, p. 70 ; Charters, p. Ixxiii. Professor Maitland suggests 
that it may be partly explained as an early case of ' beneficial hidation,' 
i.e. the rating of land for fiscal purposes at a lower number of hides than 
it really contained, Domesday, p. 496, note. 

ferde to Borne] 855 is correct for ^thelvvulf's journey to Eome, 
H. & S. iii. 611, 612. As early as the year of his accession, 839, he had 
formed the plan, and had sent an embassy to the emperor to prepare the 
way, ib. 621. He took Alfred with him (v. s.), and remained at Eome 
a year. His visit is mentioned by Anastasius in his life of Benedict III, 
Muratori, SS. III. i. 251, where a list of his offerings is given; cf. the 
charter cited above. Eeturning to the Imperial Court in July, 856, he 
mairied Judith, the daughter of Charles the Bald, on Oct. i. The motive 
was to secure the co-operation of the Franks against the wikings, whose 
attacks affected both kingdoms. Judith was a mere child of twelve or 
thirteen. This may explain, though it does not justify, her subsequent 
marriage with ^thelbald, which does not rest merely on the authority of 
Asser. It is not mentioned by the Chronicler either here or under 885 ; 
Asser, Fl. Wig., and ASN. condemn it, in identical terms ; Hoveden calls 

855I NOTES 81 

it ' iiifame scelus,' i. 37 ; cf. R. W. i. 294, who says that in 859 ^thelbald 
dismissed Judith and did penance, ih. 295 ; while Eudborne adds that 
tliis was done by the persuasion of Swithhun, Ang. Sac. i. 204; but 
there is no early authority for this, though Diimmler, ut infra, accepts it. 
The marriage is mentioned also by several foreign chronicles, Pruden- 
tius Trecensis, Pertz, i. 451 ; Hincmar, ih. 456; Flodoardus Remensis, 
ib. xiii.488, who makes ^thelwulf and .^thelbald identical : ' ludith . . . 
Ediluulfo . . . qui et Edilboldus . . . copulata.' This is probably from 
a wish to cover up the scandal, as he follows Hincmar pretty closely, 
lohannes Longus, while taking his account of the marriage mainly from 
\V. M. i. 122, adds: 'nee regis facinus uidebatur Anglici.s esse graue. 
quibus Dei cultus multum erat incognitus.' ib. xxv. 768. For Judith's 
later history, see ih. i. 456, 462 ; Bouquet, vii. 387, 388, 391, 397 ; Diiimn- 
ler, Gesch. d. ostfrank. Eeiches, ed. i, i. 478; ed. 2, ii. 37, 38. She is 
a person of some interest in the history of literature ; see Bade, II. 249 ; 
cf. Gaimar, v. 3346 : ' unke dame n'out mieldre doctrine.' 

sefter pam to his leodum cuom, A] Into the account of .lEthelwulf's ^thel- 
returu Asser inserts (rather awkwardly) a story, copied by later writers ^"^^ ^ '"''■ 
(e. ^. W. M. i. 117, 118 ; G. P. p. 176), of aconspiracy of hisson^thelbald, 
Ealhstan, Bishop of Sherborne, and Eanwulf, Alderman of Somerset, to conspiraf\\- 
exclude ^-Ethelwulf from the kingdom ; who, sooner than occasion a civil against 
war, accepted the Eastern sub-kingdom. Kent and its appendages, leaving ^■^'^• 
Wessex to ^^ilthelbald. This sounds very mythical ; and seems flatly to 
contradict the simple and expressive words of the Chron. as to the joy of 
.lEthelwulf's subjects at his return: 'his gefaegene waerun ' (the same 
words used of Alfred, S78 suh Jin. i. 76, 77), though those words may 
indicate that there had been trouble in his absence. 

ymb -ii. gear . . . gefor*] Jan. 13, 858, Fl. Wig. i. 78 ; H. & S. iii. 611, His death. 
6i2 ; so that the Chron. 's 'two years' from the return from Rome is 
rather too long, and Ethel ward's 'post annum,' p. 512, is nearer the 

lip set "Wintan ceastre] The ASN. say that he was buried at Stoning- His burial, 
ham (Steyning), and it is hard to see why the less known place should be 
substituted for the more familiar. Steyning was a royal ' ham ' ; see 
Alfred's Will, K. C. D. No. 314 ; Birch, No. 553. 

Ond. se .ffipelwulf, jc, A] The carrying up of the pedigree to Adam Pedigree 

marks the desire to connect the national history with universal history in earned up 

to Aojun 
the person of the universal father, S. C. S. iii. 91 : 'sicut Lucam euangelis- 

tam a Domino lesu factitasse cognouimus,' W. M. i. 120, who, contrary to 

his wont, inserts this pedigree: ' quanquam timendum sit ne barbari- 

corum noniinum hiatus uulneret aures desuetorum in talibus ' (to the 

same effect in his life of Wulfstan, Ang. Sac. i. 254); cf. Nennius, pp. 

15, 16, 64. So Ailred of Rievaulx carries Henry II's genealogy up to 

Adam, Hardy, Cat. ii. 250; cf. ib. 265. William the Lion's pedigree is 

II. G 


carried up to Noah, P. & S. p. 145 ; cf. ib. 332. The pedigrees of British 
saints and princes aro carried up, some to relatives of the Virgin Mary, 
Cambro-British Saints, pp. 21, 81, 82, 144; Y Cymmrodor, ix, 170; 
others to Roman emperors, ib. 176, 177. 

A British Beaw Sceldwaing] It is noteworthy that after Beaw the Liber de 

pedigree. Hyda diverges, and gives Alfred a British pedigree : ' Beawius qui fuit 
Ebrauci qui condidit ciuitatem Eboracum ; et sic iste princeps inter mille 
nominatissimus Alfredns de natione uenit Britonum, et sic de nobili san- 
guine Troianorum,' pp. 28, 29. 

Legend of Sceafing. id est Alius Woe, B, C] On the omission of these links in 
■ the pedigree by A, on the West Saxon genealogy generally, and on Sceaf, 

see notes to the genealogical Preface, p. 4, supra. For the significance of the 
insertion of the pedigree here, see Introduction, § 107, note. Both W. M., 
u. s., and Ethelwerd, p. 512, insert the legend of Sceaf in slightly different 
forms ; cf. W. M. i. 121, note. For a most curious and interesting story 
illustrating the survival of the Scjld and Sceaf myth, see Chron. Ab. i. 89 ; 
II. xl, xli ; Kemble, Saxons, i. 413 ff. 

Division of Ond pa fengon, 7c.*] The division of the kingdoms is given more cor- 

the king- rectly in A. The confusion in E is due to the use of a double source in 

its prototype, which D has retained. E has endeavoured to correct it, but 

unskilfully. See critical note. Gaimar does not resemble E. 
Chron- ricsode . . . -v- gear] As ^thelbald died in 860, the five years 

"logy- credited to him must be dated from his father's departure to Rome in 855, 

when he was no doubt associated with his father in the kingship ; cf. 
ASN. : 'Regnauit Adelbaldus . . . post ilium duos annos et dimidium, 
qui et ipse antea cum patre regnauit annis duobus et dimidio.' Simi- 
larly H. H. says of Ethelbert, who died in 865, that ' regnasset super 
Westsexe v annis, super Cantiam uero x annis,' p. 142. This shows that 
he must have been made King of Kent at the time of his father's 
departure to Rome in 855 ; and he signs charters of that year as '^thel- 
berht Rex,' K. C. D. Nos. 269, 276 ; Birch, Nos. 467, 486. Unfortunately 
we have no signatures of ^thelbald to indicate his position between 855 
and 858. It seems clear, however, that ^thelwulf, when he went abroad 
in 855, divided his dominions between his two sons, in the way in which 
they were ultimately divided at his death. It is possible that on his 
return to England ^thelbald objected to resign his power over Wessex, 
whereas Ethelbert in Kent showed a more dutiful spirit, and that this is 
the substratum of fact in Asser's story. Asser also says that ^thelwulf 
at his death left ' hereditariam . . . epistolam. in qua et regni inter filios 
suos, duos scilicet seniores, et propriae hereditatis inter filios et filiam 
[.(Ethelswith, therefore, seems to have been his only daughter] . . . diuisio- 
nem . . . mandari procurauit,' p. 472. Unfortunately this will does not 
exist, though a portion of it is recited in Alfred's will, K. C. D. No. 314 ; 
Birch, No. 553. Whether ^Ethelwulf did really leave his kingdom by 

86 1] NOTES 83 

will must therefoi'e remain uncertain. Of course Mr. Freeman could have 
told him that he had no power to do so. 

Note that the ASN. place in 855 and 856 respectively the accession and St. Ed- 
coronation of St. Edmund of East Anglia, in the fourteenth and fifteenth i^^^i^''- 
years of his age. 

860*. JEpelbald eyng forpferde] On the chronology of his reign, see Death of 
above. He was a great benefactor of Abingdon, Chron. Ab. i. 38. ^thelhald. 
Ethelbert., his successor, seems to have been less generous, ih. 40. On 
Ethelbald's death H. H. says : ' sensit posthac Anglia quantum amiserit 
in eo,' p. 142. 

set Soiraburnan] Ethelbert makes grants for the souls of ^thelwulf 
and ^thelbald ' to Jjsere halgan stowe set Scireburnan, J)aere .i^ESelbaldes 
cyninges lichama hine rested,' Birch, No. 510; and Edgar makes grants 
to Sherborne ' for mine yldran the thar restat, Athelbold cyng 7 ^thel- 
byrht cing,' ih. No. 1308. 

to allum pam rice] i. e. Ethelbert on succeeding to Wessex continued Reunion of 
to hold Kent, &c. ; cf. Asser, p. 473 : ' Cantiam et Suthriglam Suthseaxum */^® ^^^S- 
quoque, ut iustum erat, subiunxit ' ; so ASN. ; cf. H. H. p. 171 : ' regnum 
utrumque Adelbricto subditum est, et nunquam postea diuisum. Hie 
igitur omnino regnum Cantiae explicit'; cf. also K. C. D. Nos. 285, 287, 
288, 294, 307; Birch, Nos. 502, 506, 507, 516, 538, 539, where the union 
of Kent and Wessex is noted. 

pp. 67, 68. Osric aldorman] So A, D, E, Wulfheard, B. C. Both on Osric. 
textual and documentary grounds the former is to be preferred ; B, C 
probably overlooked the fact that the death of Wulfheard of Hampshire is 
entered above under 837. 

p. 69. 861 F. S. Swiflun t>] The only mention of St. Swithhun in the St. Swith- 
Chron., whom Professor Earle was inclined at one time to regard as possi- ""^i^ 
bly himself editor of part of the Chron. See his Introduction, p. xiii. It 
is noteworthy that ^Ifric, writing about 996 (Wlilker, Grundriss, pp. 463, 
464), already complains of the scantiness of the materials for Swithhun's 
life: ' ne we ne fundon on bocum hu se bisceop leofode,' Lives, p. 442. 
According to the lives printed in Earle's SwiShun, pp. 67-731 t"© was born 
under Egbert, ordained priest by Helmstan, Bishop of Winchester (he 
signs a charter of 838 as deacon, K. C. D. No. 1044; Birch, No. 423), 
consecrated by Ceolnoth (852, v. H. & S. iii. 633, 634; on Oct. 30, Hamp- 
son, i. 431), and died in the third year of Ethelbert, 862, and was trans- 
lated in 971 ; cf. also AA. SS. July, i. 321 fF. (A charter signed by him, 
and dated 863, cannot be genuine, for it is a grant by Ethelred, who only 
succeeded in 866.) Fl. Wig. places his death on July 2, 862 ; in S. D. ii. 
104; G. P. p. 162, the date is given as 863. On the later lives of him, see 
Hardy, Cat. i. 513-519; ii. 22. Various traditions and legends are em- 
bodied in G. P. pp. 160-162, 167, 168. His posthumous miracles became 
so frequent that the poor monks complained that they could not sleep 

G 2 




Peace pur- 
from the 

Great in- 


for them. For his fame on the continent, of. Pertz, xv. 52. For churches 
dedicated to him, see Earle, SwiShun, pp. 87, 88. 

pp. 68, 69. 865*] ' With 865 begins the real attempt to conquer 
England,' Steenstrup, Vikinger, p. 55. 

genamon frijj, 7c.] Cf. Oros. p. 210 : ' Galba . . . friS genam wiS hie, 
7 hi under ]i£em fiitJe beswac,' p. 218: 'he genom fri]) wi]) fset folc, 
7 hiene sijijian aweg bestael.' 

feoh. geheton] An early instance of the system of purchasing peace 
from the Scandinavian marauders. Ethelwerd says : ' pecuniam parant 
ignoti [ = ignari] futuri.' He evidently, therefore, regards this as the 
beginning of the fatal policy. It is most unjust to make Ethelred II 
responsible for this system, as is very commonly done ; cf. on 99 1 E. 

under pam fripe. A] The omission in D, E is due to homoioteleuton 
' frij)e.' Note also that in D's text ' on ])am feohgehate,' 071 is for ond 
( = and') ; E mistakes it for the preposition, and inserts another 7. 

866*. uEpered . . . bropur] Ethelred signs as ' filius regis,' 854-864. 

micel (hselSeii) here] Ethelwerd, p. 512, makes Ingwar the leader of 
this invasion; H. H. p. 143 says Ingwar and Ubba, who are mentioned 
below, 870 F, in connexion with St. Edmund of East Anglia. (.Their 
ravages were foretold by St. Sexburg, Hardy, Cat. i. 361.) For their fate, 
cf. Liber de Hyda, p. 10 ; where Ingwar is said to have given his name to 
Hungerford. S. D. adds to these two, Halfdane, ii. 104 (a sentence not 
taken from Asser) ; so ib. i. 224, and Ann. Lindisf. 855 ; Pertz, xix. 506 ; 
cf. G. G. pp. Ivi, Ixxix f. 265, 268-270. 

867*. Norphymbre] We have had no notice of the internal affairs of 
Northuuibria since the expulsion of Eardwulf under S06, which marks 
the close of the Northumbrian ' Gesta,' incorporated in the DE recension 
of the Chron. (see Introduction, § 66). Hence Fl. Wig. only says: 
'aliquot imperauerunt reges,' i. 270. The true date of that event is 
probably 807 or 808 ; v. note a. I. Reckoning from this, and combining 
the notices given in S. D. i. 52, 68-71, 225 ; ii. 86, 92, 106, no, in, 114, 115, 
119, 377, 391 ; Ann. Lindisf ; Pertz, xix. 506, we get the following table. 
(The details do not exactly square in all cases, but the difference is not 
more than a year, or, at the very most, two, in any case.) Cf. also E. W. 
i. 270, 271. 

807 X 808. Expulsion of Eardwulf; accession of .^Ifwold. 

808 X 809 Restoration of Eardwulf, v. s. p. 68. 

809. Accession of Eanred, son of Eardwulf. This is the king who 
submitted to Egbert (see on 827, siiprcC). 

841. Accession of Etlielred, son of Eanred. R. W. makes Ethelred 
expelled in S44, and succeeded by Readwulf, who falls against the Danes 
at Aluttlielia, when Ethelred is restored, i. 283. 

850. Slaughter of Ethelred ; accession of Osberht. 

863. Expulsion of Osberht ; accession of ^lle. - 

867] NOTES 85 

867. Osberht and ^lle slain at York. Egbert set up by the Danes as 
puppet king over the Northumbrians north of Tyne. 

872. Expulsion of Egbert (he takes refuge in Mercia, i. 324). 

873. Death of Egbert; accession of Ricsig (in S. D. i. 56, Ricsig 
succeeds immediately on the expulsion of Egbert). 

876. Death of Ricsig ; accession of Egbert II, who reigns for two years. 

878-883. Interregnum ; ' cum exercitus (se here) et qui supererant de 
indigenis sine rege nutarent,' ib. i. 68 ; cf. ii. J 14. 

8S3. Guthred set up as king in obedience to a vision of St. Cuthbert 
(a very mythical story; cf. Robertson, Early Kings, i. 52 ; ii. 432, 440). 

894. Death of Guthred. He is called son of Hardecnut, and Todd 
makes him son of Cnut or Hardecnut, King of Denmark, G. G. p. 266. 
Anyhow he is probably one of the Danish chiefs who ruled in Northumbria ; 
cf. the Guthfrid, son of Sitiic, mentioned below, 927. H. H. distinctly 
reckons him among the Danish princes, adding: 'confuse autem reg- 
nauerunt Daci ; ita quod modo ibi rex unus erat, modo duo, modo reguli 
multi,' p. 172. Ethelwerd has a 'Guthfrid rex Northymbriorum,' who 
dies on St. Bartholomew's day, August 24, 896, and is buried at York, 
pp. 518, 519. 

ungecyndne cyning] i.e. not of royal race; 'regem ignobileni,' ' An un- 
Ethelw. p. 513; 'regem degenerem,' H. H. p. 143 ; ' tyrannum . . . non kind king.' 
de regali prosapia,' Asser, p. 474 (this might seem to give the other 
sense of ' unkind ' in addition, but ' tyrannus ' merely means ' usurper ') ; 
'regii seminis extraneo,' S. D. i. 225; 'alienigenam regii seminis,' ib. ii. 
377; 39I' Todd takes him for a Scandinavian chief from Ireland, G. G. 
p. Iv and refF. ; cf. Langebek, SS. i. ill. A document used by S. D. 
wrongly makes J^]lle a brother of Osberht, i. 202. (The name ' Scaldingi,' 
Scyldings, given to tlie Danes by this writer is interesting ; see note a. I. 
and cf. Ann. Lindisf. 911 : ' Scaldi Rollo duce possident Normanniam,' 
where the note is wrong.) 

hie late . . . gecirdon] This may refer specially to the rival kings, on 
whose reconciliation the Latin chronicles lay great stres."); or to the 
Northumbrians generally. 

pa ceastre braecon] ' O.ibertus et .3311a obsessam ciuitatem irrumpentes, 
expulerunt inde Danos,' Ann. Lindisf. 

p8er was ungemetlie wsel geslsegen] This phrase recurs exactly. 
Oros. p. 124. 

sume binnan, sume butan] This is still a living phrase in Scotch ; e.g. 
' Hendry wandered ben and but the house,' A Window in Thrums, c. 20, 
ad init. 

pa cyningas , . . ofslsegene] Ord. Vit. regards them as martyrs, Death of 
because they fell fighting against the Danes, ii. 201 ; while in S. D. their ^^^ *'*^<^ 
fate is ascribed to their aggressions on St. Cuthbert's lands, i. 55, 201, 202 ; J^^^^*^^^^" 
ii. 391. The battle of York is mentioned in Ann. Camb., in Brut y Tywys., kings. 


and in the Ann. Ult. at the year 866 ( = 867) ; the two first showing that 
they are taken from an Irish source. According to Three Fragments, 
^Ue was slain through the treachery of one of his own comitatus, p. 172 ; 
of. a. 158 ; but whether this rests on anything more than the writer's 
imagination, I do not know. For some curious legends as to Osberht and 
^Ue, see Gaimar, M. H. B. pp. 795 ff. ; K. S. i. 103 fF., 328 fF. S. D. says 
that the Danes ravaged as far as Tynemouth. He gives the date of the 
battle of York as 'xii. Kal. Aprilis [March 21], feria vi. ante Dominicam 
Palmarum,' ii. 105, 106 ; cf. i. 55. Later tradition transferred it to Palm 
Sunday itself, ib. 202 ; so Ann. Lindisf. 

sio laf . . . frip nam] It was now that Egbert was set up, v. s. : 
' [Northanhymbris] qui remanserunt praepositus est Eex Ecgbertus,' Ann. 

Ealchstan bisc] On him, see 823, supra, note. 

The Danes 868*.] ' quod Britannice Tigguocobauc interpretatur, 

at Netting- Latins autem speluncarum domus,' Asser, p. 475. 

7 fiser winter setl namon] ' et Burhred rex Merciorum cum suis 
primatibus eis consenserunt manendi sine calumnia ' [i.e. consented to their 
remaining], Ethelw. p. 513 B. 

Death of St. pp. 70, 71. 870*. Eadmund cyning] On the later lives of St. Edmund, 

Edmund. see Hardy, Cat. i. 526-538; ih. xxx ; Hoveden, i. 39. The principal one 
is by Abbo of Fleury, and is dedicated to Dunstan, who furnished 
materials for it. These he derived from St. Edmund's own armour-bearer, 
who narrated the story in the presence of King Athelstan. See the 
dedicatory letter in Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 378-380 ; and the whole passion 
in Surius, at November 20 ; cf. K. W. i. 303 fF., partly founded on Abbo. 

pone cyning ofslogon] This is quite compatible with Edmund's having 
fallen in battle. According to the later authorities he was shot with 
arrows by the Danes ; and thus becomes the St. Sebastian of English 
hagiology, to whom Abbo, c. 10, expressly compares him. Abbo, c. 3, 
followed by Fl. Wig. i. 78, saj'S that he was ' ex antiquorum Saxonum . . . 
prosapia.' This need not mean more than that he was of ancient royal 
descent. It has apparently been taken as referring to the old Saxons, the 
Eald Seaxe of the continent, for Lappenberg says, i. 236 ; E. T. i. 242, 
that some of the legends make his father Alchmund (on whom, v. ,«. pp. 61, 
62) king of the continental Saxons. The death of St. Edmund is mentioned 
in the Icelandic Annals, e.g. Sturlunga Saga, ii. 348. Ari's Libellus opens 
with a notice of it, and all through that work other events are dated from 
this, Orig. Island., i. 288, 291, 298, 304; cf. Lappenberg, i. 306 ; E. T. ii. 
39 : 'In the long line of royal saints there is scarcely one who has enjoyed 
for so long a Eurojiean veneration.' S. D. says that Bishop Humberht of 
Elmham ('really Hygberht,' says Theopold, p. 108; Stubbs, Ep. Succ, 
however, keeps Humberht, giving liim an episcopate of forty-six years) 
was martyred with Edmund, i. 55; ii. 107. '[Eadniundi] corpus iacet 

Syi] NOTES 87 

mausoleatum in . . . Beadoricesunyrthe,' Ethelw. p. 513 B. According 

to Heremanni Mirac. Edmundi, lie was buried first ' in uillula Suthune 

dicta,' Martene and Durand, Ampl. Coll. vi. 823 ; of. Liebermann, p. 203. 

Abingdon claimed to possess the shirt in which he was martyred, Chron. 

Ab. ii. 157. 

7 fordiden ... to nan ping, E] A very interesting Peterborough 

insertion; of. Hugo Candidus, pp. 14-16 ; Introduction, §§ 35, 54 note. 
gefor CeolnoJ)*] From this point we lose tlie invaluable guidance of 

H. & S. in ecclesiastical affairs. 

JEjiered Wiltunscire biscop, a] So F, in the continuation of this Archbislioi. 

annal given in App. B, i. 283-285 ; a Canterbury addition, but on the Ethelred. 

difficulty of tlie statement, see H. & S. iii. 596 ; and on the decline of 
monasticism at Canterbury, implied in that continuation, ih. 575-577. 

There is a letter of Pope John VIII to Archbishop Ethelred, in which, 
after condoling with him on his trials, he adds : ' monemus ut . . . opponas 
te murum pro domo Domini . . non solum regi sed omnibus in ea 
peruerse agere uolentibus ' (the rest of the letter deals mainly with the 
question of unlawful marriages), Mansi, xvii. 54; 11. P. p. 270. The king 

who was to be thus resisted was Alfred ! 

871*. Her cuom se here to Readingum] Asser says that the Danes The Danes 
on reaching Beading, ' uillam regiam,' threw up a fortification between the ^* Beading. 
Tliames and the Kennet, which is probable enough. This was a favourite 
mode of warfare with them ; cf. Green, C. E. pp. 88-90. 

-ffipered ... 7 -Wilfred his bropur] According to Lib. de Hyda, p. 27, 
Ethelred was Alfred's favourite brother. Alfred signs as ' filius regis,' 

to Readingum gelseddon] According to Gaimar Ethelred and Alfred 
were driven to Wiscelet (Wliistley Green, south of Twyford), and the 
English escaped by the ford over the Loddon at Twyford, which the Danes 
did not know of, rr. 2963 fi". This sounds perfectly genuine. 

7 .^pelwulf . . . ofslaegen] ' [cuius] corpus abstrahitur furtim, 
adduciturque in Merciorum prouinciam, in locum qui Northwor])ige nun- 
cupatur, iuxta autem Danaam linguam Deoraby,' Ethelw. p. 513. 

on jEsces dune] The site of Ashdovvn is fixed by a charter of Edi-ed's Battle of 
granting land ' set Cumtune, iuxta montem qui uocatur ^scesdune,' ■'^shdown. 
K. C. D. No. 1 1 72 ; Birch, No. 908. This is Compton, near East Ilsley ; v. 
Chron. Ab. ii. 510, note. It is this battle of Ashdown which the Berkshire 
White Horse is believed to commemorate. Its name is given in Welsh as 
Bryn Onnen, ' Hill of the Ash,' Ann. Cambr. ; Brut y Tywys., 869. Asser, 
in his account of the battle, inserts a tale, which he says he had from eye- 
witnesses, how that Ethelred refused to engage until he had heard mass, 
and consequently Alfred had for a time to bear the brunt of the battle 
alone. He declares also that he had seen a solitary thorn which marked 
the site of the battle, pp. 476, 477. [In the Ecclesiastical Institutes (a 




Battle of 

■ Sumor- 

translation of a work of Bishop Tlieodulf of Orleans, c. 797 ; ij. H. & S. 
I. xiii.), the one exception to the rule that mass must be said only in 
church is : ' butan hyt on fyrde sy • Jjonne hsebbe man geteld to ])a3m anum • 
7 gehalgod weofod ■ on psem. seo J)enung Jiaes msessesanges sy gefylled,' 
Thorpe, Ancient Laws, ii. 410.] 

Bachsecg 7 Halfdene] Green, C. E. p. 98, calls Bachsecg ' the Danish 
King of Bernicia.' This is taken from Todd in G. G. p. 270, who also 
makes Halfdane King of Deira. But, as to Bachsecg, this seems impos- 
sible, for in 871 Egbert was King of Bernicia; v. s. on 867. 

Mere tune] This has been identified with Merton, near Bicester, Oxon., 
and with Marden, near Devizes, Wilts. The fact that Bishop Heahmund, 
who fell in the battle, was buried at Keynsham on the Avon (y. inf.'), 
which is only some twenty miles from Devizes, is decidedly in favour of 
the latter (note the form in E, 'Mseredune,' which agrees well with 

pp. 72, 73. Heahmund bise] Of Sherborne ; a fighter, like his 
predecessor Ealhstan ; see above on 823. Ethelwerd adds: 'suumque 
corpus iacet sepultum in loco Casgineshanime ' (Keynsham), p. 513. 

mieel sumor lida] ' aestiuus exercitus,' Ethelw. p. 514; cf. H. H. p. 145. 
So in Latin ' classis Soraarlidiorum,' P. &. S. p. 10. It refers to the 
hordes of Scandinavian pirates who issued forth to plunder in the summer, 
returning home to wintei- ; as opposed to the forces which wintered in the 
British Isles, and ultimately settled there permanently ; cf. Vigftisson, s. v. 
somarlit^i; S. C. S. i. 365 ; Es. Ad. p. 411 ; Steenstrup, Vikinger, p. 66 ; 
Inledning, p. 274. Botli SumarliSi (Somerled) and VetrliSi occur fre- 
quently as proper names ; and so Gaimar here : 

♦Done vint un Daneis, un tyrant, 
Ki Sumerlede out nun le grant.' vv. 3015 f. 

Wimborne. ast Winburnan] None of the Latin Chroniclers follow C's reading ' set 
Scireburnan menster.' H. H. turns E's ' Winbui-nan menster ' (where -ati 
is the weak genitive) into ' Winburnliam minster'; cf. the analogous 
corruption of ' Abbandun ' into Abingdon. On Ethelred's descendants, see 
on 901, infra. 

pa fang .Alfred] The cross in the margin of MS. S draws attention to 
the sii^niiicauce of the event ; cf. the name on the margin of E. 

aet Wiltune] ' in monte qui dicitur Wiltun, qui est in meridiana ripa 
fluniinis Guilou [the Wylye] de quo flumine tota ilia paga nominatur,' 
Asser, p. 477. Ethelwerd seems (for he is very confused) to place this 
contest also in the neighbourhood of Beading. And though the Chron. 
says distinctly ' Alfred gefeaht,' Ethelw., commenting apparently on 
the words 'lytle werede,' says: ' erat . . . exiguus Anglorum exercitus 
propter absentiam regis qui eodem tempore exequias fratris impleuerat,' 

folc gefeoht] Cf. ' on J)rim folcgefeohtum betux twsem cyningum,' 

of Alfred. 

Battle of 

875] NOTES 89 

Oros. p. 128; cf. ih. 116, 118, where ' folcgefeohtum ' is contrasted with 
'hlo])uin,' for which latter, see 894, i. 84. 

on py cynerice] I am not certain as to the meaning of this phrase. 
It probably means Wessex as opposed to its various dependencies. 

872*] The winter-settlement in London was 871-872; see Steenstrup, The Danes 
Vik. p. 67. A lease of lands belonging to the see of Worcester, executed "^ London, 
in 872, was necessitated 'pro inmenso tribute barbarorum, eodem anno 
quo pagani sedebant in Lundonla,' K. C. D. No. 303 ; Birch, Nos. 533, 
534. This was also probably the occasion of Alfred's vow, the fulfilment 
of which is recorded at 883 E. 

namon Mierce frip] ' stipendiaque statuunt,' adds Ethelwerd, Peace 
p. 514 E ; i. e. the peace had, as often, to be purchased. bougat. 

873*. set Tnreces iegej ' Torksey, a fine strategical position at the Torksey. 
point where an ancient Roman canal from Lincoln joined the Trent,' 
Earle. The shorter form of the annal in D, E, as compared with A, B, G, 
may be due to a suspicion on the part of the redactor of the DE recension 
that the latter part of this annal in A, B, C was a mere duplication of the 
latter part of 872. Owing to this overrunning of Lindsey by the Danes 
' the list of the Bishops of Lindsey is interrupted for nearly a century,' 
H. & S. iii. 623. 

874*. Jjone cyning Burgraed] On the chronology of Burgred's reign, 
see on 851. 

he for to Rome] Asser says that he lived 'non diu ' after reaching Burgred 
Eome, p. 478. W. M. says that his wife followed him but died at Pavia, ^oes to 
i. 96. This latter fact is taken from the Chron. ; infra, 888. He is very 
contemptuous of the ' semiuir ' Ceolwulf. He was to hold Mercia simply Ceolwnlf. 
at pleasure ; cf. Liber de Hyda, p. 14. There are two charters of Ceolwulf, 
both of tlie year 875, K. C. D. Nos. 306, 308 ; Birch, Nos. 540, 541 ; and 
a grant by him is recited in a charter of Edward the Elder, K. C. D. 
No. 340 ; Birch, No. 607. An interesting coin of this Ceolwulf is figured 
in Numismatic Chron. v. 10. 

875*. mid sumum Jjam here] ' We have to note here a division of the Division of 
invading forces; (i) Halfdane on the T3'ne ; (2) Guthium, &c., at Cam- *^® Danes, 
bridge. Henceforward we have to observe these two centres in studying 
the movements of the Vikings,' Earle, fi-om Steenstrup, Vik. pp. 88, 89. 

on Norpi hymbre] The object of this invasion of Northumbria was to The Danes 
reduce tlie laud north of the Tyne, which had hitherto escaped, S. D. i. 56. ^" North- 
The place at which Halfdane took up his winter quarters was 'circa 
Tomemuthe,' i. e. at the mouth of the Team, near Newcastle, ib. ; cf. Mem. 
Hex. i. 42. The work of ravage was most eflTectually done: 'ab orientali 
mari usque ad occidentale caedem et incendium continuauit,' S. D. i. 58. 
It was this invasion which caused the monks to leave Lindisfarne, carrying 
the body of St. Cuthbert, with other relics, including the Lindisfarne 
gospels, which, after many wanderings, and a temporary rest at Chester- 








The Danes 
at Ware- 

le-Street from 883 to 995, ultimately reposed at Durham, ib. 56 ff., 207, 
208, 235 ff. 
Conflicts of pp. 74, 75. on Peohtas, 7c.] The conflicts with the Picts are mentioned 
Danes and in the Irish Annals; e.^r. Ann. Ult. 874 ( = 875) : ' Congressio Pictormn 
for Dubgallu [against the Black strangers, i. e. the Danes] et strages 
magna Pictorum facta est.' It is not necessary to limit this to the Picts 
of Galloway; as S. C. S. i. 326. 

on Strsecled ^Valas] ?. e. the Welsh of Strathclyde, * Stratcluttenses,' 
Asser ; ' Cumbri,' Ethelw., ' the first appearance of the term Cumbri . . . 
as applied to the Britons of Strathclyde,' S. C. S. u. s. It is noteworthy, 
however, that Florence seems to distinguish between ' Cumbri ' and 
' Streatgledwalani ' ; the former being apparently the ' NorS Wealas,' our 
Wales. Gaimar here speaks of 'Streclued reis de Geleweie'; i.e. he 
makes ' Strsecled ' the name of a Welsh king, as does F at 924. 

876*. Her hiene bestsel se here . . . flerde] Tlie true construction 
of this phrase escaped all the translators of the Chron. from Wheloc to 
Thorpe. Earle was the first to explain it correctly. ' Fierde ' is the 
genitive after ' hiene bestcel,' ' the here eluded the West Saxon fierd [and 
got] into Wareham." This is of course the Cambridge division of the fiere ; 
so Ethelw. and Asser- Flor. rightly. (For the difference between hei'e and 
fierd, see the Glossary, s. rv.) ' The phrase "hiene bestsel se here" occurs 
again, 878, infra. As against Wessex the Danes seem to have trusted more 
to surprise than force. On these unforeseen movements of the invaders, see 
Steenstrup, luledning, p. 363,' Earle. 

Werham] Asser says : ' castellum quod dicitur Werham intrauit ; 
quod monasterium sanctimonialium inter duo fluiiiina Fraw et Terente 
[the Frome and the Trent], et in paga quae dicitur Britannice Durngueis, 
Saxonice autem Tliornsseta [Dorset], tutissimo terrarum situ situm est, nisi 
ab occidentali parte tantummodo, ubi contigua terr& est,' p. 478. 

se eyning fri]j nam] ' simul pecuniam dando,' adds Ethelwerd, 
p. 515 B; i.e. the peace had to be bought. Earle vehemently contests 
this, Introduction, p. lix, on the ground that Ethelwerd has mistranslated 
the first sentence of the annal, which, as shown above, has puzzled all 
translators. But the fact that Ethelwerd is a poor translator does not put 
his independent additions out of court. We may lament that Alfred was 
reduced to such a necessity ; but I see nothing improbable in the state- 
ment ; see above on 865, 872. 

on para halgan beage] On the sacred temple-ring on which oaths were 
taken, see Vigftisson, s. vv. baugr, baug-ei?5r, stall-hringr ; Orig. Island, i. 
63, 310, 311 ; G. G. p. Ixvii ; Grimm, Rechtsalterthiimer, pp. 50, 51 ; 
Stephens' Old Norse Hunic Monuments, iii. 237, citing an Essay by Prof 
C. A. Holmboe ' Om Eedsringe ' in Transactions of Norwegian Academy 
of Sciences for 1863 ; of also Stephens' Thunor, p. 40, where other refer- 
ences to Scandinavian writers on the subject are given ; Daniel Wilson, 



The sacred 

877] NOTES 91 

Prehistoric Annals, ed. 2 (1863), 1. 444, 445. For many of the above 
references I am indebted to Professor Earle, who also adds : ' That the 
ring in marriage was an adopted heathen symbol seems to be expressed 
by the direction in the mediaeval rituals to make the sign of the cross 
over the ring and to sprinkle it with holy water.' 

bestselon fieere fierde se gehorsoda here] For the construction, see Misunder- 
above. Asser-Flor. misunderstood this, making it an attack by the Danes standing, 
on a body of native cavalry ; and the mistake was perpetuated by Lappen- 
berg, i. 315 ; E. T. ii. 50 ; Pauli, Konig Alfred, p. 116. See Steenstrup, 
Vik. p. 70 ; here, too, most of the translators have gone astray. 

se gehorsoda here] ■* This expresses exactly the nature of the force, Mounted 
viz. mounted infantry; i.e. the horses were used for rapidity of motion, infantry, 
not for fighting ; cf. Scott's Betrothed, c. 24 ad init. : " The Welsh ma- 
rauders, . . . although the small size ... of their nags made them totally 
unfit for service in battle, availed themselves of their activity and sureness 
of foot to transport them with the necessary celerity to and from the 
scenes of their rapine ; ensuring thus a rapid and unperceived approach, 
and a secure and speedy retreat." ' Earle. 

!Escan ceaster] * locus qui dicitur Saxonice Eaxanceastre, Britannice Exeter. 
autem Cairwisc ; Latine quoque Ciuitas Exae [Ciuitas Aquae, S. D. ii. 
Ill ; C. aquarum, ih. 82], quae in orientali ripa fluminis Wise sita est,' 
Assei', p. 479. ' This is the first mention of Exeter in history,' Freeman, 
Exeter, p. 20. The move to Exeter is mentioned here proleptically, and 
is entered again under 877. 

Norjjan hymbra lond ge dselde] On this division of Northumbria Division ol 
among the conquerors, see Green, C. E. pp. 115 fF. ; Robertson, E. K. S. Northum- 
ii. 430 fF. It seems to have extended only to Deira, Northumbrian 
sovereignty over which probably ceased after the battle of York in 867 ; 
V. s. ad ann. And this, as Mr. Freeman pointed out, accounts for the 
curious fact that the name of Northumberland has survived in that 
part of the ancient kingdom which is the more remote from the Humber, 
F. N. C. i. 644. In Bernicia Egbert II succeeded Ricsig in 876 ; v. s. 
p. 85. 

hiera tilgende] * hiera ' is the reflexive pronoun; 'his tilian' is 'to 'histilian.' 
provide for oneself, gain one's own livelihood ' ; see Bosworth-Toller, s. v. 
tilian ; where this explanation (first suggested to me by Prof. Earle) is 
rightly given. From the examples there cited I select the following as 
conclusive : ' he waes fiscere and mid '5am crtefte his teolode,' ' he was 
a fisher and gained his living by that craft,' ^Ifric, Horn. i. 394 ; cf. ib. 
392. My suggestion in the Academy of Nov. 2, 1895, was quite wrong. 

877*. micel yst] Cf. 'an micel yst'='magnus turbo,' Ores. p. 104; Causes of 
' micel yst windes,' Mk. iv. 37. On the reading of C. D. ' micel myst,' see the Danish 
Introduction, § 60, note. submission 

hie . . . fore gislas saldon] Prof. Earle points out that the submission 


of the Danes, &c., is not to be regarded as the consequence of Alfred's 

unsuccessful attempt to overtake them (though the arrangement of the 

annal gives that impression), but of the naval disaster at Swanage. This 

is entirely the view of Gaimar, who makes the Danish loss rather greater 

than does the Chron. : ' A hundred and forty ships went to the devils,' 

vv. 3105 ff. It should be noted that Asser has a double entry under 

877 ; one based on the Chron. and the other independent. According 

to the independent version Alfred had blockaded Exeter with his ships, 

cutting off the Danish supplies ; then came the Danish fleet trying to 

relieve the blockade, but having been a month at sea already they were 

defeated, and it was owing to the damage suffered in the engagement 

that they foundered at Swanage. Hence the submission of the Danes 

was due to the failure of their fleet to revictual the town. This sounds very 

probable. The editors of M. H. B. (p. 479, note) think that this passage in 

the text of Asser is a mere interpolation from the so-called Matthew of 

Westminster, who got it, through Matth. Paris, from R. W. i. 32 7, 328. But 

whence did R. W. get it if it was not in his text of Asser, whom he is 

following both before and after this point ? It is true it is not in Fl. Wig. 

But the explanation may be that Fl. Wig. and R. W., finding two entries 

for 877, chose different ones ; Fl. Wig. preferring the one which was nearer 

to the Chron. Anyhow, from whatevej source R. W. took it, it seems 

perfectly genuine. 

Division of Miercna lond . . . Ceolwulfe saldon] Here we see the Danes exacting 

Mercia. from their puppet Ceolwulf the surrender of part of his dominions ; cf. 874. 

This is probably, as Mr. Green suggests, the origin of the division between 

English and Danish Mercia, which was of great importance at and after 

the peace of Wedmore, C. E. pp. 106, 112. See below on 886. Ethel- 

werd seems to make Gloucester the headquarters of the Danes while Mercia 

was being reduced, pp. 515 C, 516 A ; but he is very confused. Anyhow, 

the Danes did not keep possession of Gloucester ; had they done so ' it 

would have been almost impossible for the West-Saxon kings to hold central 

England,' Rev. C. S. Taylor, The Danes in Gloucestershire, pp. 1,12. 

878*. ofer tuelftan niht] ' py twelftan daege ofer Geochol,' Bede, 

p. 3i8 = Epiphania, H. E. iv. 19. 

Chippen- to Cippanhamme] ' Villa regia . . . sita in sinistrali parte Wiltunscire,' 

ham. Asser, p. 480, (Note the Celtic use of the left hand to signify the north ; 

so ' dextrales Saxoues ' = South Saxons, ib. 487.) It is clear from Alfred's 

will, notes Prof. Earle, that Alfred had a ' ham ' at Chippenham ; and 

we also find Edward there, K. C. D. Nos. 314, 328 ; Birch, Nos. 553, 591. 

It looks as if the Danes had tried to capture Alfred in his winter home. 

Natives ofer sse adrsefdon] In Pertz, iv. 343, we have the case of ' quidam uir 

driven over natione Britto, Andreas nomine, . . . de patria insula iufestatione Nort- 

mannorum . . . pulsus.' 

Alfred un- buton . . . .^Ifrede] ' Four words very powerful in their plain sim- 

878J NOTES 93 

plicity,' Pauli, cited by Earle (tlie same phrase, however, is used of Here- 
ward, 1071 E, 1072 D) ; cf. Asser : ' ille solus diuino fultus adminiculo.' 

Inwseres brojjur . . . mon peer ofslog] Ingwar's brother was Ubba, Defeat of 
according to Gaimar, who calls the site of the battle ' Penwood,' and says . 6_|^*ii6^ 
that Ubba was buried under a great how called Ubbelawe; vv. 3i47fF. This shire, 
body of Danes had wintered in ' Demetica regione ' (i. e. Dyfed or South 
Wales), whence they crossed to Devonshire (Asser) and besieged Odda, the 
alderman of Devonshire (Ethel w.), at a place which Asser calls ' Arx Cynuit.' 
This Prof. Earle would identify with Countesbury, near Lynton (quasi 
Cynwitesbyrig) ; but Mr. Wright, in his edition of Gaimar, says that near 
Kenwith or Kenny Castle, by Appledore, was formerly a mound called 
Ubbaston or Whibblestan, now swept away by the tide. If this is correct, 
it would fix the battle to that locality. It wa<» tliis defeat which left 
the Danes of Northumbria leaderless according to S. D. ii. iii, 114; 
who, however, speaks as if it were Ingwar and Halfdane, not tlieir brother, 
who fell. The date corresponds exactly with the interregnum in North- 
umbria ; see above on 867. 

pp. 76, 77. dcce. monna mid him. 7 xl. monna his heresl I do 
not understand the distinction here made ; H. H. combines tlie two classes 
into one. 

se guBfana . . . heton, E] A alone omits this passage about the raven The Kaven 
banner, the legend of which is embodied in ASN. sub anno : ' dicunt eniin '^^^i^^'^- 
quod tres sorores Hungari et Habbae [Ingwar and Ubba] filiae uidelicet 
Lodebrochi illud uexillum texuerunt, et totum parauerunt illud uno meri- 
diano tempore. Dicunt etiam, qnod in omni belle, ubi praecederet idem 
signum, si uictoriam adepturi essent, appareret in medio signi quasi coruus 
uiuus uolitans ; sin uero uincendi . . . fuissent, penderet directe nihil 
mouens, et hoc saepe probatum est'; a yet more marvellous account in 
the ' Gesta Cnutouis ' : ' Erat eis uexillum miri portenti . . . Enimuero 
dum esset simplicissimo intextum serico, nulliusque figurae in eo inserta 
asset imago, tempore belli semper in eo uidebatur coruus acsi intextus, 
in victoria suorum . . . excutiens alas, . . . et suis deuictis . . . toto 
corpore demissus,' Pertz, xix. 517. 

JEjjelinga eigge*] ' Athelney is at the junction of the Tone and Parret. Athelney. 
The name survives in Athelney Farm, in the parish of Stoke St. Gregoiy. 
It was suggested by Bishop Clifford that the name of the neighbouring 
parish of Lyng may be a relic of ^theZ/?*^aig ; cf. Birch, No. 715. A 
little to the north of this spot the famous Alfred jewel was found in 1693, 
with its inscription: SELFRED MEC HEHT GEWYRCSN,' Earle. 
The idea that Alfred while at Athelney was a hapless and inactive fugi- Alfred at 
tive only comes from the silly story of the cakes, which is inserted here in Athelney. 
the text of Asser from the much later life of St. Neot. (M. H. B. pp. 480, 
481 ; cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 542, 545). The Chron. shows that the fort of 
Athelney, and the raids which Alfred made from it with his ' lytel wered ' 




■el wood. 

graphy nil' 



Peace of 

(consisting largely, according to Ethelw. p. 515, of the ' famuli qui regie 
pastu utebantur,' though yEthelnotb, alderman of Somerset \i71fra, 894, 
i. 87 m.], was also one of his helpers), conduced largely to his ultimate 
triumph. According to northern legend St. Cuthbert appeared to Alfred 
at Athelney and foretold his ultimate triumph, S. D. i. 62, 63, 204-206, 229 
fif. ; ii. 83, II I. In illustration of this Freeman cites the unusual dedication 
of Wells Cathedral to St. Cuthbert, Old Eng. Hist. p. 130. Southern 
legend assigned a similar part to St. Neot, Hardy, Cat. u. s. Alfred after- 
wards founded a monastery on the scene of his former struggles, Asser, 
p. 493 ; G. P. p. 199 ; see the spurious charter of foundation, K. C. D. 
No. 309 ; Birch, No. 545 ; cf. K. C. D. No. 1306. ' Alfred the Great in 
Athelney' is the title of a play by Lord Stratford de RedclifFe, 1876. 

Ecgbryhtes stane] * Probably the judgement-seat of the district, and 
where the hundred-gem(5t or the scir-gemdt was held, as aet jEgelnoSes 
stane, K. C. D. No. 755.' Earle. 

Sealwyda] ' saltus qui dicitur Selwdu [Mucelwudu, S. D. ii. S3, 112] 
Latine autem sylua magna, Britannice Coitmaur,' Asser, p. 481. Prof. 
Earle thinks that the ' Wealwudu ' of E is not a mere slip, but a reflexion 
from the time when Selwood was the barrier between Celt and Saxon. 
The identification of the other names in this annal, except Aller, Somerset, 
is unfortunately very uncertain : ' Egbert's stone,' Brixton Deverill, near 
Warminster, or Bratton Camp, near Westbury ; Iglea, Clay Hill, near War- 
minster, or Leigh, near Westbury, or Highley Common, near Melksham 
(the suggestion, Crawford Charters, p. 81, that it is Isle Abbots, near 
Athelney, is impossible, as tliat would imply a backward instead of a 
forward movement on Alfred's part); Ethandun, Edington, near Westbury, 
or Yatton, near Chippenham, or Heddington, on the Roman road from 
Marlborough to Bath ("cf. K. C. D. No. 465 ; Birch, No. 999). 

his gefsegene wserun] See above on 855. 

o}) paet geweorc] i. e. Chippenham, as appears both by the beginning 
of this annal and also of the next ; q. r. 

se cyning . . . Godrum] On Guthrum-Athelstan, who is mentioned 
875*, supra, cf. Todd, G. G. pp. 266, 267, who identifies him with Gormo 
Enski (or the English) joint king of Denmark in the Scandinavian autho- 
rities. W. M. says : ' uerum quia non mutabit Ethiops pellem suam, 
datas ille terras tyrannico fastu xi annis protriuit,' i. 126. 

his . . . onfeng] 'in filium adoptionis sibi suscipiens,' Asser ; cf. Bede, 
II. 142, 179. For the ' crism-lising,' i6. 280. Ethelwerd mentions the 
presence of alderman ^thelnoth at the ' chrism-loosing,' p. 515 E. 

"Wepmor] Wedmore was one of Alfred's own estates, as appears from 
liis will, whereby he leaves it to his son Edward ; so Asser : ' In uilla 
regia quae dicitur Waedmor ' ; Edward the Confessor gave it to the Church 
of Wells, K. C. D. iv. 197. On the peace of Wedmore, cf. G. C. E. 
pp. 111-114. The Chron. gives no idea of the extent of Alfred's loss ; but 

882] NOTES 


the gain was greater still; see below on 901. This peace must not be 
confounded with the later treaty cited on 886, infra, a mistake which is 
very commonly made, even by Freeman, F. N. C. i. 46. 

879*] ' It is probable that this really belongs to 878. There seems no Chron- 
reason why the Danes should have stayed at Chippenham from the early ology. 
summer of 878 to 879, Steenstrup, Vikinger, p. 74, has shown that the 
Saxon Chron. is one year in advance of the Ann. Vedastini and other 
continental authorities as regards the movements of the Danes. This 
mistake begins here and lasts till 897 ( = 896),' Earle. As regards the 
present annal, this conclusion is confirmed by the hour of the eclipse, ' ane 
tid daeges' ; in 878 there was a solar eclipse at 1.30 p.m. on October 29. 
In 879 the eclipse was at 4 p.m. on March 26 (Asser and ASN. have altered 
the hour given by the Chron. to suit this : ' inter nonam et uesperam sed 
propius nonam ') ; while the eclipse of SSo with which M. H. B. identifies 
this was at 5.30 p.m. on March 14. 

to Cirenceastre] * Cirrenceastre . . . qui Britannice Cairceri nomina- Cirences- 
tur, quae est in meridiana parte Huicciorum,' Asser, p. 482 ; cf. Taylor, ter. 
Cots wold, pp. 20, 21. 

hloj) wicenga] For ' hloj),' see on 894 A ; for ' vvicenga,' see on 921 A. 
880*. on East Engle] On the coalescence of Danes and Angles in East The Danes 
Anglia, see Robertson, E. K. S. ii. 241. in East 

for se here ... to Gend] According toGaimar, v. 3261, they started ^^ 'f' 
from Yarmouth. This sojourn of the Northmen in Ghent is naturally Ghent, 
noticed in the Annales Gandenses : ' SSo. Northmanni hiemauerunt in 
Gandauo,' Pertz, ii. 187. Ghent remained their lieadquarters from Nov., 
879, to 881; V. Diimmler, Gesch. d. ostfrankischen Reiches, ed. i, ii. 129, 130, 
156 ; ed. 2, iii. 129, 130, 157. The date in the Chron., 880 ( = 879), natur- 
ally indicates the beginning of their sojourn there. 

881*. pa Francau him wip gefuhton] There is some difficulty in iden- Battles of 
tifying this action ; Diimmler would identify it with the l)attle of Saucourt, S'^'^^^ *"'^ 
August, 881, U.S. ed. i, pp. 152, 153; ed. 2, pp. 153, 154, in which the 
Franks were victorious. I am inclined to prefer an eailier Frankish 
victory, that of 880, ib. ed. i, pp. 135, 136 ; ed. 2, 135, 136, 147. There was 
another battle later in S80, in which the Danes were victorious, ih. 147, 
ed. I and 2. But that the Chron. refers to a Frankish victory is shown by 
Ethelwerd's words : ' agmina Francorum . . . uictoriae fungunturnumine, 
barbaro exercltu fugato,' p. 516 B; cf. S. D. ii. 85, 113 ; and Ann. Vedast. 
«. aa. 880, 881. 

882*. on long Msese] 'et castra metati sunt in loco Escelun,' adds The Danes 
Ethelw. p. 516; i.e. Elsloo, below Maastricht. This fixes the date to 881; atElsIoo. 
see Diimmler, u. s. ed. i, p. 156 ; ed. 2, p. 157. 

for JElfred . . . ut on sae] Whether Alfred's naval battle should also Naval 
be placed in 88 r, I do not know. This shows that he was not so free from battle, 
contests with the invaders after the peace of Wedmore as Mr. Freeman 




The Danes 
at Cond.6. 

Alfred and 



missions to 
Rome and 


St. Thomas 
and India, 



fancied, Old Eng. Hist. p. 130. A charter of 8S2 is dated by him 'in 
expeditione,' K. C. D. No. 1065 ; Birch, No. 550. (The indiction, how- 
ever, is wrong, so that the date is a little uncertain.) 

pp. 78, 79. on hond eodon] i. e. surrendered ; cf. Bede, II. 200, 205. 
Note the v. I. of F. Perhaps the scribe read ' of handa eodon.' 

forsl8egene] Cf. Oros. p. 56 : ' hie to Son swifle forslagene wurdon on 
segjiere hand, };8et hiera feawa to lafe wurdon.' 

883*. Cundo]?] ' ad monasterium sanetimonialium quod dicitur Cun- 
doht,' Asser, p. 483. This sojourn at Conde was during the winter of 
882-883, Diimmler, ed. i, ii. 230, note; ed. 2, iii. 229. 

Marinus papa, yc, E] A (followed by Ethel w., Asser, and S. D.) is the 
only MS. which gives tlie annal in the sliorter form. All the others have 
the story of Pope Marinus and the king's alms, &c. ; cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 542, 
545-547. In Hincmar's annals is an account of a tumult in Rome in 864 
on the occasion of a visit of the emperor : ' in quo tumultu . . . crux ... in 
qua lignum mirificae crucis . . . confracta et in lutum proiecta, unde a 
quibusdam, ut fertur, Anglorum gentis hominibus, collecta et custodibus 
reddita est,' Pertz, i. 463. It may have been in somewhat tai'dy gratitude 
for this that the ' lignum Domini ' was sent to Alfred ; see below, 885, 
ad fin. 

laedde Sighelm] This Sighelm, one of Alfred's messengers, is 
wrongly identified by W. M. with a later bishop of Sherborne, i. 130 ; 
II. 1 ; G. P. p. 177 ) cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 552. The same mistake is made by 
Fl. Vv'ig. i. 98, 99. W. M. says that he brought back from India gems and 
precious spices. 

pe Alfred . . . ge bet Jjider] This clause would come in much better 
after the words ' see Bartliolomee.' In B, C it is omitted altogether ; 
which makes nonsense, as it leaves the words ' Tpa, hi sseton, 7c.' without any 
construction. Probably in the common archetype the clause was written 
on the margin ; the original of B, C overlooked it ; the original of D, E 
inserted it in the wrong place. 

on Indea to see Thome] On St. Thomas and India, cf. ^If. Horn, 
ii. 558. The legends are examined by G. Milne Eae, The Syrian Church 
in India. 

pa hi sseton ... set Lundene] Probably in 872 ; see note, ad loc. 

bentigSe] Cf. ' ne hine mon . . . his bene tygj)ian wolde,' Bede, 
p. 220 ; ' he waes from Dryhtne tigSa ])aere bene 3e he bsed,' ih. 372. 

884*] Tliis annal is omitted by Asser {not by Fl. Wig.), and by S. D. 
and H. H. 

to Embenum] The sojourn of the Danes at Amiens was in the winter 
of 883-SS4, Diimmler, u. s. ed. i, pp. 230, 231 ; ed. 2, pp. 229, 230. 

Here (see note 9), just a century too soon, a scribe in F inserts the 
death of Bishop ^thelwold of Winchester. For instances of similar 
mechanical work, see S. D. ii. 92, 126; H. & S. iii. 607; Liebermann, 

885] NOTES 97 

pp. 99, ICO ; Z.N.V. p. 206. In Orig. Island., i. 373, is a case of an entry 
just two centuries wrong. 

885*. oper dsel east.] ' in orientalem Franciam,' Asser ; ' ad Lofenum, The Danes 
Ethelw. p. 516, i.e. Louvain. This was in the autumn of 884, Diimmler, atLouvain. 
u. s. ed. I, p. 233; ed. 2, pp. 232, 233. 

behorsude] ' equis, quos de Francia secum adduxerant, derelictis,' 
Asser, p. 483. For the bringing over of horses from the Continent by the 
Danes, of. 893 A, i. 84; Fl. Wig. i. iii. 

Stufe, A ; Sture, E] Ethelw. alone of the Latin writers follows the 
erroneous reading of A, B, C. 

J)a hie pa hamweard wendon, A] 'cum . . . regia classis rediret,' Fl. Relation of 
Wig. ; where Asser's text, probably by a mere slip, has ' dormiret.' S. D., Florence 
however, expands this rhetorically : ' ubi dormiebant sonino inerti, occisi sunt 
inermis multitude ; quibus illud aptatur . . . quod legitur, " Multi claudunt 
uisus, cum aspicere deberent," ' ii. 87. This is one of several passages 
which incline me to believe that, in the parts common to Asser and 
Florence, Florence did not borrow from Asser as we have it, but both 
used some common source. 

herehyjje] Cf. ' herefeoh ' = ' praeda,' Orosius, p. 118. 

ser midduna wintra, 7c.] The references to Frankish affairs here and Frankisli 
under 887 will be made clearer by the following genealogical table : — anairs. 

Pippin (the Short), f 768. 

Charles the Great, ' Se alda Carl,' +814. 

Louis the Pious, -[840. 

I 1 

Louis the German, f 876. Charles the Bald, -[877. 

Carloman, Louis, Charles the Fat, Judith, Lonis the Stammerer, ■[■879. 
-fSSo. t882, deposed Nov. m. (i) ^thelwnlf, 

Jan. 887, m. (2) ^thelbald. 

t Jan. 888. 
Arnulf, i-899. 

I I I 

Louis, f 882, Carloman, Charles the Simple, 

Aug. ' Carl Francna cyning,' +929. 

fDec. 12, 884. 

Carl Francna cyning] This is Carloman, King of Aquitaine and Bur- Death of 
gundy; he died Dec. 12, 884, from the effects of a wound received while Carloman. 
hunting. It is said that he was accidentally wounded by an attendant, 
and that the dying prince, ' splendide niendax,' himself gave currency to 
the fiction that he had received his hurt from a boar, in order to shield his 
luckless follower, Diimmler, u. s. ed. i, p. 238 ; ed. 2, p. 232 ; Art de 
Verif. i. 561. 

II. H 




Battles of 
the Danes 
and Old- 

of the 


Death of 



ane geare mv his broSur forpferde] This was Louis, King of Northern 
France. The 'ane geare' should be ' twaem gearum,' for he died in 
August, 882, and his estates passed to his brother Carloman. 

begen HloJ) wiges suna . . . apiestrode, A] i. e. both were sons of Louis 
the Stamnieier, who was king of the Western Kingdom (France), 877-879. 
"VVe have seen that there was an eclipse in 879, the year of Louis' death, 
though it is probably not the eclipse mentioned in the Chron. under that 

to cuene*] The long omission in E (not D) after this point is due to the 
recurrence of the words ' 7 Jiy ilcan geare.' 

mieel gefeoht. tua on geare, A] The Annales Fuldenses under 884 
relate (a) that the Northmen who had vdntered at Duisburg on the Rhine 
attempted to invade Saxony, but were defeated by Henry, Margrave of 
Nordgau ; (b) that lat^r in the year the Frisians defeated the invaders at 
Norden,in Frisia, Diimmler, u.s.ed. i, p. 225 ; ed. 2, pp. 222, 223 ; under 885 
the same Annals relate (c) that the Northmen invaded Saxony, and were 
driving the Saxons before them, when they were taken in the rear by the 
Frisians, who arrived in their fleet at the critical moment, and the invaders, 
hemmed in between two ho-stile forces, were cut off almost to a man ; cf. 
Diimmler, w. s. ed. i, pp. 241, 242 ; ed. 2, pp. 239, 240. Diimmler thinks that 
this last action only is referred to, and that the * tua ' is a mere error. 
I am inclined to think that in the 'tua' tlie events of 884 and 885 are 

fang Carl . . . Jjridda fseder hasfde] This is Charles the Fat. 
Li the division of 876 he had received Swabia and Alsace, in 879 he 
became King of Italy, in 881 Emperor. In 88 2, on the death of his 
brother Louis, he obtained the whole of the Eastern Kingdom (Germany), 
and in 885 (Carloman having died in December, 884) he obtained the 
Western Kingdom also. He thus, as the Chronicler says, restored, in extent 
at least, the empire of his great-grandfather, Charlemagne. 

Wendel sffi] i.e. the Mediterranean, as often in Orosius, e. ff. pp. 8. 
10,12, &c., where tlie Latin has 'mare nostrum.' The 'realm beyond 
that sea ' means Italy. 

Xiidwiccium] Note the vv U. For a legend as to the origin of the 
name, v. Nennius, p. 21, note ; S. C. S. iii. 96. The first part of the word is 
identical with that of the Latin ' Letauia,' Welsh ' Llydaw ' = Armorica. 

se Carl, 7c.] A reference to the pedigree will make the remainder 
of this passage quite clear. 

pp. 80, 81. py ilcan geare . . . Marinus*] His gift of the ' lignum 
Domini ' has been mentioned, 8S3 E. For this and his other benefits to 
the English, cf. Liebermann, p. 232; K. C. D. iv. 176. It is probably 
these benefits which form the basis of the epithet ' Se goda.' He died 
in 884, after a short reign of less than a year and a half, Diimmler, u. s. 
ed. I, pp. 216, 217, 247 ; ed. 2, pp. 214, 215, 217, 245. 

886] NOTES 99 

886*. gelende] The original meaning, ' to come to land,' is preserved ' gelendan. 
in ^Ifric's Grammar, cited by Bosworth-Toller : ' ic gelende mid scipe, 
applico.^ Hence it means, as here, simply to go, proceed ; cf. Ores. p. 56 : 
'hi ham gelendon'; p. 166: ' |)a gelende he ... to anre oJ)erre byrig.' 
The meaning of this movement from east to west, is that the Danes left Movement 
Louvain, where they spent the winter 884-885, and entered the Seine and of the 
captured Eouen in July, 885, and wintered on the Seine 885-886 ; cf. ^^^^ ^^ 
Diimmler, «. s. ed. i, p. 249 ; ed. 2, p. 247. west. 

gesette . . . Lundenburg, 7c.] This winning back of London, the Winning 
headship of which seems clearly recognised, was a very important stage in back of 
the progress of the national cause against the Danes (cf. E. W. i. 345), 
and is probably to be connected with the document known as ' Alfred's 
and Guthrum's Peace ' (Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 1 5 2 ff. ; Schmid, pp. 1 06 
ff.), whereby the boundaries fixed by the original peace of Wedmore (with 
which this document i.s often wrongly identified) were materially altered 
in Alfred's favour; see Green, C. E. pp. 112, 148-154. I cannot feel the 
diSiculties which Prof. Earle finds in this annal. Alfred having recovered 
London occupied it ('gesette'). This conspicuous success made him the 
natural head of all who were not actually under Danish domination. 
Ultimately Alfred entrusted the city to Ethelred, alderman or ' lord ' (infra, London en- 
911 C, i. 96; cf. F. N. C. i. 563-565) of the Mercians, husband of his ^"1^*^^^" 
daughter ^thelflsed, the famous ' lady of the Mercians.' On the death of ^^ Mercia. 
Ethelred, King Edward resumed possession of London and its attendant Edward 
districts, 912 A. Nor can I think with Prof. Earle that any distinction is resumes it. 
meant between ' Lunden ' and ' Lundenburh ' in the Chron. (Steenstrup, 
Vik. p. 77, while endorsing Earle's suggestion, gives no additional proof.) 
In any case, this is not the beginning of the latter. We have had it already 
in 851 and 872 ; indeed, we find ' Lundenburh ' as early as 457 ; and though 
the redaction of these early entries belongs to a time relatively late (f. Intro- 
duction, § 107), the use of the phrase in a passage referring to such early 
times clearly shows that it was not felt as a thing of recent origin. The 
statement of Ethelw. and H. H. (amplified in R. W. u. s.) that Alfred The re- 
besieged ' obsideo ' London may be due, as Earle thinks, to a misunder- covery was 
standing of the Chron. ('besset' for 'gesette'); but in itself it is not^fg^g^ggg 
improbable ; we have seen that Ethelwerd sometimes has good additions 
of his own; and it is confirmed both by Gaimar, who says of Alfred, 

vv. 3369 ff. : 

* Loinz e pres tuz ad mand^ 

Mult grant efibrz ad asemble, 

A Londres vint, si I'asegat ; 

Tant i estu ke prise I'ad ' ; 
and also by a little-noticed passage in Fl. Wig., which is quite independent 
of the language of the Chron. : ' Dani . . . Ceolwlfo [Burhedi] ministro 
reo-num Merciorum custodiendum a I tempus commisere [874]; ueruui 

H 2 


triennii tempore complete [877^, partem illius inter se diuisere, partem 
autem illi dedere . . . qui ultimus regum Merciorum extitit. Post cuius 
mortem, . . . ^^Ifredu?, ut exercitum . . . Danorum suo de regno 
[Wessex] penitus expulerit, strenuitate sua Lundoniam cum circumia- 
centibus terris recuperauit, et partem regni Merciorum, quam Ceolwlfus 
habuit, acquisiuit,' i. 267. The words italicised imply that Alfred had 
to employ force for the recovery of London, &c. Florence is, however, 
wrong if he means that the recovery of London and the acquisition 
of Ceolwulf's Mercia by Alfred were made simultaneously. The latter 
had been already ceded by the treaty of Wedmore in 878, Green, C. E. 
p. 112, and as early as 8S0 Alfred had made Ethelred, the husband of his 
daughter ^thelflasd, alderman of English Mercia, K. C. D. No. 311 ; 
Birch, No. 547 (Ethelred had previously held a similar position under 
Burgred, K. C. D. No. 304 ; Birch, No. 537). Strictly taken, Florence 
Date of only says that both events took place after the death of Ceolwulf ; un- 

^eoiwuit s fortunately we do not know when this was. The last mention of him was 
deatn uu- .... 

known. ^^^ ^77- I*- i^ quite possible that he died 877 x 878, and that this facili- 
tated the cession of his district under the peace of Wedmore. (The 
statement of Lib. de Hyda, p. 48, that Alfred retained London under the 
peace of Wedmore, and that Guthrum's districts were granted him ' ad 
habitandum et non ad regnandum,' is an obvious misstatement made with 
the view of concealing the extent of Alfred's losses.) Anyhow, this passage 
of Florence is a striking confirmation of Mr. Green's view that the division 
between English and Danish Mercia dates from 877 (see on that annal), 
though Mr. Green himself overlooked the passage in question. 
Siege of 887*. Her for se here . . . Cariei] It was during the winter sojourn 

Parisbythe of the Danes on the Seine, 885-S86 (see above on 886), that the famous siege 
of Paris was commenced, which lasted from November, 885, to November, 
886. In the latter month the siege was raised by the Emperor Charles 
the Fat, but only by means of a very discreditable treaty with the 
invaders, whereby among other articles they were allowed to spend the 
winter of 8S6-887 in Burgundy, Dummler, u. s. ed. i, pp. 260-275 ; ed. 2, 
pp. 259-273. In May, 887, they reappeared in the neighbourhood of Paris, 
and made their way to Che'zy-sur-Marne, as here described. It was 
largely the failure of the Emperor in regard to Paris which brought about 
his deposition. Hermann, in his Mirac. S. Edm., alluding to this siege, 
says of Paris : ' qui locus uernat ut Domini paradysus in omni re,' 
Liebermann, p. 231. 
Ch(5zy-sur- Cariei, A ; Caziei, E] Ingram says that the original name was Casa 
Mame. Eegia, and that this accounts for the two forms in the Chron. I cannot, 

however, verify his statement ; the only Latin forms which I have found 
are Casiagum and Casiacum, Bouquet, v. 748 ; viii. 542. 
Movements 7 pa sseton para 7 innan lonan. . .stedum,A] The later MSS., not under- 
2^ ''"^ standing the construction and the facts, have wrongly omitted the 'and' 

888] NOTES lor 

before ' innan.' The facts are these : during the winter of 887-888 the 
headquarters of the Danes were at Chezy ; for the winter of 888-S89 they 
removed to another tributary of the Seine, the Loing, which enters the 
Seine a little below the junction of the latter with the Yonne. This is 
the sojourn ' within Yonne ' ; and the two winters during which they 
' sat there {viz. at Ch&y) and within Yonne' are the winters of 887-889 ; 
of. Dtininiler, u. «. ed. 1, pp. 344 ff. ; ed. 2, pp. 345 ff. 

py ilcan geare ... set pam rice] The former statement is not quite Death of 
true. Charles did not die till January, 888. His deposition was Novem- Charles the 
ber, 887. See on it Diimmler, u. s. ed. i, pp. 286 ff. ; ed. 2, pp. 287 ff. 

Jjset Wffis . . . gepafunge] This is true only in the sense that Arnulf 
found it ultimately expedient to consent to the arrangement. But at first 
he hoped to unite all the Frankish dominions in his own hands. 

on faedren healfe] C'f. Oros. p. 114: ' J^a ])rie gebroSor nseron na 
Philippuse gemedren, ac Wieron gefaederen.' 

buton him anum] And even he was only a bastard slip, being an 
illegitimate son of Carloman, the brother of Charles the Fat. 

Rojjulf ... to psena middel rice] This is Rudolf, Count of Upper or Rudolf. 
Transjurane Burgundy. It was in fact, as the chronicler hints, an attempt Count of 
to restore the old Middle Kingdom. It only lasted for a short time, Buro-iindv 
Dummler, ti. s. ed. i, pp. 317 ff. ; ed. 2, pp. 318 ff. 

<5da to psem ■west dsele] This is Odo, or Eudes, Count of Paris. He Odo, Count 
had been the soul of the defence of Paris during the great siege, after the ^^ Pans, 
death of the heroic Bishop Gozlin, Dummler, u. s. ed. i and 2, pp. 315 ff. 

Beorn gar] This is Berengar, Margrave of Friuli. He was crowned a,t Berengar 
Pavia, Jan., 888. of ^""ili- 

"Wipa] This is Guide, Duke of Spoleto. At first he attempted to com- Guido, 

pete with Odo for the crown of the Western Kingdom ; but failing in this, i; i®^"^ 
^ o ' & ' Spoleto. 

he returned to contend with Berengar for the Italian crown. The ' tu 
folc gefeoht ' are probably the battles of Brescia, Autumn, 888, in which 
Berengar was victorious ; and that of the Trebbia, Spring, 889, in which 
he was completely defeated, Dummler, m. s. ed. 1, pp. 31 3 ff., 324 ff., 363 ff. ; 
ed. 2, pp. 314 ff., 325 ff., 365 ff. It is curious that Dummler, who con- 
stantly cites Asser and Ethelwerd, hardly ever quotes the Chronicle, 
from which both are derived. 

Long beardna londe] ' Gallie . . . |ie mon nu hset Long beardas ' (i. e. 
Gallia Cisalpina), Oros. p. 180; cf. ib. 192. 

on pa healfe muntes] Cf. Oros. p. 184: ' segSer ge Gallie be sujian 
niuntum ge Gallie be nor})an muntum.' 

.ffipelhelm aldormon] 'Comes Wiltunensium,' Asser, p. 491. 

pp. 82, 83. 888*. ..ffipelswip cuen] Ex-queen of Mercia; wife of Death of 
Burgred ; see on 853, 874. A ring found near Aberford, in Yorkshire, . ,® " 
bears the inscription 'EABELSVID REGINA,' Hiibner, Inscr. Brit. ^^^ 
Christ,, No. 224. D, E, by inserting the words ' 7 heo ' before ' forSferde,' 




Death of 



imply that she accompanied the mission which took Alfred's alms, 
which the reading of A, B, C leaves indeterminate. S. D. ii. 91, and 
Gaimar, vv. 3331 S., follow D, E. According to E. W. i. 355, she died 
'in habitu religionis.' Fl. Wig., with MS. C, places all these events in 
889, which is certainly right for the death of Archbishop Ethelred 
(June 30), Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 12 ; ed. 2, p. 22. R. W. places ^thel- 
swith's death under 890, the death of Ethelred and the sending of the 
alms in 889. He also says that alms were sent to Jerusalem as well as 
to Rome. This is perhaps due to the Chron., 883, where MSS. B and C 
read ' ludea ' for ' India.' 

^pelwold aldormon] Of Kent, Etlielw. p. 517. 

890*. Beornhelm aBfc] Of Saint Augustine's, Thorn, c. 1777. 

Godrum . . . .^pelstan] On him, see above, 878, 886. According to 
ASN. he was buried ' in uilla regia quae uocatur Headleaga [Hadleigh, 
Suffolk] apud Orientales Anglos.' Gaimar says that he was buried at 
Thetford, v. 3383. On his successor, see below, 905 A. 

se norjjerna cyning] This description of Guthrum may be connected, 
as Schmid suggests, Gesetze, p. Ixv, with the ' North ' in ' North-folk.' 
S. D.'s phrase 'rex Northanhymbrorum,' ii. 91, is commonly treated as 
a mere mistranslation of this ; and a further development of the error is 
found in W. M., when he says that at the treaty of Wedmore, ' datae sunt 
ei [Guthrum] prouinciae Orientalium Anglorum et Northanhimbrorum,' 
i. 126; Schmid, tc. s. p. xxxix. On the other hand, S. D. himself says 
tha- there was an interregnum in Northumbria from 878 to 883, after 
which Guthred was set up, who, if he existed at all, was probably of 
Danish blood, v. s. p. 85. It cannot, therefore, be pronounced impossible that 
Northumbria may have been ceded to Guthrum at Wedmore, the vacancy 
there facilitating the transfer, just as the possible death of Ceolwulf about 
the same time may have facilitated the transfer of his part of Mercia to 
Alfred ; see above on 867, 878, and 886, and of. Lib. de Hyda, p. 48. 
Ethelwerd calls bim 'rex Borealium Anglorum'; and in spite of his 
baptism dismisses him below : ' Oreo tradit spiramen,' p. 517 C 

Sant Laudan] ' 890. Sancti Laudi castrum, interfectis habitatoribus, 
funditus terrae coaequatam,' Gesta Nermann. ; Bouquet, viii. 97 ; Diimmler, 
w. 8. ed. I, p. 345 ; ed. 2, p. 346. 

Brettum] ' Armorica,' Fl. Wig. i. 108. 

on ana ea] The Vire, Pauli, Pertz, xiii. 107; the Blavet, Diimmler, 
doubtfully, ti. s. ed. I and 2, p. 346. The former seems more probable. 
Archbishop Plegemund, a, E] He was a Mercian, Asser, p. 487. English Mercia 
Plegmund. -j^^^ intellectually suffered less than some other parts of England, G. C. E. 
pp. 156, 157. Fl. Wig. speaks of Plegmund as ' Uteris nobiliter instructus,' 
and places his accession in 889, i. 108. Alfred mentions him among his 
instructors in the jjreface to the Cura Pastoralis, pp. 6, 7 ; cf. G. P. p. 20 : 
' magister Elfredi regis.' There are some curious letters from Fulk, Arch- 

Danes and 

891] NOTES 103 

bishop of Rheims, to Alfred, complimenting him on Plegmund's apDoint- 
ment ; and to Plegmund himself, complimenting him on his studies, Flo- 
doard, Hist. Eccl. Eemensis, Pertz, xiii. 566-568, cited W. M. II. xlvii- 
For an examination of the famous story of the letter of Pope Formosus Alleged 
to Plegmund, and of the simultaneous consecration of seven bishops by ^ *^Jf 
Plegmund, see Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 13; ed. 2, p. 23; G. P. pp. 59-61; mosus to 
W. M. i. 140 ; II. Iv ff. In 908 he consecrated the tower of the New him. 
Minster at Winchester, and went to Rome with the English alms, Ethelw. 
p. 519. By a purely mechanical mistake a enters his death under 
Dccccxxiii instead of under DCCGCXIIII ; but it is a curious mistake for 
a Canterbury scribe ; see Fl. Wig. 1. 123 ; Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 12 ; ed. 2, 
p. 22. 

891 A] C and D, followed by Fl. Wig., date this annal 892 ; E alone 
omits it altogether. 

Earnulf . . . gefeaht] There were two great battles between the Franks Battles 
and Danes in 891 ; the former, June 26, on the Geul, which flows into f'v*^^^" ^ 
the Maas or Meuse a few miles below Maastricht, in which the Franks, in and Danes", 
the absence of Arnulf, were defeated ; the latter on the Dyle, Nov. i, in 
which Arnulf won a brilliant victory, Diimmler, u. s. ed. i, pp. 346 S. ; ed. 2, 
pp. 348 ff. It freed the interior of Germany for ever from the invasions of 
the Northmen, Thorpe, ad loc, citing Depping, Expeditions Maritimes 
des Normands, ii. 35. 

rsede here] Cf. Oros. p. 154 : ' ge on gange here, ge on rsede here, geon 
scip here ' ; so ' feSe here ' and * rsede here ' occur in juxtaposition, ib. 124 ; 
cf. the note on ' se gehorsoda here,' above, p. 91. 

Bsegerum] Bavarians ; cf. Oros. p. 16. Diimmler, however, says: 'gerade The 
die Baiern gar keinen Antheil [nahmen] an dem Kampfe,' ed. i and 2, Bavarians, 
p. 350. The mention of the Saxons is also wrong according to him, ih. note. 

prie Scottas] i.e. Irish; cf. Bede, II. 11, 12. This incident is 
thoroughly characteristic and genuine. On the love of the Irish for 
pilgrimage and missionary labour, see Bede, II. 76, 170; though the 
touching anecdote in Adamnan, Vit, Col. i. 48, shows that they were not Irish 
in their self-imposed exile exempt from the pains of home-sickness ; cf. s^^^s. 
G. P. p. 337 : ' peregrini triste reficis corculum.' Not only on the Con- 
tinent and in Britain, and the islands adjacent to Ireland and Britain, but 
in the distant Faroes and Iceland, we find these Irish exiles, many of 
whom were slain or forced to seek securer shelters by the Scandinavian 
marauders, Landniimab6c, Prologue; Z. K. B. i. 231 ; ii. 216. Some of 
the expressions in this annal are well illustrated by the language in which 
the Anglo-Saxon Bede speaks of some of these voluntary exiles to and 
from Ireland : ' in Hibernia for heofona rices lufan in elJ)iodigmesse lifde,' 
p. 190 (of Egbert) ; ' he wolde for Godes noman in elpeodignesse lifian ' n 1 ■ 

(of Fursa), p. 210 ; cf. ib. pp. 242, 332. But naturally it is m the Irish Xrish 
Sagas, especially the class called ' Imrama ' or Voyages, of which the one best literature. 


known to English readers is the Voyage of Maelduin, and in the lives of 
Irish Saints that we find the closest parallels ; the desire for exile, the self- 
abandonment (as they deemed it) to the will of God involved in committing 
themselves to the deep in a frail skin-coveredcoracle without oarage or steerage 
('gerej)ru ' includes both, the steering being done by an oar at the stern of 
the boat; see e.g. the pictures in Y-ule's Marco Polo, i. 11 1 ; Conybeare 
and Howson's St. Paul, ii. 371, 372, 380, 415) ; the slender provision of 
food for the voyage ; all these points are illustrated in the following- 
extracts. Three young Irish clerics set out on pilgrimage : ' ni rucad and 
do loon for muir acht teora bargin. ... In anmain Christ tra lecam ar 
r^ma uan isamuir, 7 foncerddam illeth ar tigernai,' ' they took as provision 
on the sea only three loaves. ... In the name of Christ let us throw our 
oars away into the sea, and let us commend ourselves to our Lord,' LL. 
2S3"; cf. Z. K. B. ii. 132. So Maelduin: ' leicid in noi ina tost cen 
imram, 7 an leth bus ail do Dia a brith, beraid,' 'leave the boat alone 
without rowing, and whither God wills it to be borne he will bear it,' 
Rev. Celt. ix. 462 ; cf. il>. x. 86. St. Brendan: ' Mittite intus omnes 
remiges et gubernacula, tantum dimittite uela extensa, et faciat Deus 
sicut uult de seruis suis,' Peregrinatio, p. 7. Other good parallels in Eev. 
Celt. ix. 18 ; xiv. 18, 38, 40; Cambro-Brit. Saints, p. 256 ; and the legend 
of Sceaf in W. M. i. 121. Sometimes this plan was adopted as a sort of 
ordeal, the judgement of the accused being left (as it was conceived) to 
God. Thus the men of Ross murdered their chief Fiacha ; his brother 
Donnchad was about t ) put them to death, but St. Columba advised him 
' sesca lanamna do chor dib isan fairrge, 7 co rucad Dia a breith forro,' ' to 
put sixty couples of them to sea, and let God give judgement upon 
them,' Rev. Celt. xiv. 16 ; cf. ih. 44. So when the pregnancy of St. Ken- 
tigern's mother was discovered, and doubts were entertained as to her 
virtue : ' decernitur ut muliercula ilia grauida sola in nauicula posita, 
pelago exponeretur ; . . . ibique earn solam paruissimo lembo de corio, 
iuxta morem ScoUorum confecto, impositam sine omni remigio fortune 
committunt,' N. & K. p. 167 ; cf. ih. 249, 250 ; R. W. i. 306 (a Scandinavian 
legend). So too it was resorted to as a means of getting rid of inconvenient 
persons without actual blood-shedding. Mothla, King of Ciarraige, had 
a nephew, Ciar Cuircheach (i. e. Ciar of the Coracle), whose claims were 
dangerous to him : ' dochuired a curach senshluaisti for muir,' ' he was put 
to sea in a coracle with a single paddle,' Lismore Lives, p. 95 (see also 
Punish- below, on 93'3 E). It was also, however, a well-recognised punishment for 
nientofthe the guilty; so much so that Cormac's Glossary derives the Irish ' cimbid,' 
guutj. (^ prisoner,' from the Latin cymha (!), Corm. Trans, p. 32 ; cf. Vita Tri- 

partita, pp. clxxiv, 222, 228: 'ait Patricius : non possum iudicare, sed 
Deus iudicabit. Tu . . . egredire ... ad mare, . . . et postquam periienias 
ad mare, conliga pedes tuos couipede ferreo, et proiece clauim eius in mare, 
et mitte te in nauim unius pellis absque gubernaculo, et absque remo, et 

893] NOTES 105 

quocumque te duxerit uentus et mare esto paratus.' A dead body was 
sometimes treated in the same way, Hardy, Cat. i. 155. Sometimes the Skin- 
boat is of three hides ; so Rev. Celt. ix. 458 ; xiv. 38, 54 ; Hardy, Cat. I. covered^ 
xxxii, note ; sometimes, as in the above passage from Vit. Trip., it is only 
of one ; cf. Rev. Celt. x. 84 ; Corm. Trans, p. 32. By a transference of 
Irish ideas to classical myths, the infant Jupiter, when concealed from 
Cronus, is represented as placed ' i curach oen seicbed for sruth Nil 7 
gabur blicht cengalta isin churuch,' 'in a coracle of a single hide on the 
river Nile, and a milch goat tied in the coracle,' LL. 217 "■. A yet higher 
degree of the marvellous is reached when Celtic saints embark successfully 
in coracles without any covering of skin at all, Lismore Lives, pp. 'ji, 
340 ; Felire, Dec. 8 ; N. & K. p. 152 ; Mart. Doneg. p. 82 ; Cambro.-Brit. 
Saints, p. 186 ; Hardy, Cat. I. xxxii, note. 

of Hibernia] Note how F alters this into * of Yrlande,' note 5 ; cf. Ireland. 
Adam Brem. : ' Hybernia Scotorum patria, quae nunc Irland dicitur,' 
Pertz, vii. 372. 

pus hie wseron genemnde, 7c.] I have not been able to identify any Names of 
of the three ' Scots,' though the names .are not common. There is only the three 
one Maelinmhain in the F. M. 953, and only three Dubhslaines, 878, 1003, °°*'*®' 
1024. Macbeth, though a famous, is not a common name. The Irish 
names throughout are given most correctly by B. Ethelwerd also is fairly 
correct, though he has developed the story strongly in a mythical direc- 
tion. R. W. calls it openly a miracle, i. 355. H. H. and ASN. omit 
the incident. Asser tells how Alfred's liberality to churches extended to 
Ireland, p. 496. 

Swifneh] Irish Suibhne. This name is commoner, and has given us Suibhne. 
the modern surname Mac Sweeny. The person meant is Suibhne mac 
Maelumha, anchorite and scribe of Clonmacnoise, whose death is entered 
in Ann. Ult. and Brut y Tywys. under 890 (= 891), and in F. M. under 
887. His tombstone at Clonmacnoise is figured in Petrie's Round Towers, 
p. 328. F Lat. is of course wrong in making him come to England with 
the other three Scots, though Dr. Petrie (probably independently) makes 
the same mistake, u.s. p. 327. 

At this point, after writing the number 892 ready for the next annal, End of the 
ends the first hand in S. The next scribe, however, found something more ■% '^^^"■ 
to add, for though he omitted to cross out the numeral, the words '])y ylcan 
geare' show that the events all belong to one year ; cf. Introduction, § 13. 

seteowde se steorra, 7C.J Cf. Bede, p. 476 : ' seteowdou twegen steorran Comet. 
. . . J)a syndon on bocum cometa nemde . . . stod se leoma him of, swilce 
fyren))ecele ' ; cf. infra, 1066. ASN. place the comet in 891 ; so two 
foreign chronicles in Pertz, i. 52 ; iii. 3 ; a third places it in 892, Bouquet, 
viii. 251. On the significance of comets, cf. Bede, II. 222, 223, 338. 

pp. 84, 85. 893 A, 892 E. to Bunnan] Gaimar makes them embark 
at Cherbourg, which seems much less likely, r. 3411. 




of the coast 


' licganj 



Death of 
of York. 

on Limene mujian] The configuration of the coast lands of Kent and 
Sussex has changed considerably since the ninth century, and there is 
now no river which would admit the passage of the Danish ships. But 
there is evidence, both geological and documentary (K. C. D. Nos. 47, 
234 ; Birch, Nos. 98, 411), that formerly a considerable river ran from 
about Hythe in the direction of Appledore (Apultreo, Fl. Wig.), foUowiag 
approximately the line of the modern military canal. The clearing of 
the ' mickle wood called Andred,' causing the shrinkage of the rivers, has 
combined with the action of tides and storms in silting up harbours and 
blocking river mouths, to bring about the change. Gaimar says expressly ; 
' Cel ewe Lim.mene e bien parfund,' v. 3416. 

pe we Andred hatatS] ' quae uocata est Andredesweald,' ASN. In 
1018 Cnut grants to Archbishop ^Ifstan (o?" Lifing) : ' quoddam siluule 
. . . nemus famosa in silua Andredeswealde, quod uulgo dicitur Haeselersc,' 
Ordnance Survey Facs. III. 39. 

seo ea . . . liS] For tliis use of ' licgan ' to indicate the direction of 
a road, river, &c., cf . ' Seo Wisle liS lit of Weonod lande 7 liS in Estmere 
... 7 J)onne . . . ligeS of J)aem mere ... on see,' Oros. p. 20. Prof. 
Earle cites an extract from a Copenhagen MS. (communicated in Archaeo- 
logical Journal, 1S59) : ' Se pe biS of earde and feor of his cySSe, hu mseg he 
ham cuman gif he nele leornian hu se weg lioge Jie liS to his cy'S'Se 1 = 
He who is absent from his land and far from his people, how can he get 
home if he will not learn how the way lies that goes to his country ? ' 

f[8est]enne] It is curious that two MSS. so far apart as A and E(€) 
should independently have made the same mistake ' fenne,' ' fcenne,' for 
' fsestenne ' ; yet the agreement of B, C, D, the Latin chroniclers, and the 
context all show that the latter is right. 

aet Middeltune] ' Non multo post fecit alium in Aquilonali parte 
Tamensis in loco qui dicitur Beanfleot,' ASN. This is taken from the next 
annal, i. 86 m., and is added here to make the course of events clearer. 

Hie obiit "Wulfhere . . . archiepiscopus, E] The date given by E for 
the death of Wulfhere of York, 892 (S95, R. W. i. 361), agrees with S. D. 
ii. 92, 119, where it is said that he died in the thirty-ninth year of his 
episcopate. This would place his accession in 853 x 854. So would the 
different computation of Simeon in his letter on the Archbishops of York, 
where he says that Wulfhere died in 900, in the forty-seventh year of his 
episcopate, i. 225. With this practically agree the Ann. Lindisf., which, 
being often a year or two behind the correct chronology, give 852 for his 
consecration and 898 for his death. His predecessor, Wigmund, died in 
the sixteenth year of his episcopate, S. D. i. 224. If he was consecrated 
in 837 (Stubbs, Ep. Succ. pp. 11, 180 ; ed. 2, pp. 20, 242) his death would 
fall 852 X 853. Dr. Stubbs, u. s., accepts 854 and 900 as the dates of 
Wulfhere's accession and death respectively. He received the pallium in 
854, S. D. ii. 71, 100. While the Danes were ravaging York in 867 he 

894] NOTES 107 

fled to Addinghani in Wharfedale, i. 225. He was expelled with King 
Egbert in 872, but restored on his death in 873, i. 56 ; ii. no; see above, 
on 867. On the change in the character of E after this point, see Intro- 
duction, §§ 62, 114, 116. Ethelwerd also changes, ib. § 99. 

894 A] This annal is of great diflSculty, owing partly to the number Complex 
and complexity of the operations related in it, partly to the fact that m'jvements 
several earlier events are alluded to only incidentally in explanation of jj^j-^es 
later matters, and it is extremely difficult to arrange things in their due 
chronological order. (Florence has attempted to improve somewhat the 
arrangement of the Chron., but there is no need on this account to sup- 
pose with Mr. Thorpe that he used 'a MS. varying considerably from 
those now extant.' Ethelwerd has some additional particulars, but 
unfortunately it is very difficult to penetrate the darkness caused by the 
corruption of his text and the confusions of his own 'puzzle-headed 
rhetoric.') The following is offered as a tentative solution. In the pre- 
vious annal (893) it is told how a large force of Danes had crossed from 
Boulogne to the mouth of the Limene, and fortified itself for the winter 
at Appledore. A .smaller detachment under Hsesten sailed round to the 
mouth of the Thames, entered the Swale, and fortified itself at Milton. In 
894 Alfred exacts pledges from the Danes of East Anglia and Northum- 
bria that they will not assist these new invaders. (S. D. represents this 
as a regular annexation of Northumbria and East Anglia: 'Anno 
DCCCXCiv . . . mortuo Guthredo, rex Elfredus Northanhumbrorum regnum 
suscepit disponendum. . . . Paterno regno . . . et prouiuciam Orientalium 
Angiorum, et Northanhymbrorum post Guthredum adiecit,' i. 71 ; cf. on 
867, supra. This is of course a gross exaggeration.) But nevertheless 
they co-operate more or less openly with them in their forays. Alfred 
takes up a position between the two Danish camps in order to watch 
them both, and numerous skirmishes take place. Alfred endeavours to 
detach the Danes at Milton by making a separate agreement with them. 
Hajsten consents ; he is honourably received, his two sons are baptised, 
Alfred himself and his son-in-law Ethelred, the great alderman of the 
Mercians, acting as sponsors. But the treaty was only a blind on Hses- 
ten's part. (So R. W. : ' Hasteinus . . . cogitauit quo ordine regem . . . 
deciperet,' i. 358 ; in other respects R. W. is very confused.) Hsesten 
crosses to Benfleet in Essex, and throws up a fortification there, and 
begins to ravage, after sending word to the Danes at Appledore to let 
their ships sail round and join him, while they themselves break out in 
force, and marching through Surrey, Hants, and Berks, cross the upper 
Thames, and then, turning eastwards, regain their ships at Benfleet. But 
before they could reach the Thames they were overtaken (perhaps in 
consequence of the enormous booty with which they were laden) by a 
division of the fyrd [under Alfred's son Edward] at Farnham, defeated, 
and driven in confusion across the Thames and up the Hertfordshire 


Colne, where they took refuge in an island [called Thorney], and were 
there besieged. Just at this crisis the term of service of Edward's 
division of the fyrd expired, their provisions were exhausted, and they 
abandoned the siege. Alfred was on his way with a fresh division of 
the fyrd to relieve them, when he heard that two fleets raised by the 
Northumbrian and East Anglian Danes were besieging Exeter and an 
unnamed place on the north coast of Devon. He at once turned west, 
detaching, however, a small body [under Edward] to watch the Danes [at 
Thorney]. These were still there, having been unable to avail themselves 
of the absence of the fyrd, owing to the state of their chief, who had been 
wounded in the battle of Farnham. [Edward, with the help of a force 
from London, under Ethelred, compels them to submit and give hostages, 
and they march off to Essex], and reach Benfleet, where Hasten (taking 
advantage, perhaps, of Ethelred's absence on the Colne) was again harrying 
the English part of Essex ; v. s. Here their former assailants, having 
received reinforcements on their way at London and from the west, 
attacked them in Heesten's absence, carried the fort, captured or de- 
stroyed the ships, and made prisoners of Hassten's wife and sons. These 
last were sent to Alfred, who chivalrously released them. The defeated 
Danes fell back on Shoebury, where they were joined by Haesten [after 
he had first repaired the fort at Benfleet, ASN.], and by reinforcements 
from East Anglia and Northumbria, and threw up a fresh fortifica- 
tion. (Meanwhile Alfred had compelled the besiegers of Exeter to retire 
to their ships.) The combined Danes from Shoebury make a dash up 
the Thames to the Severn, and thence up the Severn, but are defeated 
at Buttington by a general levy under the three aldermen, Ethelred of 
Mercia, ^thelnoth of Somerset (Ethelwerd, p. 515), and Jj^thelhelm 
of Wilts, and retire to Essex. They receive large reinforcements from 
Northumbria and East Anglia, and make another dash across England 
to Chester, which they occupy before the fyrd can overtake them. 
The above sketch does justice, I believe, to all the points mentioned in 
the Chron. The parts taken from Ethelwerd are included in square 
brackets. If I have rightly understood his words they certainly cohere well 
with the rest. Some points of detail in the narrative require notice. 
Movements on psem east rice geweore] This has not been mentioned ; it refers 
of the to the winter quarters of the Danes at Louvain after their defeat on the 

the Conti- ^y^^ ^^ ^9^' '^^^ other division under Hsesten wintered at Amiens, 
nent. This was the winter of 891-892, and the crossing to England from Bou- 

logne was in the autumn of 892, Diimmler, u. s. ed. i, p. 351 ; ed. 2, p. 352 ; 
if this is correct, then here, as in other instances, the chronology of the 
Chronicle is a year in advance, and the original numbering in A (see 
i. 84, note i), with which ASN. agree, would be correct. 
' hloK' hlopum] Above, on S71, we have seen * hloj) ' opposed to ' folc gefeoht ' ; 

cf. 'hiehloSum on hie staledon,' Oros. p. 100. The size of a 'hloS' io 

894] NOTES 


defined in Ine's laws, c. 13 § i : 'Jjeofas we hata?J o?f vii men, from vii 
hl63 oS XXXV, siScJan biS here,' Thorpe, i. 1 10 ; Schmid, p. 26. We have also 
the verb •hloSian'; cf. ' hie ofer fone sa; hloSedunj hergedon,' Bede, p. 44. 

on tu tonumen, 7c.] The object of this measure was to give continuity Twofold 
to the military operations against the Danes, and to mitigate the difficulties division of 
to which a citizen-army is always liable; cf. Green, C. E. pp. 133-135. ^^sft^'^^- 
That it was not wholly successful the present annal is a proof. Compare 
the description of the Amazons in Orosius : ' hie heora here on tu to- 
dseldon, oJ)er set ham beon [? sceolde] heora lond to healdanne, oSer lit 
faran to winnanne,' p. 46 ; cf. also i Kings v. 13, 14, of Solomon's levies 
of labourers to build the Temple. It is by no means impossible that the 
Orosius passage may have suggested the plan to Alfred. Wtilker assigns 
the Orosius translation to 891 x 893 ; cf. on 896, infra ; and see Intro- 
duction, § 103. 

p. 85. ongean f>a scipu] ' classicae manui quam praemiserat obuiare,' 
Fl. Wig. 

p. 86. mid fiaere scire] i. e. with his division of the fyrd, the division . 
whose term of service was now beginning. It has no reference to ' shire ' 1 
as a territorial division. 

gewaldenum dsele] That ' gewaklen ' means 'inconsiderable' is ' gewal- 
shown by the following passage in Ores. : ' hi . . . gewaldenne here . . . *i6^-' 
sendon an hergiunge, .../...& hwile mid heora maran fultume . . . 
foron ongean Somnite,' p. 138 ; cf. ih. 192. Florence translates it ' paucis 
. . . relictis,' i. 11 1; see the passages cited in Bosworth-ToUer. 
ge on feo, 7c.] Cf. G. G. p. 102. 

p. 87. cumpaeder] ' The Latin " compater," which probably at this date ' Compa- 
was still understood in its etymological sense, of the relation subsisting ter.' 
between two men who were godfathers to the same child, or between a 
godfather and the natural father. (So in the letter of Stephen IV to Car- 
loman, cited above on 853 A.) Alfred and ^S'ered were both in this rela- 
tion to Hsesten, as appears in the previous sentences. Cf. K. C. D. No. 709 : 
" Eadrico meo compatri." The word soon became generalised; it began and 
ended much as our gossip (God sib),' Earle ; cf. * cummer' = ' commfere.' 

Ofj^aet hie gedydon set Sseferne] The object of this dash across The Danes 
England was probably to co-operate with the Danish fleet at Exeter. 011 the 
This was doubly frustrated; (i) by the fact that the three aldermen over- ®®'^^^^- 
took and defeated this body of Danes on the Severn ; (2) by the fact 
that the Danes at Exeter were held in check by Alfred ; see Taylor, The 
Danes in Gloucestershire, pp. 16-18; supplemented by an interesting 
letter of Mr. Taylor to myself. 

Iirort5"Weal cynnes] It is interesting to find the Welsh taking part Welsh 
against the invaders. Contrast on 835. The Welsh annals tell of their allied with 
ravages. Brut y Tywys., 894 ; Ann. Camb. 895. English, 

set Butting tune] Mr. Taylor, u.s., follows Dr. Ormerod in fixing this Butting- 




The Danes 
starved out. 


against the 


Ravages of 
the Danes 
in Sussex. 

The Lea 

End of 
against the 

at Butting-ton Tump in Tidenham, at the junction of the Wye and 
Severn, which certainly answers the conditions admirably. Then the 
river on the two sides of which the English forces encamped would be the 
Wye, and not the Severn. 

mete lieste] Cf. '])set hie . . . ol^er sceoldon, oJ)})e for metelieste heor 
lif alsetan, oJ)])e Somnitum on hand gan,' Oros. p. 120 ; cf. ih. 168. 

hungre acwolen] Cf. ih. 168 : ' Hanibal . . . besset Saguntum . , . 
oj) he hie ealle hungre acwealde.' 

p. 88. westre ceastre] Deva was the station of the twentieth legion 
' victrix/ M. H. B. p. xxi. ; hence its name ' Legaceaster,' ' Legionis 
castra.' Its desolation probably dated from the battle of Chester ; r. 
Bede, H. E. ii. 2, and notes. From this epithet 'west' = 'waste' comes 
the name ' Westchester,' sometimes given to Deva. It has nothing to do 
with ' west ' as a point of the compass. 

genamon eeapes eall, 7c.] 'Steenstrnp, Vik. p. 338, remarks that this 
is the only recorded instance of Christians destroying the means of life. 
Extreme measures were felt to be necessary. On p. 81 he shows that 
Asser and Fl. Wig., followed by Lappenberg and Pauli, reverse the parts, 
as if it were the Danes who had destroyed the corn, &c.,' Earle. Here 
the Liber de Hyda, p. 50, tells of Alfred a story like that which Asser 
tells of Ethelred at Ashdown, above, on 871. 

efeneh'Se] In the summer and autumn of 1891 there was a long dis- 
cussion in the Academy on the meaning and etymology of this word, 
which occurs only here. On the whole, the meaning of ' neighbourhood,' 
' neighbouring district,' seems the most probable. 

895 A. f)a foron hie , . . East Engla] ' quoniam propter Mercenses 
repedare per Merciam non audebant,' Fl. Wig. i. 114. 

pa hergodon Me up on SutS Seaxum] Florence has transferred the 
account of the ravages of the Danes in Sussex to the previous annal in 
immediate connexion with Alfred's raising of the siege of Exeter. 

p. 89. 896 A. worhton 'Sa tii geweorc] ' Fecit rex aquam Luye 
findi in tria brachia,' H. H. p. 150. Steenstrup surmises that the opera- 
tion may have been suggested to Alfred by Orosius' account of Cyrus and 
the Euphrates, ii. 6 (AS. vers. p. 74) ; Vikinger, p. 83. 

Cwat brycge] ' There are still Quat and Quatford, respectively 4I and 
2^ miles SSE. of Bridgenorth,' Earle. 

897 A. snfl ofer see foron to Sigene] This was in S96 ; i: Ann. 
Vedastini, s. a., and Diimmler, u. s. pp. 433, 434. ' So ended the last great 
campaign between Alfred and the Vikings,' Steenstrup, Vik. p. 84. 

Naefde se here . . . gebrocod] Cf. Alfred's -kHI, ad init.: 'J)agelamp 
]?3et we calle on hseSenum folce gebrocude wseron,' K. C. D. Nos. 314, 
1067 ; Birch, No. 553. 

p. 90. para selestena cynges penaj Cf. ' mid geSeahte . . . ealra 
minra selostra witena,' K. C. D. vi. 202. 


"Wulfred . . . Ham tun scire] Only in A. He signs one genuine 
charter, K. C. D. No. 1065 ; Birch, No. 550. He is not mentioned in 
Fl. Wig. 

biscop set Dorce ceastre] In consequence of the Danish conquest of See of 
Mercia, S74, supra, the see of Leicester had been moved to Dorchester, Dorchester. 
H. & S. iii. 129. This perhaps explains the difference of phraseology as 
compared with ' biscop on Hro&sceastre ' just above. Swithwulf was 
Bishop of Rochester, but Ealheard w^as only Bishop at Dorchester. It 
was not his proper see, and the removal was probably at first regarded 
as only a temporary measure. (On the earlier history of Dorchester as 
a bishop's see, cf. Bede, II. 144, 145, 245, 246.) Cf. G. P. pp. 402, 403, 
where Sexhelm is called 'episcopus Sancti Cuthberti,' the see being then 
temporarilj' at Chester-le-Street. I have not been able to find out any- 
thing about any of these worthies. 

horspegn] ' Strator regius,' Fl. Wig. i. 115. 

•Sa ge'Sungnestan (-witan)] Cf. Alfred's laws: ' seonoSas . . . haligra 'ge?iiingen.' 
biscepa 7 eac oSerra gej^ungenra witena'; Ine : 'on ealdornionnes huse 
. . . o))])e on otJres gel)ungenes witan,' Thorpe, i. 58, 106 ; Schmid, pp. 
22, 66; cf. ' swa 8e])ele wer 7 swa ge])ungen' of Gregory the Great, Bede, 
p. 98 ; ih. 130. 

sums hsefdon .Ix. ara] Cf. Crawford Charters, p, 23 : 'senne sceg© Ixiiii 
Eere,' where the last word is an adjective = having sixty-four oars. 

unwealtran] 'minus nutantes,' Fl. Wig. i. 1 15. Professor Earle cites Alfred's 
Longfellow, The Phantom Ship : ' ships. 

' But Master Lamberton muttered, 
And under his breath said he, 
"This ship is so crank and walty 
I fear our grave she will be ! " ' 
D's ' untealran ' may be a mere blunder, or it may be for ' untealtran.' 
With this description of Alfred's ships compare that of Antony's fleet at 
Actinm, Oros. p. 246. On Alfred's efforts to create a navy, cf. F. N. C. 
i. 55 ; G. C. E. pp. 137, 13S. Compare also Charlemagne's similar efforts, 
Einhardi Vita Caroli, cc. 16, 17. 

mid nigonum] ' Here " nigon " is substantival, and therefore declined ; Numeral 
so "buton fifum" below; contrast "nigon nihtum," 898, infra. The same substan- 
distinction holds good to some extent in modem German ; we can say not ^^^^' 
only " vor zwolf (Uhr)," but also " vor den Zwolfen," ' Earle. 

on uter mere] 'in ostium fluminis, cui Uthermare nomen est,' (!) 
R. W. i. 365. 

p. 91. Lueumon cynges gerefa] ' praepositum regalis exercitus,' 
H. H. p. 151 ; but 'gerefa ' never implies military position. 

Priesa . . . Priesa] The number of Frisians serving in Alfred's ships Frisians in 
explains a phrase of Asser's referring to the contests of 877 : ' res Alfred's 
.iElfredus iussit cymbas et galeas, id est longas naues fabricari per regnum, ^^^- 




' cynges 

fera,' or 
' Wealhge- 

Date of 

on Alfred, 

. . . impositisque piratis in illis uias maris custodiendas commisit,' 
p. 479. Till Alfred could build up a native body of sailors he had to hire 
foreigners. For Frisians among the earliest Teutonic settlers in Britain, 
of. F. N. C. i. 21 ; S. C. S. i. 115, 231, 237 ; ii. 183, 185 ; iii. 25. 

cynges geneat] The ordinary ' geneat ' seems to have been a rent-and- 
service-paying tenant, often a mere peasant, almost a serf; cf. K. C. D. 
iii. 450; Birch, No. 928. That the king's 'geneat' held a very much 
higher position is shown both by the special mention here, and by the 
fact that in Ine's laws, § 19, he has the same wergild as a king's thane, 
viz. 1,200 shillings; and the name geneat (= genosse) suggests a con- 
nexion wdth the thanehood in its eatlier form of a comitatus or body of 
' gesiSas,' v. Schmid, Glossary, s. v. geneat. 

"Wealh gerefa, B, C, D ; "Wealh gefera, A] Cf. Glossary. In support 
of his view Prof. Earle cites from a charter freeinsr land : ' a . . . refectione 
illorum hominum quos Saxonice Walhftereld nominamus,' K. C. D. No. 278 ; 
Birch, No. 489 ; which he takes to be the body of troops patrolling the 
Welsh border, of which the Wealbgefera was the commander. 

898 A. Heahstan . . . biscop] Fl. Wig. places the death of the Bishop 
of London in 900, i. 116, where he calls him (as A) Heahstan. But in the 
list of Bishops, ih. 232, he calls him Ealhstan, as in B, C, D. 

901*. Her gefor Alfred] There is an unfortunate doubt as to the 
date of Alfred's death. The length of his reign given by the Chron. 
(281^ years) is inconsistent with its dates for his accession and death, 
April, 871 — October, 901. Perhaps it is for this reason that S. D. places 
his death in 899, i. 71 ; ii. 92, 120. Mr. Stevenson, in an elaborate 
article in the Eng. Hist. Rev. xii. 71 fF., also decides for 899 on the 
strength of an entry discovered by him in Cotton Vespas. D. xiv. f. 223 v". 
Mr. Anscombe, Athenaeum, March 12, 1898, thought this entry not incon- 
sistent with 900, but was refuted by Mr. Stevenson, ih. March 19. 900 
is, however, the date given by ASN., and also by Ethelwerd, and this 
is supported by two documents dated : ' Anno dominicae incarnationis 
DCCCC", Indictione iir quando ^■Elfred Rex obiit et Eadward . . . regnum 
suscepit,' K. C. D. Nos. 1076, 1077; Birch, Nos. 590, 594. The Indic- 
tion is right. Mr. Stevenson thinks these charters suspicious, but the 
agreement of them with ASN. forms rather strong evidence. Unfor- 
tunately none of Edward's charters give his regnal years, so that we 
cannot fix from them the date of his accession. Fl. W^ig. gives Alfred 
a reign of 29I years ; so S. D. ii. 372. But Mr. Stevenson ingeniously 
surmises that this is a mere slip due to overlooking the ' o])rum ' before 
' healfum,' i. 92 t. Fl. W^ig. also gives the day as October 28, instead of 
October 26 (see below on 941 A). But the latter is certainly right, and 
is confirmed by the Calendar printed in Hyde Register, p. 272 ; cf. the 
curious entries of his obit, Hampson, i. 395, 416. Even Ethelwerd grows 
simple and dignified in the face of this great event : ' Magnanimus 

90i] NOTES 113 

transiit de mundo ^Ifredus rex, Saxonum immobilis Occidentalium postis, 
uir iustitia plenus, acer in armis, sermone doctus, diuinis . . . super 
omnia documentis imbutus . . . Cuius requiescit urbe in Wintana corpus 
in pace. Die mode lector " Christe redemptor, animam eius salua," ' 
p. 519. He must be a stern Protestant who would refuse to grant Ethel- 
werd's request. Florence gives a fine character of Alfred : ' uiduarum, 
pupillorum, orphanorum, pauperumque prouisor studiosus, poetarum Saxoni- 
corum peritissimus, suae genti carissimus,' p. 116 ; S. D. ii. 109 (cf. 
' Alfred the King, Englelondes deorling,' Layamon, i. 269 ; ' Englene 
darling,' Salomon and Saturn, p. 226). H. H. bursts into verse, two lines 
of which are vigorous : 

' Si modo uictor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas. 
Si niodo uictus eras, ad crastina bella parabas,' 
p. 152 ; cf. ih. 171. H. H. makes him the ninth Bretwalda, Edgar being 
the tenth and last, p. 52. Orderic says: ' omnes Angliae reges praece- 
dentes et subsequentes excelHt,' ii. 202 ; cf. V. liii. We have seen how 
the Liber de Hyda calls him ' iste princeps inter mille nominatissimus,' 
p. 29. Ailred calls him ' famosissimus et Christianissimus rex,' c. 740 ; 
in the French Life of Edward the Confessor he is ' le roi Auvre, le 
seint, le sage,' p. 28. In a charter of Ethelred's he is 'the wise king,' 
' se wisa cing .Alfred,' K. C. D. iii. 203. . Not the least glorious of his 
titles is that given him by Asser, p. 471 C : ' the truth- teller,' ' ^Ifredus 
ueridicus' ; cf. Liebermann, p. 232 ; so ASN. p. 172. Gaimar, after noting 
his wisdom and valour, says : ' C'lerc estait, e bon astronomien,' v. 2852 ; 
cf. vv. 3446 ff. 

The only unfavourable view of Alfred which I have met with is in His alleged 
the Abingdon Chron. : ' ^Ifredus . . . mala mails accumulans, quasi spoliation 
ludas inter xii, uillam in qua coenobium situm est, quae . . . Abbendonia ^^^ 
appellatur, . . . a . . . coenobio uiolenter abstraxit, uictori Domino pro 
uictoria . . . super Essedune . . . inparem reddens talionem,' i. 50 ; cf. 
ib. 52, 125 ; ii. 276. We cannot tell what the rights of the matter may 
be. It is hard to believe that Alfred can have been guilty of deliberate 
wrong. W. M.'s account is as follows : ' Elfredi tempore regis, cum 
barbarica ubique Dani discursarent petulantia, edifitia loci ad solum 
complanata. Turn rex, malorum praeuentus consiliis, terras, quaecunque 
appendices essent, in suos suorumque usus redegit,' G. P. p. 191. It 
may have been some measure dictated by the exigencies of defence. 

Florence distinctly says that he was buried in the New Monastery His burial, 
in Winchester, u. s. W. M. i. 134, 135 (cf. Liber de Hyda, pp. 61, 
62, 76) has preserved a story that he was buried first in the Cathedral, 
' in episcopatu,' because his monastery was not finished, but was removed 
thither because the di-ivelling canons said that he ' walked ' : ' pro delira- 
mento canonicorum dicentium regios manes resumpto cadauere noctibus 
• . . oberrare. . . . Has sane naenias, sicut ceteras, . . . Angli pene innata 
II. I 




His tomb 

cance of 
his reign. 

of Edward, 

credulitate tenent.' As far as regards the double burial, and the trans- 
lation from the Old to the N'ew Monastery, this account is confirmed by 
the Hyde Register, p. 5. When the site of the New Monastery was 
transferred to Hyde, the remains of Alfred were translated anew in mo. 
They were desecrated and scattered to the winds in 1 788, Liber de Hyda, 
pp. xlv f., Ixxv ff. From the ruins a stone bearing the inscription 
' selfred rex DCCCLXXXI ' was rescued by Mr. Henry Howard, of Corby 
Castle, where it now reposes. For a beautiful squeeze of this stone I am 
indebted to my cousin, Mrs. H. A. Hills, the present tenant of Corby. The 
date cannot of course be that of Alfred's death ; it may be a mistake for 
871, the date of his accession. On the significance of Alfred's reign and 
work I may perhaps be allowed to quote what I wrote in 1889 : — 

' Alfred holds in real history the place which romance assigns to Arthur ; 
a Christian king, — 

' Scarce other than my own ideal knight,' 

who rolls back the tide of heathen conquest from his native land. The 
peace of 878, by which more than half of England passed to the Dane, 
might seem the confession of a disastrous defeat. In reality it is im- 
possible to overestimate what had been gained. Wessex was saved, and in 
saving Wessex Alfred saved England, and in saving England he saved 
Western Europe from becoming a Scandinavian power. It is true that 
this did not avert later conquest under Swegen and Cnut; but though 
that conquest gave England for a time a dynasty of Danish kings, it did 
not make her Scandinavian in the same sense in which the earlier conquests 
would have done, had they been successful. And if Wessex had lost much 
by the inroads she had also gained something by them. They 
made her the representative of English national feeling, the one power in 
the island which could boast a royal house of unbroken national descent. 
The work of Alfred's succesiors lay in the endeavour to win back and 
incorporate the under-kingdoms which had been ceded to the Danes. But 
the work was only very imperfectly accomplished, when it was more than 
undone by the renewal of the Danish inroads towards the close of the 
tenth century, which culminated in the election of Cnut as sole King of 
England in 1017 ; ' cf. F. N. C. i. 46 fF. 

On the extinction of the local dynasties, cf. Chron. Ab. i. 37 ; Mon. Ale. 
pp. .S7 1-373 ; H. & S. iii. 510. It may be noted that Alfred is called king 
of the Gewissae by the Welsh Annals, cf. Bede II. 89 ; and by Ord. Vit. ii. 
202. His will is in K. C. D. Nos. 314, 1067 ; Birch, No. 553 ; and else- 
where. It throws no light on the original place of burial. 

pp. 92, 93. 7 J)a feng Ead weard] 'a primatibus electus,' Ethelw. 
p. 519 B. This distinct statement is important in view of ^thelwold's 
attempt to seize the crown. But, indeed, Edward seems to have been 
associated with Alfred in the government even before the latter's death, for 

90 1 ] NOTES 115 

he signs a charter of 898 as ' rex,' K. C. D. No. 576 ; Birch, No. 324. He 
was crowned on Whit-Sunday, Ethelw., u. s. As Alfred died in Oct. this 
must be the Whitsuntide of the following year. Of Edward, Fl. Wig. 
says : ' litterarum cultu patre inferior, sed dignitate, potentia, . . . et gloria 
superior,' i. 117. 

.ffi'Sel wald] The sons of Ethelred had been passed over as minors at Rebellion 
their father's death. One of them now attempted to make good his claim ° fr 
against Edward; of. F. N. C. i. 56. ^thelwold is mentioned in Alfred's 
will, who leaves him the hams of Godalming, Guildford, and Steyning. 
Ethelwerd the historian was descended from Ethelred, possibly through 
.(Ethel wold, pp. 499 C, 514 A. 

gerad . . . rad] 'ridan,' to ride, 'geridan,' to get by rithng, to surprise; ' ridan,' 
so ' winnan,' to fight, ' gewinnan,' to get by fighting, to win. Hence ° 
in modern German this prefix, which indicates accomplishment, attainment, 
has become the sign of the past participle. 

Tweoxn earn] The more modern form of the name is Twinham. But Christ 
both forms have been supplanted by the name of Christ Church, derived k. ^^*^ ' 
from the famous Abbey. As early as the twelfth century this had become 
the prevailing name : ' quidam locus qui solitario [? solito] uocabulo 
Cristecerce, id est Christi ecclesia, uocatur,' G. P. p. 418 ; cf. Freeman, 
English Towns and Districts, pp. 165 ff. A similar name is 'Bituinseuiii,' 
Twining, Gloucester, K. C. D. No. 203 ; Birch, No. 350 ; cf. ' betwu.x Jaem 
twaem eaum,' Oros. p. 218. 

Baddanbyrig] 'ad Bathan,' H. H. p. 153 ; he is wrong of course. It Badbury. 
is Badbury Rings, near Wimborne, Dorset. 

libban . . . licgan] A proverbial expression ; cf. ' to tacne fset hie o])er ' Live ' or 
woldon, oS5e ealle libban, oS3e ealle licgean,' Oros. p. 1 38. The phrase 
' libbende 7 licgende ' is used of live and dead stock, Ancient Laws, 
Thorpe, i. 390 ; Schmid, p. 284 ; so K. C. D. vi. 149. 

hi hine under fengon ... to bugon, D] So B, C ; omitted by A. On ^thelwold 
the difference between the A recension and that of B, C, D in this section received by 
of the Chronicle, see Introduction, §§ 83,84 note, 89, 93, 112. According 
to S. D., Osberht, apparently one of the fleeting princes in Northumbria, 
was expelled in the year of Alfred's death, ii. 121 (cf. ib. 92, where the 
chronology is different). This may account for the reception of ^thelwold ; 
the Danes may also have hoped to divide the national resistance to them- 
selves (cf. H. H. : ' [Daci] nobilitati iuuenis congaudentes,' p. 153). If 
-80, their hopes were singularly falsified. 

to nunnan, A, D] At Wimborne : ' rex . . . sanctimonialem . . . captam Crime of 
iubet ad suum monasterium Winburnau reduci,' Fl. Wig. i. 1 1 8 ; cf. the -^helwold. 
case of Swegen, son of God wine, and the abbess of Leominster, 1046C, infra. 
The offence is one expressly provided for in the Laws, Thorpe, i. 66, 246, 
324 ; ii. 300 ; Schmid, pp. 74, 174, 232, 370 ; Earle, Charters, p. 231 ; Blick- 
ling Homilies, p, 61. 

I 2 


forU ferde JEjjered . . . -Alfred eyning] As Ethelred's death is ex- 
pressly dated by reference to that of Alfred, it must be placed in the same 
year, whatever that may be. 

On the Chronology of the Reign of Edwaed the Elder. 

Chronology The chronology of the Chronicle for the reign of Edward is extra- 
of Edward's ordinarily complicated and difficult. There is (i) the doubt as to the date 
of Edward's accession, v. s. ; (ii) the question of the relation of the 
Mercian Register to the main Chronicle ; (iii) the divergence of three years 
in the MSS. of the main Chronicle during the years 917, 918 A = 9I4, 
915, B, C, D. The first point has been already discussed. As to the third 
it might seem at first sight more probable that the original of B, C, D 
should wrongly omit three blank annals, than that A should wrongly insert 
them ; and we have seen that the chronological dislocation in the earlier 
part of the Chronicle was caused by a similar omission of blank annals. 
But on the other hand, (a) I have in the Introduction, §§ 93, 112, given 
some reasons for believing that the BCD recension of the main Chronicle is 
in this part more original than that of A, and this greater originality may 
extend to the dates as well as to the text of the annals. (J>) Fl. Wig. 
agrees with the chronology of BCD ; so much so, that when incorporating 
the annals 919-924, which are quite peculiar to A, he dates them also 
three years earlier, viz. 916-921. Either, therefore, he had a MS. in which 
these annals were so dated ; or, having decided that A in the two pre- 
ceding annals was three years in advance of the true chronology, he applied 
the same correction to the six following years. In the latter case, of course, 
Florence's dates only represent his own estimate of the conflicting evidence. 
If so, I am inclined to agree with him. (cj It would be very easy for the 
scribe of A's original to mistake ' xiiii ' for ' xuii,' then the next scribe 
(or himself) would naturally insert the missing numbers as blank annals. 
The As to the second question, the chronological relation of the MR to the 

Mercian main Chronicle, we may note that in A we have the latter only ; in BC we 
" ■ have both, but separate and uncombined ; in D we have an attempt to 
combine the two, with a further admixture of a Northumbrian element 
(on which see Introduction, § 70% The Mercian dates in D have, I believe. 
no independent authority, and need no special discussion ; where they 
agree with MR, they are taken from it ; where they differ, they gimjily 
represent a (not very successful) attempt to accommodate them to the 
chronology of the main Chronicle (MC). The MR deals principally with 
the doings of ^thelflsed ; MC with those of Edward. Hence the points 
at which they touch are few in number, and the materials for judging of 
their mutual relations are slight. The points of contact are these : 

Death of Ealhswith,902 MR,905iMC [probably the battle of the Holme, 902 
MR, is also to be equated with the battle in 905 MC ; see below, pp. 123, 124]. 
Death of Ethelred of Mercia, 911 MR, 912 MC. 

905 C] NOTES . 117 

Death of yEthelflEed of Mercia, 918 ME, 922 A (probably to be cor- 
rected to 919, V. s.). 

Death of Edward, 924 MR, 925 MC. 

Now, either Fl. Wig. had a MS. of MR differing from ours, or else from Fl. Wig.'s 
these three last instances he made the induction that the chronology *^^ ^*™i^J' 
of MR was always one year behind the true ; for, with the exception of 
the battle of the Holme, which he advances by two years (902 to 904), he 
always adds one to the dates of MR, which he then combines with those 
of MC, according to the BCD recension (with the single exception of 
the fortification of Witham, which he advances a year, from 913 to 914). 
Hence his combination is much more systematic than that of D. Whether 
it represents anything more than his own opinion is a question. Two 
other tests of the chronology of MR seem to offer themselves, the lunar 
eclipse of 904, and the comet of 905. But, owing to the occurrence of 
similar phenomena in other years, both are delusive ; see notes a. I. 

Ethelwerd and ASN show no trace of the MR ^see Introduction, §§ 99, 
100, note). Of these ASN is uniformly one year, and Ethelwerd two 
years, behind the chronology of MC, according to the BCD recension. 

As the two series of entries have little connexion, and it is difficult to 
determine their mutual relations, it will be best to take them separately, 
beginning with 902-924 MR. 

p. 93. 902 C. EalhswiO forlSferde] December 5, Hampson, i. 419. Death of 
Her death is entered in MC at the end of 905. Fl. Wig. adopts 905, Ealhswith. 
and says that she founded the convent of nuns (Nunnaminster) at 
Winchester ; cf. Hyde Reg. pp. 5, 57 ; Nunnaminster Codex, ed. De Gray 
Birch for Hants Records Soc. pp. 5-7. She was mother of Edward and 
widow of Alfred, who married her in 868. According to Asser she was 
daughter of Ethelred, ' Gainorum comes,' and her mother, Eadburg, was 
of the Mercian royal house. Fl. Wig. u. s. calls her ' religiosa Christi 
famula,' which looks a little as if she had ' entered religion ' herself after 
Alfred's death. If so, this might account for the fact that her signature 
as ' mater regis' does not occur later than 901, K. C. D. No. 333 ; Birch, 
No. 5S9 ; cf. ib. No. 630 ; a fact which otherwise would be in favour of 
the earlier date of 902 for her death. The position of Asser's Gaini is 
not known ; certainly the name has nothing to do with Gainsborough ; see 
Mr. H. Bradley in Academy, June 2, 1S94. ' Ethelred Ganniorum Dux ' 
subscribes a spurious charter, K. C. D. No. 322 ; Birch, No. 571. 

p gefeoht set pam Holme] See on 905 MC. 

904 C. mona apystrode] There was an eclipse of the moon in 904, Lunar 
but as there were lunar eclipses also in 901, 902, 903, 905, and 907, this eclipses. 
is not much help in fixing the chronology. 

905 C. cometa] There is evidence for a comet in 905, Pertz, i. 611 ; Comets. 
ii. 255 ; iii. 3. But in the first of these entries it is said to have appeared 

in May, whereas D places its appearance on October 20. In 904 there 



[905 c 

of Chester. 

of St. Os- 

lady of the 

Her royal 

was a comet towards the end of the year, and in 906 there was one which 
was visible for nearly six months, Pingr^, Com^tographie, i. 352, 353. 

p. 94. 907 C] Only in MR. It has not escaped the careful Fl. 
Wig. : ' Ciuitas quae Karlegion Britannice, et Legeceastre dicitur Saxonice, 
iussu ^theredi ducis et ^gelfledae restaurata est,' u. s. W. M. has a 
story of Chester rebelling ' fiducia Britonum ' and being reduced just 
before Edward's death, i. 144, 145. This may come from the life of Athel- 
stan which W. M. had before him ; see below. 

909 C. Oswaldes lie] On the fate of Oswald's relics see notes to Bede, 
H. E. iii. 11-13. The monastery at Gloucester, to which his body was now 
translated, had been founded by Ethelred and ^thelflsed in his honour. 
It was closely allied with that of Malmesbury. The monks were dispersed 
by the Danes, and canons substituted. Archbishop Thurstan, when re- 
storing the shrine of St. Oswald, discovered the tombs of the founders in 
the south [least, v. 918 C, i. 105] ' portions,' W. M. i. 136; G. P. p. 293. 
It was granted by William Rufus to the see of York, and the archbishops 
sometimes used it as a place of banishment for refractory ecclesiastics. 
At the time of the dissolution of the lesser monasteries Archbisliop Lee 
interceded with Thomas Cromwell that it might be spared ; needless to 
say — in vain, Raine's Hexham, i. Appendix pp. xli f., cxxv f. 

910 C. .^^elflsed. getimbrede, jc.~\ This is the first mention by name 
of Alfred's heroic daughter (' fauor ciuium, pauor hostium,' W. M. i. 136) 
.^thelflced, ladj' of the Mercians. The Rev. C. S. Taylor ingeniously sug- 
gests that she was named after ^thelflsed, the daughter of Oswy, whose 
dedication to the religious life marked Oswy's triumph over tlie heathen 
Penda, The Danes in Gloucestershire, pp. 5, 6. The restoration of Chester, 
907 C, was, however, her work, v. note a. I. H. H. says of her : ' haec . . . 
tantae potentiae fertur fuisse, ut a quibusdam non solum domina uel 
regina, sed etiam rex uocaretur,' p. 158 (cf. the Hungarian: ' moriamur 
pro rege nostro, Maria Theresia,' Carlyle's Frederick, iii. 472 ff. ; Weber, 
Weltgesch. xiii. 17, 18; cf. F. N. C. i. 555, of Elizabeth). On the semi- 
royal position of ^thelflsed and her husband in Mercia, see F. N. C. i. 
563-565 ; Green, C. E. pp. 144, 145, where the evidence of the charters 
is collected. To the instances there given may be added the following : 
Ethelred and^thelflsed are called ' Myrcna hlafordas,' K. C. D. Nos. 313, 
339; Birch, Nos. 551, 608; Ethelred is called 'Myrcna hlaford,' K. 
327 ; B. 582 ; ' dux partis regionis Merciorum,' B. 577 ; ' dux et dominator 
Merciorum,' K. 340 ; B. 607 ; yEthelflsd is called ' domina Merciorum,' 
B. 583. This position may be due in part to the fact that ^thelfised's 
maternal grandmother, Eadburg, was related to the Mercian dynasty, 
Asser, p. 475. Of the Chronicles it is only MR, with its local feeling, 
which gives Ethelred the title of ' hlaford.' Fl. Wig. calls him ' Dux 
et patricius,' ' Dominus et subregulus,' and speaks of ' regnum Merciorum,' 
i. 121 ; Ethelwerd twice calls him 'rex,' p. 518, and says that he governed 

9i6C] NOTES 119 

Northumbria as well as Mercia, p. 519. Celtic sources uniformly speak 
of ^thelflsed as queen, and sometimes of Ethelred as king ; cf. Three 
Fragments, ut infra ; Ann. Ult. 917, 918 ; Ann. Camb. 917 ; Brut y Tywys. 
914; so Gaimar, r. 3477. The Chron. Ab. also calls ^thelflsed ' regina,' 
i. 44. For the line of fortresses by which she and Edward bridled the Her line of 
Danes, cf. W. M. : ' urbibus . . . per loca opportuna multis, uel ueteribus fortresses, 
reparatis, uel nouis excogitatis, repleuit eas manu militari, quae incolas 
protegeret, hostes repelleret,' i. 135 ; Green, C. E. pp. 193 ff. ; Maitland, 
Domesday, pp. 183-188; C. P. B. I. Ixii. One great object of this line of 
fortresses was to cut off the Danes of the Five Boroughs from the Welsh, 
and to prevent them from receiving reinforcements from their kinsmen in 
Ireland through the estuaries of the Severn, the Dee, and the Mersey. 

Of her conflicts with the Danes there are some confused but interesting 
notices in Three Fragments of Irish Annals, pp. 226-236, 244-246. 
Tliroughout these passages she and her husband are called king and queen. 
We find them manumitting a female serf at Padstowe, K. C. D. iv. 311. 

Bremes byrig] Not Bramsbury, near Torksey, as Mr. Arnold, H. H. Bremes- 
p. 157, which is the wrong side of the country entirely ; but ' Conigree Hill, ^ 
a great mound . . . entrenched at the summit, at Bromesberrow, near 
Ledbury,' Rev. C. S. Taylor, The Danes in Gloucestershire, p. 23. 

p. 96. 911 C. gefor .ZEpered] See on 912 MC. 

912 C. Scergeate] Shrewsbury, Mr. Kerslake, St. Ewen, &c., pp. 12 flf. ; Scergeat 
and ]Mr. Taylor, u. s. But the difference in the names is hard to account for. 

set Bricge] Cf. Fl. Wig. ii. 49 : ' Arcem quam in occidentali Sabrinae Bridge- 
fluminis plaga, in loco qui Brycge dicitur lingua Saxonica, .iEgelileda ^"^th. 
Merciorum domina quondam construxerat, , . . Rotbertus de Beleasmo 
. . . restaurare coepit.' 

913 C. Gode forgyfendum] ' dante Deo'; cf. 917, 918 ME. It Tamworth 
marks the sense of the national triumph. It is omitted in D. That fortified. 
Tamworth was an important place is shown by the frequency with which 
Mercian Witenagemdts were held there, K. C. D. Nos. 1020, 194, 203, 

206, 245, 247, 248, 251, 258, 278, 280; Birch, Nos. 293, 326, 350, 351, 

430, 4,^2, 4.34. 436, 4.S0, 488. 489- 492. 

Staef forda] See Green, C. E. p. 201 ; Fl. Wig. notices that the 'burg' Stafford, 
at Stafford was ' in septentrionali plaga Sowae amnis,' i. 123. 

p. 98. 914 C. eet Eades byrig] ' Eddisbury Hill, in Delamere Forest, Eddisbury. 
Cheshire, ... to guard the estuary of the Mersey,' Taylor, u. s. p. 24. 

p. 99. 915 C. set Cyric byrig] Chirk, {6. • Chirk. 

set "Weard byrig] Warburton on the Mersey, ib. 

set Rum cofan] On the importance of this, cf. G. C. E. pp. 123, 124. Runcorn. 

p. 100. 916 C. Ecgbriht abbud] I have found nothing which throws Murder of 
light on this tragedy. Egbert was probably a Mercian abbot. An ' Ecg- Abbot 
berht abbas ' signs a spurious charter of .^thelflaed, K. C. D. No. 343 ; 
Birch, No, 632. The charter seems based on this MR, for it is dated 



[916 C 

against the 





at Wardbury, 915 MR, and ^Ifwyn, ^^thelflaed's daughter, 919 MR, 
is made to sign as a bishop (!). 

jEpelflsed . . . on "Wealas] Having thus isolated the Danes and Welsh, 
she now attacks them in detail, capturing Brecon here, and Derby in the 
following year ; see Taylor, u. s. 

fises cinges wif j I cannot discover who this was, nor can Professor Rhys 
help me. 

p. 101. 917 C. Gode fultum gendum] 'adiuuante Deo.' This again 
marks the chronicler's sense of the greatness of the triumph, cf. Green, 
C. E. pp. 206, 207 ; ' locus qui Northwortliige nuncupatur, iuxta autem 
Danaam linguam Deoraby,' Ethel w. p. 513. 

be sorge] 'de carioribus,' Fl. Wig. i. 126; cf. ' Jjeoda hlaford, us se 
besorgesta,' ^If. Lives, i. 496 ; ' Papinius wees J)am casere ealra his deor- 
linga besorgcst,' Boethius, 29, 2. 

p. 105. 918 C. hi paes geworden hsefde] ' they had agreed upon this ' ; 
' geweorSan ' used impersonally in the sense of ' to be agreed,' ' come to 
terms,' takes the accusative of the persons who agree, and the genitive of 
the thing agreed upon, as here ; cf. ' hi nanre sibbe ne gewearS,' ' they 
could not agree on terms of peace,' Oros. p. 204. But sometimes the 
persons who agree are in the dative case; so 1014, infra, 'gewearS him 7 
J)am folce . . . anes '; so 1105. In K. C. D. No. 1302 we have the dative 
and accusative in consecutive sentences. 

xii- nihtun ar middan sumera] D adds ' pridie id iunii,' i. e. 
June 12 (^June 24 being Midsummer Day ; so in 924 A, where the Chron. 
has ' foran to middum sumera ' ; Fl. Wig. has ' ante Natiuitatem lohannis 
Baptistae,' i. 129). Fl. Wig. says : ' xix Kal. lulii,' which is impossible, 
as there are not nineteen days of the Calends of July, June having only 
thirty days. 

??y eahtopan geare] i. e. from her husband's death, which MR places 
in 911. 

mid riht hlaford dome] Tliis phrase seems to show that the Mercian 
chronicler regarded ^thelflsed as having either through herself or her 
husband a right, independent of Wessex, to reign in Mercia ; while the 
next annal indicates a certain amount of discontent that the claims of 
their daughter were not respected, and that a Mercian princess should be 
led away into Wessex. This view comes out very strongly in H. H. : 
'Edwardus . . . exhaereditauit ex dominio Merce totius Alfwen, . . . 
magis curans an utiliter uel inutiliter ageret, quam an iuste uel iniuste,' 
pp. 158, 159 ; and to some extent in Fl. Wig.: ' ^gelfleda . . . unicam 
filiam suam ^Ifwynnam . . . haeredem regni reliquit. . . . Post haec ab 
jiElfwynna nepte sua potestatem regni Merciorum penitus ademit,' i. 128, 
129. Both Florence and Henry were Mercians by position, and possibly 
also by descent ; cf. H. H. p. xxxi. 

919 C. ^Ifwyn] Her name occurs as that of the third life in a lease 

924 C] NOTES 121 

of lands to Ethelred and ^thelflaed in 904 by Werftith, Bishop of Wor- 
cester, K. C. D. No. 339; Birch, No. 601. 

924 C Eadweard] For a discussion of the date of his death, see 

925 MC. 

.ffilfwerd his sunu] .^Elfweard signs charters as ' filius regis ' under ^Ifweard. 
Edward, K. C. D. Nos. 1091, 1094, 1095 ; Bu-ch, Nos. 624, 625, 628. He 
is mentioned as ' ^Ifweard filius Eadwerdi regis' in the Hyde Register, 
p. 14, but at p. 6 there is the following notice : ' [Eadwerdum] duo 
pignora filiorum, ^Seluuerdus . . . atque zElfuuerdus ... in sepulturae 
consortio secuti sunt ; quorum unus elite, alter uero regalibas infulis redi- 
mitus, immatura ambo morte preuenti sunt.' The words in italics suggest Was he 
either that ^Ifweard was considered as king during the few days that he king? 
survived his father (Athelstan being possibly illegitimate), or that he had 
been associated with his father in the kingship. This second view ^which 
is also that of Mr. Birch, ib. p. x) is confirmed to some extent by a story 
in Liber de Hyda, p. 113, of a son of Edward named ' Elfredus ' (which 
may easily be a mistake for Elfwerdus), who was crowned during his 
father's lifetime. yEtbelweard also signs the charters cited above (where 
' frater regis ' is probably a mistake for ' filius regis ' ; ' filius ' and ' frater ' 
are constantly confused, owing to the same letter f standing as the abbre- 
viation for both). He signs other charters distinctly as 'filius regis.' 
See on him, W. M. i. 136, 137. A third view is not impossible. It Was the 

will be noted that the election of Athelstan by the Mercians is placed kingdom 

. divided':' 

in close connexion with the death of .(^Ifweard. This suggests that on 

the death of Edward his dominions may have been divided among his 

sons, Athelstan having Wessex, .^Elfweard Mercia, and possibly Edwin 

Kent ; see below on 933 E. 

8et "Wintan ceastre] 'in nouo monasterio regio more,' El. Wig. i. 130. 

7 he geaf his sweostor . . .] The ME, ends here incompletely inB and End of MB. 
C. Either, therefore, the scribe of this common original had a mutilated 
copy, or failed to read or understand what he had before him, possibly a 
reading like that of D, which adds ' ofsa; Eald Seaxna cynges suna.' In Misreading 
accordance with the practice of previous editors I have printed ' Ofsse ' as 
if it were a proper name ; the common view being that it is meant for Otho 
the Great, son of Henry I, who married Athelstan's sister Edith. It is 
hard to see how such a corruption can have arisen, when the chronicler 
had native forms like Oda and Odda answering to the Ge}-man Otho or 
Otto. I have no doubt that it is a mere slip for ' ofer sat' a phrase which 
occurs frequently (see Glossary). The slip would be aU the easier if 
the entry was copied from a MS. in which the er was abbreviated, as e. g. 
in 'aefter,' 670*. There is a similar error in 855 D ad init., 'of eal his 
rice' for 'ofer eal his rice'; and a converse one in 910 D, 'ofer West 
Seaxum ' for ' of.' 

The marriage took place in 930, Pertz, ii. 213; iii. 141 ; W. M. i. 149, Marriage 



[924 C 

England to 
Otho the 

of Edith of note (929, Pertz, iii. 54 ; cf. ih. 320, 434 ; x. 577). Fl. Wig. mentions the 
marriage under 936 in connexion with Otho's accession, i. 132. For her 
coronation in that year, cf. Pertz, iii. 744. The embassy which sought her 
hand is described in Hrotswith's Gesta Oddonis (written in 968, ih. iv. 
303) as sent ' Gentis ad Anglorum terram sat deliciosam,' and Edith 
(wrongly, see Bede, II. 160) as ' natam de stirpe beata Oswaldi regis,' 
ih. iv. 320, 321. She died Jan. 26, 946, ih. iii. 393, 449 ; x. 578. The 
virtues of this English princess made a deep impression on the hearts of 
her German subjects, and many beautiful traditions of her piety and 
charity have been preserved, ?S. iii. 449, 744; vi. 600 ; x. 577; xvi. 62. 
This is the only allusion in the Chron. to Athelstan's foreign relations, 
which were very important ; see on them F. N. C. i. 182 fF; C. P. B. ii. 499. 
The Cottonian Gospels (Tib. A. ii) seem to have been a gift from Otho to his 
English brother-in-law; see Birch, ii. 417, 418. It is possible that the 
sending of Cynewold, Bishop of Worcester, with presents to German monas- 
teries, and the admission of Athelstan and other English notables to rights 
of confraternity at St. Gallen in 929, may have been in connexion with 
the arrangements for this marriage; see Libri Confr. S. Galli, i. col. 332, 

PP- 136,137- 

We now return to the main Chronicle. 

pp. 92, 93. 903 A, D. Ajjulf . . . bro'Bor] I do not know what his 
aldermanry was. Possibly that of the Gaini in succession to his father, 
V. s. 

TJirgilius] Probably Ferghil, Bishop of Finnabair, whose death is placed 
by the FM in 902. On the significance of this name ' Virgil' among the 
Irish, cf. Z. K. B. ii. 326-328. 

Grim bald] Monk of St. Bertin's in Flanders, whom Alfred brought 
over to assist him in the task of raising the condition of learning in Eng- 
land ; see Asser, pp. 487, 489 f. He seems to have come to Britain c. 892. 
See W. M. II. xliv-xlviii ; where Dr. Stubbs has collected all that is 
known of him. The letter of Fulk, Archbishop of Rheims, recommending 
him to Alfred, is printed in Wise's Asser, pp. 123 fF. ; Birch, ii. 190-194, 
and elsewhere. He speaks of Grimbald as ' dignissimum . . . pontificali 
honore,' p. 1274 cf. ib. 128, from which it would seem that there was an 
idea of making him a bishop. This was not carried out ; and he died 
abbot of the New Minster at Winchester. Fl. Wig. calls him ' magnae 
uir sanctitatis, unusque magistrorum ^Ifredi regis,' i. 118 ; so Alfred him- 
self in the Preface to the Cura Pastoralis ; cf. Lib. Eli. p. 81 : ' Eluredus 
. . . per Grimbaldum at lohannem, doctissimos monachos, tantum instructus 
est, ut . . . totum Nouum et Vetus Testamentum in eulogiam Anglicae 
gentis transmutaret.' Whether there is any historical basis for this very 
interesting tradition I do not know ; cf. also on Grimbald, Hardy, Cat. i. 
549, F<S5t 556, 561 ; Pertz, xxv. 767, 769, 770 ; from which it appears that 
his memory was perpetuated at St, Bertin's. His festival is mentioned 



905 a] notes 123 

below, 1075 D, ad init. His translation in 934 seems to be mentioned only 
in Ann. Cicestr., Liebermann, pp. 86, 88. 

was ge halgod Niwe mynster, F] Said to have been founded by Alfred Consecra- 
on Grimbald's advice ; cf. K. C. D. No. 322 ; Birch, No. 571. There Grim- tion of the 
bald was buried, and there regarded as a saint ; cf F Lat. ' Sancti Grim- MiQgtgj. 
baldi '; Fl. Wig. ii. 133. It was rebuilt by Henry I outside the city as 
Hyde Abbey, G. P. pp. 173, 174. For the rivalry between the Old and 
New Minster, cf ^Ifric's Lives, p. 448 ; G. P. p. 173 ; and for friendlier 
relations, see the very curious document printed in K. C. D. iv. 260-262 ; 
Thorpe, Diplom. pp. 321-324; Hyde Eegister, pp. 96-100; and for the 
history of the New Minster generally, Liber de Hyda, E. S. ; and the Hyde 
Register edited by Mr. de Gray Birch for the Hants Record Soc. 1892. 

S. ludoces to cyme] On St. Judoc, cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 265-269, 823; St. Judoc. 
H. & S. ii. 89 ; Ord. Vit. ii. 1 34 ff'. He was a seventh century Breton Saint. 
By this translation of his relics to the Nevv Minster he became, with Grim- 
bald, the patron saint of that house, and their names are found coupled 
together in Collects, &c. ; cf. Hyde Reg. pp. 6, 46, 92, 99, 248, 270, 273 ; 
Liber de Hyda, pp. xxviii, 82 ; Fl. Wig. ii. 133, 

904 A, D. ofer see] 'de partibus transmarinis,' Fl. Wig., and such is 'ofersae.' 
often the meaning of the phrase ; and if that be the meaning here, it would 
imply that, between his withdrawal to the Northumbrian Danes in 901, and 
904, .^thelwold had been to seek help on the continent. But more prob- 
ably it merely means that he came from North umbria ' by sea' ; just as 
' ofer land ' in 896 A clearly means ' by land.' 

on East Sexe] The fuller phrase of D shows that this must be construed ^thelwold 
with ' com,' not with ' wses.' Fl. Wig. has misunderstood the phrase, which ^^ Essex, 
makes it the less surprising that he should have misunderstood the phrase 
' ofer see.' 

905 A, D. Bradene] * silua quae Saxonice Bradene uocatur,' Fl. Wig. 

pp. 94, 95. betwTih dicum 7 Wusan] This is the ancient dyke which The dykes, 
formed the boundary between Mercia and East Anglia ; cf. Otfa's Dyke on „ 

the West. Fl. Wig. calls it 'limes terrae sancti regis,' i. e. of East Anglia I 

(cf. Liber de Hyda, p. 9 : ' Regnum Estanglorum habens ... ad occidentem 
fossam S. Edmundi '), not the territory of the monastery of St. Edmund, as 
Mr. Arnold in H. H. p. 153 ; 'inter duo fossata S. Eadmundi,' R. W. i. 
370. For the dyke, cf. Lappenberg, i. 256, 237 ; E. T. i. 242. 

be for se here hie] Cf. Oroe. p. 120 : ' hie Somnite utan beforan.' 
hie ISser gefuhton, 7 peer weartJ . . . ofslaegen . . . Sigelm] I have The battle 
suggested above that this battle is to be identified with the battle ' at the S? * 
Holme' in 902 MR, The proof is to be found in Ethelwerd, who says: 
' bella parantur Holme in loco, . . . ibidemque ruit Sigeuulf dux Sighelmque, 
. . . neenon Harue (Eohric) rex barbarorum,' p. 519 B. Here tlie battle I 

at the Holme is clearly identified with that in which Sighelm and Erie 
fell. Equally conclusive is an interesting document, K, C, D. No. 499 ; 


Birch, No. 1064, in which Eadgyfu, third wife and widow of Edward the 
Elder, tells how her father Sighelm paid off a mortgage on his land, ' emb 
J)a tid ])set man beonn ealle Cantware to wigge to Holme,' because he would 
not start on a campaign with his debts unpaid ; and how, as a matter of 
fact, ' he on wigge afeallen waes.' This again shows that the battle in 
which Sighelm fell was that at the Holme. Fl. Wig. does not identify the 
two entries, and says that at the Holme the Kentisli men were victorious. 
But this cannot weigh against the much earlier evidence of the document 
and of Ethelwerd. Moreover, as Ethelwerd shows no trace of the use of 
MR, his narrative cannot be regarded as a merely theoretical combination 
of the two entries of the Chron. He dates the battle 902, as does MR, 
five days after the festival of the Virgin ; but which of her festivals is 
meant I do not know. 
Where is Where is the Holme, where the battle was fought ? Because it was the 

the Holme. Kentish division of the fyrd which was there engaged, the site is commonly 
fixed in Kent; so Mr. Arnold in H. H. p. 156 : ' The large plain or stony 
common, near Dungeness, between Lydd and the sea, known to this day 
as " the Holme Stone." ' But this is totally to misconceive the course of 
the campaign, ^thelwold having arrived in Essex, 904, induces the East 
Anglian Danes to invade Mercia, 905. During their absence Edward 
hastily gathers an army and ravages East Anglia * between Ouse and the 
dykes,' his fyrd being no doubt divided into diS'erent companies for this 
purpose. W^hen the work was accomplished, he sent orders to the diff'erent 
divisions to concentrate for the homeward march, ' ])8et hie foron ealle ut 
set somne.' The Kentish division disobeyed the order, and so were inter- 
cepted by the returning Danes, and defeated, after inflicting severe loss 
on the enemy. It is clear that the Holme must be sought in East Anglia. 
The Kentish men were peihaps insisting on their right to strike the first 
blow at the enemy ; cf. F. N. C. iii. 426. 
List of the Sigulf . . . Sigelm . . . Eadwold, 7c.] In K. C. D. No. 324; Birch, 
slain. jq-Q_ gyg^ jg g^ grant by Alfred to Sigelm ' meus fidelis dux ' dated 898, 

and signed by ' Sigulf dux,' ' Ead weald minister,' and ' Beorhtsige minis- 
ter' (cf. for this last Birch, ii. 244, 247, 250). 
Eric, a king Eohric hira eyng] According to W. M. i. 98 he was the successor of 
of the Guthruni-Athelstan. He was succeeded by another Guthrum, whom Todd 

slain ' niakes a nephew of Guthrum-Athelstan, and identical with Gormo Gamle, 

G. G. p. 267. Todd, however, seems to be wrong in making him succeed 
his uncle immediately in 890 ; cf. Liber de Hyda, pp. 11, 47. 
and ^thel- .ffiUelwald setJeling] A's description, ' Se bine to J^aem unfri^e gespon,' 
woJa etiie- j^g compared with that of B, C, D, ' })e hi him to cyninge gecuron,' is con- 
sistent with the difference which we have already observed between the 
same MSS. under 901 ; so that A probably represents a distinct point of view. 
Berhtsige. Byrht sige] Cf. S. D. ii. 92 : ' 902, Brehtsig occisus est.' Perhaps the 
Berhtsige mentioned in last note but two. On his father Berhtnoth or 

9io] NOTES 125 

Beornoth, cf. Crawford Charters, pp. 85, 86. He was possibly a Mercian 

hold] 'Hold ' is the Icelandic ' holdr,' the free holder of allodial land, 'hold.' 
In the ' North people's law ' his wergild is the same as that of the king's 
high reeve, Thorpe, i. 186 ; Schmid, p. 396. In the Lindisfarne and Rush- 
worth Gospels ' tribunis ' is glossed ' holdum.' The West-Saxon Gospels 
omit it. It is translated ' bare ' in ASN. 

Ealh. swiS] See above on 902 C. 

906 A, D, E. set Ba«um, A, D] Cf. Folcwin, Gesta Abb. S. Bertini ; Bath. 
Pertz, xiii. 626 : ' Eex Adalstanus . . . monasterium quod dicitur Ad Balneos 
[uulgariter uero Bade, adds loh. Longus, ih. xxv. 774], eis . . . concessit.' 
Note the form of D, ' set Ba3um tune,' which perhaps survives in Bathamp- 
ton, a village just outside Bath. Cf. 'locus qui ad balneos nominatur' 
(Baden), Pertz, iv. 415. See Taylor, Cotswold, pp. 21, 22. 

for neode, E] So S. D. : ' necessitate compulsus,' ii. 92. Fl. Wig. takes 
a very different view : 'Pagani . . . inuictum esse regem Eadwardum scientes, 
&c.,' i. 120. . 

909 A, D. Denulf] He succeeded Tunberht in 879, Fl. Wig. Denewulf. 
s. a., who has a legend of his having been originally a swineherd whom 

Alfred came across in the days of his own adversity, and discovering his 
ability had him educated. So G. P. p. 162; Ang. Sac. i. 208. On the 
duplication of events in D, owing to the use of different sources, see Intro- 
duction, §§ 64, 69, 80. 

910 A, D. Her feng PritJestan] On the death of Denewulf in 909 the Frithestan. 
see of Winchester was divided, K. C. D. Nos. 342, 1092, 1094, 1095 ; 

Birch, Nos. 621, 625, 626, 628 ; Frithestan became Bishop of Winchester, 
and Athelstan of the new see of Ramsbury, which, after the Conquest, was 
moved to Sarum. On the connexion of this fact with the story of Plegmund 
consecrating simultaneously seven West-Saxon bishops, see W. M. i. 140; 
II. Iv ff. Frithestan's name occurs in the ' Confraternitates Sano-allenses,' 
col. 332, in a list of the year 929. The crosses against his name in S mark 
the Winchester interests of the scribe. See Introduction, § 94, note ; and 
cf. 931, 932 A and notes. 

Asser] See liis own account of his first introduction to Alfred, pp. 487, Asser. 
488 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 54Q-553. According to G. P. p. 177 he made a para- 
phrase of Boethius ' de Consolatione Philosophiae planioribus uerbis ' in 
preparation for Alfred's translation : ' labore,' says W. M. of the para- 
phrase, ' illis diebus necessario, nostris ridiculo.' Fl. Wig. wrongly enters 
his death under 883, i. 98, and so omits it here. The Brut y Tywys. calls 
him ' archescob ynys Prydein,' ' archbishop of the isle of Britain,' which 
probably points to his having held the see of St. David : cf. Hardy, u. s. 
On Asser's life of Alfred, so far as it is related to the Chronicle, see Intro- 
duction, § 84, note. 

on paem nortS here] According to Fl. Wig. the reason why Edward 




Ecwils or 

Death of 
of Mercia. 
takes pos- 
session of 
London and 


attacked Northuinbria was, 'quia pactum quod secum Dani pepigerant 
praeuaricati sunt ' ; he forced them to renew it, i. 1 20. 

pp. 96, 97. 911 A, D. selc fritS, A ; selc riht, D] A's reading is a mere 
slip due to the preceding ' friS.' If ' friS ' were right we should require 
' selcne.' 

oflForon . . . hindan] Cf. ' Tarentine . . . pa, o])re hindan offoron,' Oros. 
p. 415. 

Ecwils cyng, A ; Eowils, E, C ; Eowilise cyng, D] According to 
Fl. Wig. Eowils and Halfdane were brothers of Ingwar ; and the site of 
the battle was ' in campo qui lingua Anglorum Wodnesfeld [Wanswell in 
Berkeley, Rev. C. S. Taylor, The Danes in Gloucestershire, p. 21 ; Cotswold, 
p. 22] dicitur,' i. 121. ASN. and Ethelwerd make the same statement as 
to the site of the battle, and as to Eowils and Halfdane, and the latter 
adds Ingwar, and the former Eagellus to the list of Danish slain. I do 
not know with what Scandinavian name to equate Ecwils or Eowils, 
unless perhaps Eyjolfr. The reading of D, ' Eowilise cyng,' suggests 
whether the true reading may not be ' Eowel Wilisc cyng,' that is, some 
Welsh Hywel, co-operating, as in other instances, with the Danes. We 
have this exact form ' Eowel ' in a charter of c. 944, K. C. D. No. 410 ; 
Birch, No. 812. Ethelwerd says the battle was fought on Aug. 5 (in 909 
according to his chronology). 

With this invasion of Mercia may be connected a transaction alluded to 
in a charter of 926, whereby lands in Derbyshire were redeemed 'a paganis, 
iubente Eadweardo rege . . . et dux {sic) ^Jielredo,' Birch, No. 659. The 
mention of Ethelred .shows that it must have been before 912 ; cf. ib. 
No. 634, where we find books ransomed ' set hseSnum here.' 

912 A, D. Her ge for JESered] On Ethelred's position, v. s. on 910 MR. 
He was buried at Gloucester, Ethelw. pp. 519, 520 ; and v. s. on 909 MR. 

Eadweard . . . feng to . . . Oxnaforda] The first mention of Oxford in 
the Cliron., cf. F. N. C. i. 370 ; but Mr, Freeman is certainly wrong in 
regarding it as ' one of the chief acquisitions of Eadward the Elder.' If 
not by the treaty of 878 (so Green, C. E. p. 112), at any rate by that of 
886 it had been left in Alfred's hands. Certainly as regards London, 
perhaps as regards Oxford, all that Edward did was, on Etlielred's death, 
to resume possession for the West-Saxon crown of districts specially granted 
to him in 886, which did not belong to his aldermanry as originally granted 
to him ; cf. Fl. Wig. : ' post cuius mortem uxor illius ^gelfleda . . . regnum 
Merciorum, exceptis Lundonia et Oxenoforda, quas . . . rex Eadwardus sibi 
retinuit . . . strenuissime tenuit,' i. 121. H. H., perhaps misunderstanding, 
exaggerates when he says : ' Rex Edwardus saisiuit Londoniam et Oxne- 
fordiam, omnemque terram Mercensi prouinciae pertinentem,' p. 155. 

913 A, D. }ja burg ... set Wit ham] Fl. Wig. seems to combine the 
' getimbrede ' of A, B, C with the ' getrymmode ' of D : ' donee apud Hwit- 
ham urbs aedificaretur, et aedificata firmaretur,' i. 122. 

9 1 8] NOTES 127 

fia nor'Sran burg ... pa burg ... on sup healfe Lygean] ' This de- Hertford, 
scribes the site of Hertford as it is at this day. Part of it is north of the 
Lea, between the points of its junction with the Maran and the Beane. 
The south part of the town is on the opposite bank of the Lea, and there 
stands Hertford Castle,' Earle. Of the three rivers H. H. says : 'flumina 
non profunda sed clarissima,' p. 155. 

pp. 98, 99. 917 A, 914 D] On the chronology, see above, p. 116. 
918 A, 915 D. of Lid wiccum] See note on 885, supra. 
foron west on butan] ' circumnauigata West-Saxonia et Cornubia,' 
Fl. Wig. i. 123. 

Ohtor 7 Hroald] Todd would identify these with the Ottir Dubh, Danish 
0. the black, and Eagnall of the Irish annals, G. G. pp. Ixxxv f , xciv f., chiefs. 
293, 294. Ethelwerd, as usual, dates this two years earlier, 913 ; and the 
deliberateness of his system is here shown, for he mentions that in the 
following year Christmas Day fell on a Sunday, which it did in 914. 

Cameleac biseop on Ircinga felda] I think this means ' Bishop of CimeUauc. 
Archenfield,' not necessarily (as Fl. Wig. takes it, and the modern trans- 
lators) that he was captured in Archenfield. Archenfield is a district 
north-west of the Forest of Dean, on the borders of Herefordshire and 
Gloucestershire. There is some evidence for the existence of a separate 
see of Archenfield; v. H. & S. i. 148. Or the diocese of Llandaif may 
have been known to its Saxon neighbours by the title of that part of it 
nearest to themselves. There was a Cimeliauc, Bishop of Llandaff, about 
this time, who died, according to the Book of Llandaff, in 927. If this 
date is correct, it alone is suflScient to throw doubt on the story that he 
was consecrated by Ethelred, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 872, which 
would give him a tenure of fifty-five years, ib. 208, 209. The name 
Cimeliauc, from an older Camiliac, is in modern Welsh Cyfeiliog ; a by- 
form of which is Cyfelach, postulating an older form Camilac. That he 
was ransomed by Edward seems to show that here again some of the Welsh 
were on the English side against the Danes, 

7 be drifon hie . . . utan] Cf ' 7 hiene bedraf into anum fsestenne, 7 
hiene "Saer hwile besaet,' Oros. p. 146 ; so ib. 2 24. 

pearruc] An enclosure ; this is the word which has been corrupted in ' parrock.' 
modern English into paddock ; influenced by the O. French ' pare ' it has 
given us our modern park. ' Parrock ' and ' parrick ' are still found dia- 
lectically signifying an enclosed piece of ground, or paddock, in Wilts, 
Dorset, Somerset, and Devon. And in many localities pieces of land may 
be found called parks, which have no pretension to be parks in the modern 

hsefde funden] For this sense of 'findan,' 'to contrive,' 'manage,' cf. 
Oros. : ' o]) hie fundon paet hie sendon sefter him,' p. 148 ; ' fundon Romane 
aerest l^set hie scipa worhton,' ib. 172. 
from Wealum] ' a Cornubia,' Fl, Wig. i. 124, quite correctly. 




and Steep- 



set . . . twam cirron] Cf. 'he sige hfefde set twain cierrun,' Oros. 
p. 228. 

pa slog hie mon . . . scipum] Cf. ' he . . . J)8et folc . . . maest call ofslog, 
7 Jia o])re to scipum oSflugon,' ih. 1 70. 

aet Bradan Bailee, A ; Steapan, B, C, D] The former is Flatholme, 
the latter Steepholme, at the mouth of the Severn^ Fl. Wig. u. *. calls it 
simply ' Iieoric' H. H. says 'in insula Stepen,' p. 156. (For another 
instance of starving out the Danes, v. s. 894, i. 87, and note.) The name 
' Relic ' may point to some Irish religious settlements on these islands ; 
'relicc' (= reliquiae) is the regular Irish name for a cemetery. In 
Cambro-Brit. Saints, p. 63, we find mentioned ' insula Echni, qui modo 
Holma uocatur ' ; whether this is Flatholme or Steepholme I do not know. 
p. 100. 919 A] These important annals, 919-924, are quite peculiar to 
A. See Introduction, §§ 83, 93. The true date is probably 916-921, v.s. 
p. 116. 

p. 101. 921 A. Wiginga mere] Probably Wigmore in Herefordshire ; 
an important post for watching the Welsh. William I built a castle 
there, and granted it to the Mortimers, till in the person of Edward IV 
it reverted to the crown, F. N. C. iv. 740. Prof. Earle, who formerly 
contested this identification, is now disposed to accept it. 
' Lammas.' be twix hlaf msessan] Cf. Oros. p. 246 : ' on |)8ere tide calendas Agustus, 
7 on ])8em dsege ])e we hataS hlafmaesse.' There can be no doubt that 
Lammas, like ' lady,' comes from ' hlaf,' and is connected with the offering 
of a loaf in dedication of the first-fruits ; cf. ' of t5am gehalgedan hlafe Se 
man halige on hlafmaesse daeg,' Leechdoms, iii. 290 (cited by Bosworth- 
ToUer). Though a Christian complexion was thus given to the festival, 
it probably has its origin in remote pagan antiquity. See Rhys, Celtic 
Heathendom, pp. 409 ff. The derivations from ' lamb ' and from ' S. Petri 
ad uincu?a mass^ are certainly wrong. Cf. Promptorium Paruulorum : 
' lammasse, festum agnorum, nel Festum ad uincula S. Petri.' This day 
is also called 'the Gule of August,' ' Gula Augusti.' The temptation has 
been felt to identify this with the Welsh name of the day, ' Gwyl Awst,' 
'the feast of August.' But it is more likely to be the AS. geol = yule; 
especially as the O.N. jol occurs frequently in the general sense of feast. 
See Vigfusson, .s. v., and cf. Chambers, Book of Days, ii. 154; Hampson, 
i. 332 f}'. 'At latter Lammas' is a phrase like 'the Greek Kalends' to 
express a day that never comes, ib. 292. 

iin lytel] Cf. ' mycel feoh 7 unlytel,' Bede, p. 274. 

p. 102. of slogon pone cyning] i.e. the King of East Anglia, Guthrum, 
who succeeded Eric, above, 905. W. M. dates the expulsion of the Danes 
from East Anglia in the fiftieth year from the death of St. Edmund (870), 
which agrees very fairly with this annal, whether dated 918 or 921. He 
also says that it was in the fifteenth year of Edward's reign ; which is in- 
consistent both with himself and with any possible date for Edward's acces- 


922] NOTES 129 

sion, i. 98. FL Wig. regards this as the turning point in the great struggle : 
' exinde Danorum uires paulatim decrescebant, Anglorum uero indies cres- 
cebant,' i. 126. 

Colne ceastre] On Colchester, see Freeman, English Towns and Dis- 
tricts, pp. 383 fF. 

wicinga . . . sese manna] No difference is intended. Both words indi- ' Wikings' 

cate the naval forces which the Danes of East Anglia summoned to their ^ asn- 

help. Fl. Wig. translates both words by ' piratae,' i. 127; cf. Adam of 

Bremen : ' piratae quos illi Wichingos appellant, nostri Ascomannos,' 

Pertz, vii. 370; ib. 317, 332. Cf. Wiilker, Glossaries, c. ill, 26-28: 

pirata, wicing uel scegSman; archipirata, yldest wicing; c. 311, 36: 

pirata, wicing o^tJe flotman ; c. 469, 6 : piratici, wicingsceaj)an, siescea- 

jjan, aescmen ; cf. Oros. pp. 5, 226: ' h>i Metellus oferwon ])a wicengas,' 

= piraticam infestationem compressit ; 'he scipa gegaderode 7 wicengas 

wurdon,' ib. 116. See Vigfiisson, s.v. vikingr; C. P. B. I. Ixiii. f. On 

' sesc,' V. s. 897, i. 90. 

ge wrecan hira teonun] Cf. ' jjaet ic minne teonan on him gewrece,' 
.^If. Hom. ii. 414 ; cf ih. 520. 

p. 103. fia se fird stemn , . . oper ut] From this it would seem that Twofold 
Edward kept up Alfred's twofold organisation of the fyrd ; cf. ^g^, supra, thefvrd 

mund byrde] Used to translate ' patrocinium,' Bede, pp. 470, 474. 
Cf. ' to fri-Se 7 to mundbyrde,' K. C. D. No. 23S ; Birch, No. 417. 

pe ser under Dena anwalde •wses] 'qui ferme xxx annos feritati Recovery of 
Paganorum subiacebant,' Fl. Wig. u. s. Florence's date for this annal ?.*f^^^^ 
is 918 ; ' xxx ' is perhaps a slip for ' xl' ; the treaty of Wedmore, 878, is 
the date intended. 

ared] See Glossary. Cf. ' domas J)a 3e from halgum fsedrum. . . arsedde 
wseron,' Bede, p. 276 ; ' gif hit pus arseded seo,' ib. 290. 

921 E. Her Sihtric . . . his bropor] This entry seems due to a con- Sitric. 
fusion. In 888 Sicfrith, an elder brother of this Sitric, was treacherously 
slain by his brother. In 919 this Sitric defeated and slew Niall Glundubh 

(i.e. Black-Knee), King of Ireland; v. Ann. TJlt. 887, 918. The error is 
repeated by all the authorities who copy the Chronicle; v. G. G. pp. 271, 
279. This Sitric in 920 plundered Davenport in Cheshire, S. D. ii. 93, 
123 ; he married Athelstan's sister 925 D, and died 926 D ; Ann. Ult. 926 
( = 927). Gaimar calls him 

* Sihtriz Ii reis 
Ki I'altre partie teneit de Merceneis'; vv. 3501 f. 

i. e. King of Danish Mercia. 

Owing to the numerous persons bearing the same name among the Danish 
chieftains in Britain and Ireland at this time, and the loose way in which 
such terms as ' son of Ivar,' ' grandson of Ivar,' are used in the Annals, 
the attempt to reconstruct their pedigree is extraordinarily hazardous. 

922 A. pa gefor .SJpelflaed] See above on 918 MR. Death of 
2^_ ^ ^thelflaed. 




takes pos- 
session of 

of Welsh 



pa gerad he, 7c.] On the death of ^thelflsed, Edward completed the 
work which he had begun on the death of her husband, 912, supra, and 
took the whole of Mercia, as far as it had been recovered, into his own 
hands. The narrative of A gives the impression that he had to use 
a certain amount of force ; cf. on 918 ME. 

7 }jacyningason]Sror}5"Wealuni, 70.] The submission of Mercia brought 
with it the submission of the Welsh princes who had formerly been de- 
pendent on it, Green, C. E. p. 208. Their dependence is shown by their 
signing documents in English Witenagemdts, ih. 224; F. N. C. i. 592, 
593. Among these signatories is a Juthwal, who may be the leojiwel of 
this annal. Howel, who also signs frequently, is none other than Hywel 
Dda, Howel the Good, the famous Welsh legislator, H. & S. i. 211. 
Cledauc does not occur. The Welsh Annals record the death of a ' Rex 
Clitauc ' about this time, Ann. Camb. 919 ; Brut y Tywys. 917 ; and the 
uncertainty of the chronology, both in the Sax. Chron. and in the Welsh 
Annals, makes it not impossible that he may be this person. 

p. 104. Snotingaham] On the importance of this, see F. N. C. iv. 198, 
399; G. C. E. pp. 207, 20S ; and note that Edward can now entrust the 
fort to Danish settlers, ' mid Deniscum.' 

923 a. Plegemund] On this, v. .«. p. 103. 

p. 105. 923 D, E. Her Regnold . . . Eoforwic] There are two Reg- 
nolds or Ragnalls found among the Scandinavian chieftains connected with 
Britain and Ireland at this time. The elder, who was lord of Waterford, 
and died in 920 = 921, Ann. Ult., was the brother or first cousin of the 
Sitric mentioned above; the 3'ounger, mentioned under 942,944, infra, 
the date of whose death is not known, was his nephew, and the son of 
Guthfrith, his brother, G. G. pp. 278, 288, 293, 294. If the date of D, E 
is correct, it must of course be the younger Ragnall that is meant here ; 
and this is Dr. Todd's view, G. G. p. 288. There is, however, an expedi- 
tion of the elder Ragnall against Britain, and a victory gained by him over 
the Scots 'on the banks of the Tyne in North-Saxonland ' in 917 = 918, 
recorded in the Ann. Ult., and this is almost certainly the same expedition 
which is described in S. D. i. 72, 73, 209 ; according to which Ragnall 
seized York, killing and putting to flight the inhabitants, and occupying 
the lands of St. Cuthbert, and of Ealdred, son of Eadwulf, lord of Bam- 
borough (the 'Eadulfes sunu ' of 924 A). The latter thereupon went to 
Scotland, sought and obtained the help of Constantino, King of the Scots ; 
but ' nescio quo peccato agente ' their united forces were defeated by Rag- 
nall at Corbridge on Tyne ; cf. ih. ii. 391. Again, in his Hist. Regum, 
S. D. has the entry ' 919 Rex Inguald irrupit Eboracum,' ii. 93 (where 
Rexinguald is a mistake for Reinguald). And this is evidently identical 
with the present entry in the Chron. ; for the preceding entry in Simeon 
is that of the murder of Niel = 92i E. On the whole then it is probable 
that the present entry refers to the elder Ragnall, and is jjost-dated some 

924] NOTES 131 

four or five years. This does not, however, alter the fact of the existence 
of the younger Eagnall, or the possibility that he may have succeeded in 
Northumbria to some part at least of the power of his elder relative and ^ 

namesake ; see next note. Mr. Arnold's account of these matters, S. D. i 

II. xxviff., is somewhat different. He makes tlie expedition recorded in M 

S. D. distinct from, and earlier than, that in the Ann. Ult. But he does 

not convince me. Gaimar says of ' Eenald ' : ^ 

' Co ert un rei denii Daneis, || 

De par sa mere esteit Engleis,' v^v. 3509 f. 

p. 104. 924 A. 7 hine ge ces pa ... to hlaforde, 70.] This is the Submission 
entry around which so much of the famous controversy about the Eng- 
lish claims to feudal supremacy over Scotland has raged. See on the 
English side, Palgrave, E. C. ch. 20 ; E. N. C. i. 57-59, 117 ff., 565 ff. On 
the Scotch side, Eobertson, E. K. S. i. 69, 70; ii. 382 ff . ; S. C. S. i. 349, 
350. Mr. Green, C. E. p. 217, holds rather a middle position. 

In regard to the general objections brought by Mr. Robertson against Mr. Eobert- 
this annal, it must be remarked that no interpolations in later Chronicles, ^*^^ ^ views, 
no later forgeries of documents, no exaggerations of later writers, can in 
themi^elies throw doubt upon an authentic entry in the oldest MS. of the 
Chron. Yet Mr. Robertson often writes as if such were the case. In 
regard to his specific criticisms, the one on which he relies most, and which I 

is repeated mechanically by Skene and Green, is the fact that the elder 
Ragnall died in 921. But I have shown, pp. 116, 130, above, (i) that these 
entries in A are probably post-dated by three years ; so that the entry 
might quite possibly be true even of the elder Eagnall ; (2) that there is 
no reason why the younger Ragnall should not be meant ; and the 
comparative newness of his hold on power might account for his submission 
to Edward. To the objection that ' in the opinion of that age [of Sim. 
Dun. and Fl. Wig.] no Scottish king had ever met an Anglo-Saxon 
sovereign except upon their mutual frontiers,' I would reply with 
Mr. Freeman (a) that the opinion of the twelfth century is no evidence 
against the occurrence of an event at the beginning of the tenth ; (6) that 
the Chron. never says that these princes came to Bakewell. It merely 
places their submission about the time (|?a) of Edward's journey thither. 
Nor is this submission the least inconsistent with Athelstan's annexation 
of Northumbria, 926, infra. But, in truth, the importance of the incident Impor- 
has been very much exaggerated by both sides. While I fully accept the t^^ice ex- 
genuineness of the entry, I cannot regard it as implying the creation of that 
strict legal and permanent relation and dependence which Mr. Freeman 
asserts, and Mr. Robertson denies. It was a submission dictated by the 
military position of the moment ; Constantine and Ealdred, Eadwulfs son, 
had been recently defeated by the Danes. The Strathclyde Welsh (on 
whom see H. & S. ii. 10) would be specially exposed to the attacks of the Danes 
from Ireland ; while the steady advance of Wessex had made it clear that 

K 2 




son of 

Death of 
and acces- 
sion of 

position of 

she was the one power in the island capable of making head against the 

Eadulfes stma] This is omitted by Fl. Wig. Eadwulf himself (Athulf) 
had died in 912 according to Ethelwerd, p. 520 A. His son's name is 
given at 926 D as 'Ealdred Ealdulfing from Bebbanbyrig ' ; i.e. he was 
one of the English rulers of Bernicia, and on terms of friendship with 
Wessex. We have seen, p. 130, how he was expelled by Eagnall and made 
a vain attempt to effect his restoration by means of the Scots : ' Regen- 
waldus rex . . . occupauit terram Aldredi filii Eadulfi, qui erat dilectus regi 
Eadwardo,. sicut et pater suus Eadulfus dilectus fuit regi Elfredo,' S. D. 
i. 209, V. s. 867, 876. Under his son and successor, Oswulf, Northumbria 
sank definitely into the position of an earldom, F. N. C. i. 644; Robertson, 
E. K. S. ii. 430 ft 

ge Denisce, ge Norpmen] The only place in the Chron. where Danes are 
certainly distinguished from Northmen. In 942 A the reading is doubtful. 

p. 105. Streaclede "Wsela einge, F] See on 875, S2<p?'a. 

pp. 104, 105. 925 A, E, F; 924 C,D, E. Eadweard . . . ^Jjelstan] 
On the barrenness of the Chron. from this point, see Introduction, § 94. 
The impulse given by Alfred is now exhausted. Athelstan signs several 
charters as ' filius regis ' during his father's reign. There is considerable 
uncertainty as to the date of Edward's death and Athelstan's accession. 
Of the Chronicles, A and F place Edward's death in 925, C and D in 924, 
E both in 924 and 925. S. D. in one passage places it in 923, ii. 93 ; in 
another (following Fl. Wig.) in 924, ii. 123. (In i. 75 he seems to reckon 
919 as Athelstan's first year, which is probably a mere slip of xviiii for 
xxiiii.) The subject is discussed in Stubbs' Dunstan, p. Ixxiv. From the 
regnal years of Athelstan's charters. Dr. Stubbs calculates that his acces- 
sion would fall after Nov. 12, 924. And if Edward died in the last week 
of 924, some difference in the way of reckoning the beginning of the year 
migM account for the confusion between 924 and 925. And this is 
rendered more probable by a charter which Dr. Stubbs does not discuss, 
K. C. D. No. 367 ; Birch, No. 716. This is dated Dec. 21, Anno Dom. 937, 
Anno regni xi, Indict, viii. Both indiction and regnal year point to 935 as 
the true date, and if this is so, it proves that Athelstan's accession cannot 
have been earlier than Dec. 21, 924. Thorn says that his coronation was 
'in crastino ordinationis S. Gregorii,' 925. This festival was on Sept. 3. 
A more serious difficulty is that the oldest authorities give Athelstan a 
reign of fourteen years and about two months. See i. 5, note 5 ; infra, 940. 
He certainly died Oct. 27, 940, ih. This, therefore, would place his acces- 
sion in Aug. or Sept. 926. Now by July, 926 D, Athelstan had received 
the submission of the kings of Bernicia, of the Scots, West Welsh, and 
Gwent, i. 107. It is quite possible that this may have been followed 
by some solemn coronation or inauguration of Athelstan as lord of the 
whole of Britain ; and that his fourteen years are reckoned from this. It 

925] NOTES 133 

is generally agreed that this is the most probable explanation of Edgar's 
coronation, see on 973 A, 972 E, below; and Athelstan may have set an 
earlier precedent. And this may be the coronation meant by Thorn. On 
the other hand, those authorities who give Athelstan sixteen years would 
reckon from his actual accession in 924 ; so El. Wig. i. 133 ; S. D. ii. 372 ; 
Hoveden, i. 34. Ethelwerd dates Edward's death and Athelstan's acces- 
sion in 926, but then he also puts Brunanburh in 939, which seems to 
show that his chronology here differs by two years from the received. 
Many of the authorities lay stress on Athelstan's usique position : ' primus 
regum ex Anglis totius Britanniae monarchiam habuit,' &c., S. D. ii. 372 ; 
' hie primus obtinuit totius Angliae monarchiam,' Ann. Lindisf. ; Pertz, 
xix. 506; 'rex totius Angliae,' Liebermann, p. 88; 'Angliam diu par- 
titam solus sibi subiugat,' ih. 232 ; ' primus totius Angliae mon'archus,' 
Chron. Ab. ii. 276 ; cf. H. Y. ii. 255. So in charters, ' Ilex Angul Sexna 
et Nor])hymbra imperator, paganorum gubernator, Britannorum propug- 
nator,' Birch, No. 746. (Similar titles of later kings, ih. Nos. 815, 876, 
S82, 883, 884, 937; K. C. D. Nos. 411, 426, 424, 451.) So ih. No. 
514; Birch, No. 1135 : 'primus regum Anglorum omnes nationes quae 
Brytanniam incolunt sibi armis subegit.' (That this charter is spurious 
does not make it less available as evidence on this point.) Cf. Green, C. E. 
p. 241 ; S. C. S. i. 304. In P. & S. p. 304, the very name 'Anglia,' instead 
of ' Britannia,' is made to date from Athelstan. The imperial position of 
Athelstan is also marked in his laws, where for the first time we find 
measures for the uniformity of coinage : ' \itei an mynet sy ofer eall ])?es 
cynges on weald,' Thorpe, i. 206 ; Schmid, p. 138. (Similar enactments 
by later kings, Thorpe, i. 268, 322, 380; Schmid, pp. 192, 232, 274.) So 
in other matters : ' past man ofer eall Engleland gelicne dom healde,' 
Thorpe, i. 224; Schmid, p. 412. 

It should be noted how the ME in C and D lays stress on the separate His corona- 
election of Athelstan by the Mercian Witenagemot. Mr. Green, carrying tion. 
this hint further, would see in the coronation at Kingston a specially 
Mercian coronation. But Kingston is not in Mercia, nor even on the 
border. There is great doubt as to the primate wlio crowned Athelstan. 
The difficulties of fixing the date of the death of Athelm and the accession 
of Wulfhelm are hardly less than in the case of Edward and Athelstan. 
A charter, Birch, No. 641, makes Athelstan crowned by Athelm on Sept. 4, 
925 (this is a St. Augustine's charter, and was probably Thorn's authority; 
but the authenticity of it seems to me very doubtful). PL Wig. also, 
following Adelard's Life of Dunstan, says that Athelstan was crowned by 
Athelm ; Athelm, however, seems to have died in 923, or at latest early 
in 924, cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Ixxviii, 55, 56, 258. W. M. speaks of 
Athelstan in one place as ' magno consensu optimatum . . . electus,' i. 141 ; 
in another as succeeding ' iussu patris et testamento,' ih. 145. Both may 
be true ; and W. M. had special materials for the reign of Athelstan. Cf. 









Birth of 


on these, W. M. II, Ix fF, and note how his mention of them breathes the 
joy of a recent discovery : ' pauci admodum dies sunt quod didicerim in 
quodam sane uolumine uetusto,' &c., i. 144. 

Athelstan's mother (whether married to Edward or not), was Ecgwyn, 
' foemina nobilissima,' FL Wig. i, 274; 'illustris foemina,' W. M. i. 136; 
who thus, and in other ways (cf. 'si tamen uera est,' ib. 142), throws 
discredit on the story which he gives from traditional ballads, ' cantilenis 
per successiones temporum detritis,' that Athelstan was the offspring of 
an amour of Edward with a shepherd's daughter, ih. 155, 156. Besides 
Ecgwyn, Edward had a second wife, ^Iflasd, K. C. D. No. 333 ; Birch, 
No. 589, daughter of ^thelhelm, alderman, W. M. i. 137; and a third, 
Eadgyfu, Hyde Register, p. 57; K. C. D. No, 499; Birch, No. 1064, 
which shows that she was stripped of her property under Edwy, but 
recovered it under Edgar. Authoiities differ much as to the respective 
mothers of Edward's various children; cf. El. Wig. i. 274 ; W. M. i. 136, 
137, 156 ; Liber de Hyda, p. 113. 

Athelstan had been brought up at the court of his aunt, ^thelflsed. Lady 
of the Mercians, W. M. i. 145 ; possibly with a view to conciliating Mer- 
cian loyalty. His accession was opposed by a pretender, Alfred, and 
Athelstan's next brother, Edwin, is said to have been implicated in the 
conspiracy to seize and blind him, ib. 141, 142, 153 ; see on 933 E, infra. 
There are references to this alleged jilot in two spurious charters, K. C. D. 
Nos. 354, 1112; Birch, Nos. 670, 719. It is pleasant to find that the 
earliest extant genuine document of Athelstan's reign is the manumission of 
a serf. Birch, No. 639 (where Mr. Birch's heading is a mistranslation). 

Dunstan weartS aksenned, a, F] 925 is probably correct for Dunstan's 
birth. AW writers seem to agree in placing it in the first year of Athelstan, 
which apparently began at the end of 924, v. s. See Stubbs' Dunstan, 
pp. Ixxiv, 71-73, 166, 253, 254 ; though Mr. Green, C. E. pp. 282, 283, argues 
for an earlier date. S. D. i. 75 does place his birth in 919, making that, 
however, the first year of Athelstan, probably by a mere slip, v.s. p. 132. 
His biographers are fond of etymologising his name ' montanus lapis/ to 
indicate the immovable firmness of his nature, Stubbs, u. s. pp. 67, 73, 96, 
284, 455 (cf. ' Dunstan se anrseda,' .^Elfric, Lives, L 270). He occupies, 
however, a small place in the Chron. compared with his importance in 
monastic historiea and biographies. For a general view of his policy, see 
Robertson's Essays, pp. 189-203 ; and the introduction to Stubbs' Dunstan, 
pp. Ixxxiii-cix. On his literary services, ib. cix-cxv ; Hardy, Cat. I. 
XXXV. In Bouquet, iv. 601, is an 'exorcismus aquae ad indicium Dei 
demonstrandum,' ascribed to Dunstan. On his relations with Abbo of 
Fleury ' flos dignissimus Floriacensis coenobii,' cf. H. Y. i, 459-462; 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 378-380, 410-412 ; Hardy, Cat. i. 594. 

"Wulfelni, a, E, F] The true date of his archiepiscopate is probably 
923-942, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 55, note ; ib. Ixxviii ; and if so, he must be the 

926] NOTES 135 

prelate who crowned Athelstan. Some verses of Dunstan are addressed to 
him, ib. 354. E and F are wrong in saying that he ' was consecrated' to 
Canterbury, tike his predecessor Athelm, he was translated from Wells, 
to which he had been consecrated in 914, Fl. Wig. i. 123. The expression 
of a, ' feng to, 7c.,' is unobjectionable. His name occurs in the Confrater- 
nitates Sangallenses of 929. For his share in Athelstan's legislation, see 
Thorpe, i. 194, 196, 214; Schmid, pp. 126, 130, 148. 

925 D. uEJ)elstan ... 7 Sihtric] On this, cf. Fl.Wlg. i. 130, 274 ; S. D. Athelstan 
ii. 377 ; W. M. i. 136, 142, 146. and Sitric. 

his sweostor] ' Cuius nomen non in promptu habeo,' W. M. «. s. He 
says that Sitric asked for her. Mythical accounts of her in R. W. i. 3S5 ; 
Liber de Hyda, p. 1 1 1 . Authorities differ as to who her mother was. 

p. 107. 826 D. fyrena leoman] Aurora Borealis. 

Sihtric acwsel] Cf. Fl. Wig. i. 130, 131 ; S. D. ii. 377 ; W. M. i. 142, Death of 
146, 147. He was succeeded by Guthfrith, wliose expulsion is mentioned Sitric. 
in 927 E, F. (Fl. Wig., followed by later writers, cf. S. D. ii. 377, makes 
Guthfrith a son of Sitric ; he was more probably his brother, G. G. pp. 278- 
280 ; Robertson, E. K. S. ii. 438 ; S. C. S. i. 352.) Fl. Wig. puts the 
expulsion of Guthfrith in the same year with his accession as Sitric's 
successor, viz. 926 ; his expulsion leading to the annexation of Northumbria 
as given here by D. This certainly seems reasonable, but may be merely 
Fl. Wig.'s own view. It is, however, confirmed by Ann. Ult., which put 
both the death of Sitric and Guthfrith's return to Dublin in the same year, 
926 ( = 927). Possibly this annal of D should be dated 927 ; or 926 may 
be the date of Guthfrith's expulsion from Northumbria, 927 of his expul- 
sion from Strathclyde; see on 927. 

ealle pa cyngas . . . he ge wylde] For the significance of the sub- Submission 

mission of these princes to Athelstan, see above, p. 132. Fl. Wig. seems to of Celtic 
, , Vr 1 T • -x princes, 

go beyond the Chron. when he says: 'reges . . . Huwal, &c. . . . proelio uicit 

et fugauit. Aldredum quoque . . . de . . . Bebbanbyrig expulit,' i. 1 31. 
So W. M. (in a passage founded apparently on the Chron., though ' lud- 
walus [lothwael] rex omnium Walensium ' is substituted for Howel and 
Owen, and Eadwulf is written by mistake for his son Ealdred) says that 
Athelstan expelled these princes and then in pity restored them, i. 142. 
But in another passage, based probably on his other authority, he repre- 
sents Athelstan as reducing Northumbria, expelling Guthfrith and his 
brother Anlaf, receiving at Dacre the submission of Constantine, King of 
the Scots, and of his nephew, Eugenius, Eogan, or Owen, King of the 
Strathclyde Britons (cf. P. & S. pp. 223, 224), who had harboured Guth- 
frith ; then falling like a thunderbolt, ' fulmineus,' on the North Welsh, 
and compelling their kinglets, ' regulos,' to submit to him at Hereford ; 
next expelling the West or Cornish Welsh from Exeter, and obliging them 
to accept the Tamar as their boundary, as the North Welsh had been 
forced to retreat beyond the Wye, ib. 146-149. Dr. Stubbs regards this 




tion of 
by the 

goes to 




passage as ' a most valuable .supplement to the Chronicles,' on account of 
'the chronological arrangement of Athelstan's wars,' ih. i^'j, note ; and it 
is quite possible that the Chronicle has concentrated in a single annal 
submissions which were made at different places in consequence of various 
campaigns. Indeed the word ' serest ' rather points to this. Mr. Green 
would see in this entry the historical reality of which 924 A is the reflexion, 
C. E. p. 220. But I doubt this solution. Mr. Robertson objects to this 
entry also, because the renunciation of idolatry, though appropriate to 
the Danes, is quite inapplicable to the Scots, &c. (Fl, Wig. seems to have 
felt the difficulty, for he omits the words • 7 eelc deofolgeld tocwsedon.') 
Mr. Robertson regards all the words ' 7 ealle . . . Bebbanbyrig ' as an 
interpolation. I should regard them not as an interpolation, but as a rather 
clumsy parenthesis embodying, as said above, the results of many cam- 
paigns, and I would understand the following words about the oaths at 
Emmet, and the renunciation of idolatry, as referring only to the North- 
umbrian Danes; cf. Robertson, E. K. S. i. 60, 61; ii. 397-399 ; S. C. S. 
'• 35 1; 352. At the same time, as I have pointed out in the Introduction, 
§§ 77) 7S5 the late date at which D, as we have it, was compiled, will not 
allow us to reject summarily, as in the case of S, the idea of later inter- 
polations. The suppression of heathendom forms one of the articles between 
Edward and Guthrum II of East Anglia, Thorpe, i. 166 ; Schmid, p. 118. 
Tlie submission of Constantino, and the death of Sitric, seem alluded to in 
the curiously corrupt verses andprayer printed in Birch, ii. 331 -333, cf.i6. 347. 

927 E, F. Her ^Epelstan . . . GutSfriS cyng] ' Ethelstanus rex de 
regno Brittonum Gudfridum regem fugauit,' S. D. ii. 93. This confirms 
W. M.'s account of Guthfrith having taken refuge in Strathclyde. 

for to Bom] For his pallium, F Lat. Journeys to Rome seetn to 
have been attended with a good deal of danger at this time. Flodoard, 
under 921 and 923, tells of parties of English pilgrims who were killed by 
the Saracens in the Alps, Pertz, iii. 369, 373. 

pp. 106, 107. 931, 932 A, 931 F. Bymstan . . . Frype stan] Frithe- 
stan resigned before his death, Fl. Wig. i. 131. Hence A rightly places 
the consecration of Byrnstan before the death of Frithestan. F, not under- 
standing this, has reversed the order. May 29 was Whit-Sunday in 931, 
which is a further confirmation of the date. For Byrnstan, cf. G. P. 
pp. 163, 164. I have quoted, in the notes to Bede, the beautiful tradition of 
his piety in interceding for tlie dead, II. 138, 139. He died in the act of 
prayer. His servants, knowing his habits of devotion, did not venture to 
enter his room till the following day, when they found the spirit fled. He 
died on All Saints' Day, joining thus the company of those whose festival 
he was celebrating on earth. Surely we may apply to him the words of 
one of Dunstan's biographers : ' nimis felicem quem Dominus inuenit 
ita uigilantem,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 66. His day is given as Nov. 4, 
Hampson, i. 432, 445, 457; perhaps because the actual day of his death 

933] NOTES 137 

was already occupied by a high festival. The year of his death is some- 
what uncertain. A places it under 933, which agrees with the length 
which it gives to his episcopate, two and a half years ; and his successor, 
.^Ifheah, signs charters of 933, K. C. D. Nos. 362, 1109 > Birch, Nos. 694, 
699 ; W. M. M. s. gives him four years' episcopate ; and he signs a charter 
of May 28, 934, K. C. D. No. 364; Birch, No. 702. Frithestan died 
Sept. 10, 933, Stubbs, Ep. Succ. pp. 13, 14, 161 ; ed. 2, pp. 24, 223. A life 
of Byrnstan is cited, Hardy, Cat. i. 558. 

933 E] This mysterious entry in found only in E. It is developed Drowning 

'more suo ' by H. H. : ' Adelstan . . . rex . . . aduersa percussus fortuna, ?:,, ,y^^ 
t . T7J ■ .... ^ V, • J T .'Etheling. 

iratrem suum Edwinum, magni uigoris luuenem, et bonae indolis, mans 

fluctibus flebiliter amisit,' p. 159. S. D., on the other hand, says : ' Rex 
Ethelstanus iussit Eadwinum fratrem suum submergi in mare,' ii. 93, 124. 
This darker view is developed in W. M. into a long story how Edwin, for Legendary 
his alleged share in the conspiracy against Athelstan (nine years previous !), develop- 
was sent to sea in a crazy boat without oars or rudder, with a single atten- 
dant (see above on 891 A), how in despair he drowned himself, but the 
attendant recovered the body and reached land. The punishment of the 
accuser is brought about, as in the Godwine myth, by his casual remark 
' sic frater fratrem adiuuat ' ; the king, as in the Edgar myth, submits 
to a seven years' penance (Alberic of Trois Fontaines improves this into 
a seven years' voluntary imprisonment !), and founds the monasteries 
of Milton and Michelney in expiation, W. M. i. 156, 157 ; II. Ixi ; G. P. 
pp. 186, I99f. ; cf. E. W. i. 390; Ang. Sac. i. 214. This too is one of 
the stories which W. M. derived from ballad sources. But the most Historical 
historical account is found in Folcwin's Gesta Abbatum S. Bertini, a basis. 
Chronicle written 961 x 962, less than thirty years after the event. After 
telling how Athelstan, in 944 [either the year must be wrong or Edmund 
must be meant], received certain refugee monks of St. Bertin, he adds : 
' ob id maxime, quia frater eius . . . Edwinus rex in monasterio Sci. Bertini 
fuerat tumulatus. Siquidem anno . . . Dccccxxxiii idem rex Edwinus, 
cum cogente aliqua regni sui perturbatione, hac in maris parte ascensa 
naui uellet deuenire, perturbatione uentorum facta, nauique collisa mediis 
fluctibus absortus est. Cuius corpus cum ad litus esset deuectum, Adalolfus 
comes, quoniam propinquus ei . . . erat, ... ad Sci. Bertini monasterium 
detulit tumulandum. Post cuius mortem frater eius rex Adalstanus, 
plurima huic loco in eius elemosina direxit exenia, et ob id eiusdem monas- 
terii monachos amabiliter suscepit,' Pertz, xiii. 628, 629. (Alberic simply 
copies W. M., either directly, or indirectly through Helinandus, with 
improvements of his own, ib. xxiii. 759. lohannes Longus, in his Chronicle 
of St. Bertin, combines W. M. and Folcwin, ih. xxv. 772.) It will be seen 
that in Folcwin there is no suggestion of any foul play, though it is implied 
that Edwin left England, voluntarily or involuntarily, in consequence of 
some political disturbance. It will be noticed also that Folcwin twice calls 




to Scot- 


Song on 
the battle 
of Bruuan- 
burli. . 

him ' rex.' lohannes Longus, u. s., explains this by saying : ' licet non 
regnauerit, rex tamen nominatur, nam filii regum reges, filii ducum duces, 
&c. . . . iure nominari possunt, ut notatur in glosa capituli . . . , et sic 
habent in usu Theutonici.' But is it not possible that Edwin may really 
have been under-king (? of Kent, see above on 924 C, D), that Athelstan, 
wishing to concentrate all power in his own hands, removed him, that 
Edwin resisted and went into exile ? This would account for the later 
growth of legend ; cf. Meyer, Ann. Elandr. s. a. 932 ; cited by Stubbs, 
Dunstan, p. exxi. This later growth of legend is dealt with by Mr. Freeman, 
Historical Essays, 1st series, pp. 10 flF. He does not mention Eolcwin's 
account. There is a signature of ' Eadwine Cliton ' to a doubtful charter of 
Athelstan, Birch, No. 648. 

933 A, 934 E. Her for JEpelstan . . . Scotland] The later date is 
right. On his way north A.thelstan made great offerings at the shrine of 
St. John of Beverley, P. & S. pp. 223, 242 ; H. Y. i. 263, 264, 294-298 ; 
of Eipon, W. M. II. Ixiv ; and of St. Cuthbert, which was then at 
Chester-le-Street. One of these last gifts, a MS. of Bede's Lives of St. 
Cuthbert, stUl exists, MS. C.C.C.C. No. 183 ; S. D. i. 211. The frontispiece 
represents a king offering a book to a monk at the shrine of St. Cuth- 
bert. Another, a Gospel book, Otho B. ix, was destroyed in the great 
Cottonian fire of 1731. (On Athelstan's liberality to monasteries gene- 
rally, see W. M. i. 142.) He also charged his brother Edmund, if he 
should fall on this expedition, to bury him in St. Cuthbert's Church, S. D. 
i. 75, 76, 210-212. He put to flight Constantine, King of the Scots, and 
Owen (Eugenius), King of Strathclyde. His land forces advanced as far 
as Dunfoeder (Dunfother) and Wertermor (? Kirriemuir), while his navy 
went as far as Caithness, ib. i. 76; ii. 93, 124; cf. H. Y. i. 263, 264; 
S. C. S. i. 352. Fl. Wig. says that the reason of the invasion was that 
Constantine had broken the oath of 926, and that, being defeated, he had 
to surrender his son as a hostage, i. 131, 132. Note that now, in these 
tenth century entries, we first begin to get ' Scots,' ' Scotland ' used in 
the modern sense. See note on Bede, H. E. i. i. 

934 A. jElfheah bisp.] All the biographers of Dunstan represent him 
as the relative of Bishop ^^Ifheah, and as induced by him to become a monk, 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 13-15,82,171-173,260,261; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 132,135. 
A life of ^^Ifheah is cited by Hardy, Cat. i. 560. His death is entered 
951 A, below. A story about him will be found in iElfric, Lives, i. 266. 

p. 106. 937 A] Of this poem there are many translations, v. Wiilker, 
Grundriss, pp. 79, 339-342, 515. The one best known to English readers 
is the poetical version by Lord Tennyson. Most of the expressions in 
the poem will be found explained in the Glossary. A few notes on 
the text of the poem will first be given, and then something will be said 
on the vexed question of the site of the battle. H. H. has attempted a 
Latin translation in his Chronicle : ' pene de uerbo in uerbum,' which is 

937] NOTES 139 

in some respects very fair, but contains some curious errors. He himself 
complains of the strange (' extranea ') words and figures ; but he has a 
real feeling for the strength of the old poem : ' ex grauitate uerborum 
grauitatem actuum et animorum gentis illius eondiscamus,' p. 160. 

beah gifa] The function of the lord as ' beahgifa ' is illustrated by The lord 
the cases in which the ' beah ' occurs along with swords, horses, &c., as ^? ring- 
part of the heriot or war-equipment which, on the gesith's death, was ^ 
paid to the lord, the theory being that it was originally his gTant ; e. g. 
K. C. D. Nos. 11/3, T222, 492; Birch, Nos. 819, 1012, 1132; and cf. 
Thorpe, Laws, i. 4 ; Schmid, p. 2. 

Eadmund sepeling] He signs charters under Athelstan generally as 
' clito,' once as ' frater regis.' 

bord weal] Cf. W. M. of the battle of Hastings : ' pedites omnes cum The Shield- 
bipennibus, conserta ante se scutorum testudine, impenetrabilem cuneum wall, 
faciunt,' ii. 302. 

cneo maegtim] For ' cn^ow,' knee, in the sense of a step in the genea- ' cn6ow.' 
logy, cf. Ducange, s. v. genu, and Irish glun ; W. M. : ' Offa, quinto genu 
Pendae abnepos,' i. 84. 

Sceotta leoda. 7 scip flotan] i. e. the Scotch and the Scandinavians ; 
the two main elements of the hostile force. 

feld dsennede, 7c.] See Glossary, s. v. dennian. I very much prefer the 
rendering and reading of Grein to that of Zupitza. ' The field was slippery 
with the blood of heroes,' yields a far more congruous sense than ' the field 
covered the brave heroes.' The burying of the dead would come much later. 

guma nor))erna] We must supply ' msenig.' 

p. 108. Myrce ne wyrndon, 7c.] ' The Mercians refused not the hard 
handplay to any of the heroes, '&c. 

mid Anlafe] A spurious grant of Athelstan to Worcester is repre- 
sented as being made ' quo . . . tropheum ex Anolafo rege Norannorum, 
qui me uita et regno priuare disponit, possim armis superando adipisci,' 
K. C. D. No. 349 ; Birch, No. 700. 

sera ge bland] Cf. ' snawgebland,' Oros. p. 186. 

7 his sunu forlet] It does not seem to be anywhere recorded who 
this son of Constantine was who fell in the battle. 

p. 109. Difelin] The only mention of Dublin in the Chronicle ; cf. 
G. G. pp. Ixxviii, Ixxxi. 

hira land] ' Iraland,' the reading of B, C, D, is unquestionably right. 

earn seftan hwit] ' The name Erne still sticks to the Aquila albicilla of 
Jenyns, of which a marked feature is its white tail. It is seldom seen 
south of St. Abb's Head,' Earle. 

p. no. fises pe us secgafi bee] Note the air of literary reflexion, and 
cf. Introduction, § no, note. 

The battle of Brunanburh was the defeat of a confederacy which had Signifi- 
for its object the destruction of the power of Wessex, at any rate north of cance of 




the battle 
of Bninan- 

Two Anlafs. 


must be 
songbt for 
on the 
west side 



the Humber, H. H. calls it, not unjustly, 'praeliorum maximum'; 
Ethelwerd says : ' unde et uulgo usque ad praesens, bellum praenominatur 
magnum ; turn superantur barbarae . . . turbae, nee ultra dominari, . . . 
uno solidantur Brittannidis arua, uudique pax,' p. 520 B; Gaimar says: 
' Crei ke parle en ert tut dis,' v. 3528. The league consisted of the Danes 
of Northumbria, Constantine, King of the Scots, the Strathclyde Britons 
under their king, Owen or Eugenius, S. D. i. 75, 76 ; ii. 93 ; and the Danes 
of Dublin under the two Anlafs or Olafs. These last were cousins ; one, 
Anlaf Cuaran, being the son of Sitric, Athelstan's brother-in-law, the 
other being the son of Guthfrith or Godfrey, Sitric's brother, expelled by 
Athelstan in 927. Both were kings of Dublin, and were endeavouring 
to recover the hold of their family upon Northumbria. Anlaf Sitricson 
was further son-in-law to Constantine, King of the Scots, who seems to 
have been the soul of the confederacy, Fl. Wig. i. 132 ; S. C. S. i. 152. It 
is not wonderful that the two are frequently confounded. The poem only 
mentions one, perhaps a compound of the two. Fl. Wig. and W. M. 
mention A. Sitricson, while S. D. i. 76 mentions A. Godfreyson. Accord- 
ing to G. P. three bishops accompanied Athelstan to Brunanburh, pp. 21, 
144, 1 78. See Addenda. 

The vexed question of the site of the battle has been needlessly com- 
plicated (Pearson, Hist. Maps, p. 39) by the introduction of the considera- 
tion of Athelstan's gifts to Beverley and St. Cuthbert. These belong to 
the campaign, not of Brunanburh, but of 934, q. v. 

The site of the battle must be looked for in a locality which would serve 
as a rendezvous for the Scots, the Strathclyde Welsh, and the Dublin 
Danes. It is obvious that such a spot must be sought on the west of 
England, and that Fl. Wig.'s statement that Anlaf Sitricson entered the 
mouth of the Humber must be an error, i. 132; though it has misled 
Mr. Skene and others. 

In 936 Athelstan appears to have been at York, no doubt preparing 
for the campaign. W. M. says that Anlaf Sitricson had advanced far inland, 
and that Athelstan had deliberately fallen back, 'recul^ pour mieux 
sauter,' i. 142 ; and the poem states that the pursuit lasted the whole 
day, so that we must not place the site too near the sea. This is against 
Dr. Weymouth's view, contained in an interesting communication, that 
Brunanburh is Bromborough, on the Mersey. This might suit as a landing 
place of the Danes, but it is hard to see how the other members of the 
league could, have got there, and this objection applies with yet greater 
force to many otlier suggestions which have been made. Dr. Weymouth's 
theory first appeared in the Athenaeum of August 15, 1885, and called forth 
an interesting correspondence which lasted into October. Mr. H. Murphy, 
in a striking letter, October 3, enforces the view, previously maintained 
by Mr. C. Hardwick in his book, Lancashire Battlefields, that the site is 
to be sought in the country round Bramber, south of the Kibble and 

94 1 ] NOTES 141 

Preston, One great argument in favour of this view is the discovery of 
the great hoard at Cuerdale, on the Eibble, containing 975 oz. of silver in 
ingots, and over 7000 coins, none later than 930, which is supposed to be 
the military chest of the confederates. Mr. T. Hodgkin suggested Burns- Burnswark. 
wark (cf. the name ^t Brunanwerc, infra), a hill in Dumfriesshire, which 
is possible, and is adopted by Mr. W. H. Stevenson in his map of England 
before the Conquest. The Roman station Brouonacae (Kirby Thore or 
Brough, in Westmoreland), on the Roman road from Carlisle to York, Brough. 
answers the conditions not amiss. That there was a fortification is 
shown, as Professor York Powell pointed out, by the three parallel forms, 
Brunanburh (here), Brunandune (Ethelwerd), and ^t Brunanwerc (S. D. 
i. 76). And to these might be added Dunbrunde (P. & S. p. 9), 
Bruneswerc (Gaimar, u. s.), and Brunfort (Liber de Hyda, p. 123). W. M. 
calls the place Brunefeld; cf. Bruningafeld, Liebermann, pp.68, 88, and 
in two spurious charters, K. C. D. Nos. 1113, 374; Birch, Kos. 713, 
727 ; cf. lb. II. viii. The Welsh Annals call it merely Brune. S. D. also 
gives it the name of Weondune or Wendune, i. 76 ; ii. 93. This recalls Wendon, 
the name ' VinheiSi viS Vinnskcjga,' i. e. Winheath by Winwood, which Winheath, 
the battle bears in Egils Saga, c. 52, though the Saga itself is too mythical .^^„„j 
to be used as evidence. These names in turn recall Bede's Winwied, 
while Brunanburh has been compared with Eddius' Bromnis. Unfortu- 
nately these give little or no help, cf. Bede, II. 183. But local research 
might discover a Winheath, &c., which would definitely fix the spot. 
Probably both the Anlafs retired to Dublin after the battle, though 
Sitricson may have returned to Scotland with his father-in-law ; cf. Ann. 
Ult. s. a. 936-937 ; G. G. pp. 280 ff. ; Robertson, E. K. S. i. 63-66 ; S. C. S. 
i- 3.52 ff. 

There is a possible allusion to the battle of Brunanburh in the dedicatory Literary 
verses in the Cotton MS. of the four Gospels, Tib. A. ii., presented by allusions. 
Athelstan to Christ Church, Canterbury, Birch, No. 710; and a certain 
one in .^^Ifric's epilogue to the Heptateuch : '^Jielstan, ]>e wifi Anlaf 
gefeaht, 7 his firde ofsloh, 7 aflymde hine sylfne,' ed. Thwaites, p. 163 ; 
cf. the curious literary revenge taken on Athelstan by later Scotch legend, 
P. & S. pp. 183, 184, 248. About this very time Athelstan seems to have 
been furnishing help to the continental Bretons against the Normans, De 
la Borderie, Neimius, p. 100 ; Bouquet, viii. 276. 

p. 107. 937 F] It looks as if F had at first copied E, had then found the 
poem in A and left a space for it (see critical note 18), and finally been 
content to add the passages in brackets as a sort of analysis of it. 

pp. 110, 111. 941 A, 940 D, E. Her JEfelstan . . . for« ferde] The Death of 
Ann. Ult., in recording Athelstan's death, call him ' cleithi n-ordain iar- Athelstan. 
thair domain,' ' the summit [lit. ridge-pole] of the honour of the west of 
the world.' He died at Gloucester (D), and was buried at Malmesbury, 
Fl. Wig. i. 133 ; G. P. p. 397 ; where his cousins, ^Ifwine and ^Ethelwine, 




slain at Brunanburh, had already been buried, W. M. i. 151, 152. All 
the biographers of Dunstan represent him as becoming at once a trusted 
counsellor (R. W. says ' chancellor,' i. 393) of the new king, Edmund. 
Osbern calls him, in this context, ' uenerandus pater ' ; W. M. says : ' Ed- 
mundus ut teneritudinem aetatis maturiori firmaret consilio . . . Dunstanum 
. . . praefecit palatio,' Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 90, 268; cf. ib. 21, 56, 180. 
Now at this time Dunstan was of the mature age of fifteen, three years 
younger than Edmund himself ! Ethelwerd, like A, places Athelstan's 
death in 941 ; so Liebermann, p. 68. B, C, D, like E, place it in 940, and 
say that it was forty years after the death of Alfred. The original rending 
of A (followed by W) says that it was in 941, and forty-one years after the 
death of Alfred. This would throw Alfred's death into 900, though all 
these Chronicles place it in 901 ; v. s. pp. 112, 113. A charter, K. C. D. 
No. 1 1 38; Birch, No. 766, seems at first sight conclusive for 941, being 
dated 'a.D. 941 . . . anno quo Eathelstanus . . . mortuus est.' But 
I do not think that this need mean more than that it was in the first 
year of Edmund's reign. And there are other charters which speak of 
942 as Edmund's third year, 943 as his fourth, and 946 as his seventh, 
K. C. D. Nos. 394, 411 ; Birch, Nos. 771, 772, 781, 815, showing that 
his accession cannot have been later than 940. (K. C. D. No. 115; Birch, 
No. Soi, is dated 944, in the third year of Edmund, but the indiction shows 
that this must be corrected to 942.) On the whole the balance seems 
greatly in favour of 940 ; so Liebermann, pp. 124, 125. On the difficulty 
as to the length of Athelstan's reign, see above, pp. 132, 133. The day of 
his death is given in the Lib. Vit. Dun. as here, ' vi Kal. Nou.' (Oct. 27), 
p. 147. Evidently his obit was a sort of standard of observance at 
Durham : ' obitus eorum [t. e. Malcolm and Margaret] festiue sicut regis 
Ethelstani celebretur,' ib. 72. 

butan anre niht] From this it has been argued that Alfred must have 
died on Oct. 28 (so Fl. Wig. v. s. p. 112). But Oct. 26 is certain for the 
day of Alfred's death ; and ' butan ' only means ' except ' or ' within one 
night.' The difference may be on either side. 

Eadmund sepeling] For his signatures as etheling, see above on 937. 
of Edmund, jje and Edred were both sons of Eadgyfu, Edward's third wife, who signs 
Eadgyfu. ^^l through their reigns as ' mater regis.' (It is a mere slip that in K. C. D. 
No. 1237; Birch, No. 1065, she is made the mother of Athelstan; this 
error is not in the original document, of which this is a Latin translation, 
K. C. D. No. 499; Birch, No. 1064; cf. supra, p. 134.) She signs as 
'aua Regis' under both Edwy and Edgar, K. C. D. Nos. 1224, 12 21; 
Birch, Nos. 1046, 1047; though the former charter is not free from doubt. 
That she should not sign under her step-son Athelstan is natural. But 
she does not sign under her husband Edward, and her predecessor .^Ifljed 
signs only once, K. C. D. No. 333 ; Birch, No. 5S9. She signs one charter 
as ' Eadgeofu felix ' ; and three " with the curious suffix ' -^dgefu euax,' 

Day of 




943] NOTES 143 

K. C. D. Nos. 424, 433; Birch, Nos. 883, 909, 911, 1346. These are 
perhaps attempts to give the meaning of her name 'blessed gift ' in Latin. 

941 D. Anlaf] Cf. S. D. ii. 377; W. M. i. 157. It is hard to saywhich Anlaf in 
of the two Anlafs is meant here. Dr. Todd understands it to be Anlaf Northum- 
Cuaran Sitricson, G. G. p, 284; so Robertson, E. K. S. i. 63. Mr. Skene, 
however, C. S. i. 361, says Anlaf Godfreyson, whose death is entered by 

E and F at 942, q. v. 

942 A. Her Eadmund . . . Myrce ge eode] This reduction of Mercia Eeduction 
was apparently necessitated by the fact that on the coming of Anlaf the '^^ * ® -^^^ 
Dane-law had risen against Edmund; cf. H. H. p. 171; F. N. C. i. 61 ; 

Green, C. E. pp. 270 ff. For the organisation of the Five Boroughs, here 
mentioned for the first time, cf. ih. 122, 123. We have the assembly of 
the Five Boroughs, 'fif burga ge])incSu,' under Ethelred, Thorpe, i. 292 ; 
Schmid, pp. li, lii, 212. 

Dor] Dore, five miles from Sheffield. ' It is associated with "Hwitan 
wylles geat " = Whiteweirs gate; and not far from Dore we find White- 
well, and both of them on the verge of the shire. Indeed, this word "dor " 
seems to have been used as a common noun for a mountain pass, as we see 
in K. C. D. No. 570, that in a description of bounds a " dor " occurs between 
two brooks, "of secgbroce to San hean dore ; of hean dore to brydbroce," ' 

scadej)] Cf. ' Humbre stream tosceadeS su3folc ... 7 norSfolc,' Bede, 
p. 56 ; ' neah Jjsem sse ])e Englalond 7 Peohta tosceada)),' ib. 358. 

Daene ■wseran . . . gebegde] It is hard to see what can be the sense of Eeadings. 
saying ' the Danes were subject under the Northmen.' M. H. B. adopts 
the reading of B: ' Denum,' which gives a good sense, ' Denum ' being 
parallel to ' under NorSmannum,' as frequently in Anglo-Saxon poetry. 
The reading of A in the latter part of this annal is a mere slip due to 
the recurrence of the words ' Eadmund cyning.' The original of A was 
probably of the type of B or C, and after concluding the poem with the 
words ' Eadmund cyning ' began the new annal : ' 943 Her Eadmund cyning 

Esegenolde] The Eegnold or Eagnall mentioned here and in 944 is the Ragnallthe 
younger of the two cited in the note to 923 D, E. For sponsors at baptism younger, 
and confirmation, see Bede, II. 142, 179, 383. 

The lacuna in a at the end of the annal should be filled up : ' [Her forS- Death of 
ferde Wulfhelm] arcebisceop.' Wulfhelm did die in 942. Wulfhelm. 

942 E. Her Anlaf . . . for«ferde] This is Anlaf Godfreyson. Anlaf Death of 
Sitricson survived till 980. According to S. D. the former died in 941, p l^ 
after ravaging the chiirch and lands of St. Balthere, at Tiningham, ii. 94. gQjj_ 
(On Balthere, a Northumbrian anchorite, who died in 756, cf. S. D. i. 48, 

199; ii. 41 ; Alcuin de Sanctis Ebor. vv. 1318 iT. ; AA. SS. Mart. i. 448 ff.) 

943 D] On the highly conflate character of this annal, see Introduction, 
§ 80, note. 




Victory of 
the Danes. 

pa Denan sige ahton] S. D. places these events in the first year of 
Edmund. His annal is so important that it must be given in full : ' 939 
. . . Edmundus . . . successit, quo [? cuius] anno rex Onlaf prime uenit 
Eboracum, deinde ad austrum tendens, Hamtonam obsedit. Sed nichil 
ibi proficiens, uertit exercitum ad Tameweorde, et uastatis omnibus per 
circuitum dum rediens ad Legraceastre perueniret, occurrit ei rex Edmundus 
cum exercitu. Nee erat pugna difficilis, quoniam duo archiepiscopi, Odo et 
et Wlstan, placatis alterutrum regibus, pugnam sedauerant. Pace itaque 
facta, terminus utriusque regni erat Wetlingastrete ; Edmundus ad austra- 
lem partem, Onlaf ad aquilonalem, regnum tenuerunt,' iL 93, 94. R. W. 
has a further development that the survivor of the two should succeed to 
the whole, i. 395. If S. D.'s date were correct, it would be doubtful which 
of the two Anlafs was meant. And in S. D. ii. 377, 378, it is distinctly 
implied that it was Anlaf, son of Guthfrith, who submitted and was bap- 
tised, and, dying soon after, was succeeded by Anlaf Sitricson. But the 
mention of Odo as archbishop, who did not succeed till 942 (Stubbs, Ep. 
Succ), shows that the chronology of the Chron. is correct, and that Anlaf 
Sitricson must be meant. This entry in S. D. has been strangely ignored. 
It did not escape Dr. Todd's diligence, G-. G. p. 283, and it seems implied 
in Green, C. E. p. 272. Freeman says nothing of it. If it is correct, 
Wessex must for the moment have fallen back to the position of 878 
(Wedmore), or at any rate of the frith of 886. For the effect of Anlafs 
baptism, see Z. N. V. p. 211. 

"Wulfstan arcebiscop] On Wulfstan, and on the position of the 
Northern primate at this time, cf. Green, C. E. pp. 94, 221, 222, 271, 

bury en- 
trusted to 





943 a. Her Eadmund . . . Dunstane . . . betsehte] This ' entrusting 
of Glastonbury to Dunstan ' is not identical with his appointment as abbot, 
which is expressly stated to have taken place later, ' sySSan.' There is, 
therefore, nothing in this entry which conflicts with the conclusion drawn 
by Dr. Stubbs from the charters that Dunstan became abbot in 946. The 
statement in the life of Dunstan by Osbem (himself a Canterbury man) is 
very similar : ' Dunstanus accepta potestate super regiam mnnsionem quae 
Glestonia uocabatur, . . . ipse primus abbas eS'ectus/ &c., Stubbs' Dun- 
stan, p. 92 ; where the ' accepta potestate ' answer to ' betsehte ' here. Of 
course the statement in both authorities that Dunstan was first Abbot of 
Glastonbury is absurd ; and it, as well as the statement of Osbern that 
Glastonbury was a royal manor, is vigorously refuted by W. M., ib., 21,1, 
260, 271, 301. Glastonbury has a spurious antiquity going back to Joseph 
of Arimathea ; but it has also a genuine antiquity going back at least to 
the beginning of the eighth century. But it is quite possible that there, 
as elsewhere, anything like genuine monastic life had become extinct, 
and that it was practically in the king's hands. Cf. what is said of Ely 
at the beginning of Edgar's reign : ' erat tunc destitutus et regali fisco 

946] - NOTES 145 

deditiis,' Chron. Ab. ii. 262 ; and see below, on 11 29. Glastonbury may 

well have been ' entrusted ' to Dunstan for restoration and reform in 943, 

and only when these preliminaries were accomplished would the formal 

appointment as abbot take place. This, if not earlier, was also not later 

than 946, as all the authorities agree that he was appointed by Edmund, 

who died in that year; see Stubbs, u. s. pp. Ixxix £f., 25, 56. One of 

the charters signed by Dunstan as ' indignus abbas ' was drawn up and 

written by him ' propriis digitorum articulis' ; he signs another as ' Dunstan 

dogmatista,' K. C. D. Nos. 425, 451 ; Birch, Nos. 880, 937; ' doginatista ' 

is glossed by 'lareow,' Wiilker, Glossaries, cc. 163, 390. 

944*. Her Eadmund . . . ge eode . . . Norp hymbra land] Under 943 Eeduction 

S. D. has the entry : ' Northumbri regem suum Onlaf de regno expuleriint,' ^'^ -North- 

■ ., , 1 , , ... , , . 1 -I-. 1 1 umbria. 

while under 945 he has the expulsion of two unnamed kings by Jidmuna, 

ii. 94. It is possible that Edmund, in expelling Anlaf, was only completing 
what his subjects had begun. According to Ethelwerd, Anlaf and Ragnall, 
whom he calls ' quosdam desertores,' were expelled by Wulfstan, Arch- 
bishop of York and ' Dux Merciorum,' p. 520 C. It may have been now, or 
in 945, that Edmund made the offerings to St. Cuthbert recorded in S. D. 
i. 76, 212. It was on one of these northern campaigns, possibly that of 
948 D, tliat Archbishop Odo translated what he believed to be the bones of 
the great Wilfrid, G. P.p. 22 ; Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 271 ; cf. Bede, II. 328. 

045*. Her Eadmund . . . oferhergode . . . Cumbra land] Several Eeduction 
authorities place this ravaging in 946. 

7 hit let to . . . Malculme, A] On the grant of Cumberland, i. e. not and grant 
the modern countj', but the kingdom of Strathclyde, see F. N. C. i. 62, i 24, ? 1^™ 
571-573; Green, C. E. pp. 278 ff. ; S. C. S. i. 361-363 ; iii. 3 ; P. & S. 
p. xxvi ; N. & K. pp. 329 ff. ; Robertson, E. K. S. i. 72 ; ii. 399 ; R. W. 
i. 398. The object of the grant was both to detach the King of the Scots 
from the Danes, and also to form Strathclyde into a barrier between the 
Danes of Ireland and Northumbria; cf. Z. N. V. pp. 170, 211. It marks 
the close of Cumbiian independence, ib. 171. 

pp. 112, 113. 946 A, D, 948 E] 946 is certainly right for the death of Death of 

Edmund and the accession of Edred ; cf. 95 s A, though S. D. follows E, Edmund 

and acces- 
i. 77 ; ii. 94. The iirst charter of Edred is dated very elaborately ' A. D. 946, gj^j^ ^f 

contigit post obitum Eadmundi regis, qui regimina regnorum Angulsaxna 7 Edred. 

Norj^hymbra, Paganoriim, Brettonumque septem annorum interuallo . . . 

gubernabat, quod Eadred frater eius uterinus [this does not mean that he 

was merely a uterine brother, but that he had the same mother as well as 

the same father] electione optimatum subrogatus, pontifical! auctoritate 

eodem anno catholice est rex et rector ad regna quadripertiti regiminis 

\_i.e. of the four peoples named above] consecratus ... in uilla quae dicitur 

regis, Cyngestun,'K. C. D. No. 411 ; Birch, No. 815. The stress laid on the 

election and coronation should be noted; cf. Green, C. E. pp. 287, 288. It 

shows how rash it is to assume that these things were omitted because 

II. L 




Manner of 


they are not mentioned. vElfric, writing about 991 (see Wiilker, Grund- 
riss, p. 459), by using the case of a royal election as a popular comparison, 
shows how strongly the idea of it survived : 'We wyllaS secgan eovr sum 
bigspell. Ne maeg nan man hine sylfne to cynge gedon, ac J'set folc htefS 
eyre to ceosenne J)one to cyninge, J)e him sylfum licat5; ac siSSan he to 
cyninge gehalgod biS, ])onne btefS he anvveald ofer Jiset folc, 7 hi ne nmgon 
his geoc of heora swuran asceacan,' Hom. i. 212 ; which also shows that, 
as Dr. Stubbs has pointed out, S. C. H. i. 136, the right of deposition does 
not necessarily follow from the right of election, as some have glibly stated. 
With the date of 946 for Edred's accession agree the facts that 949 
falls partly in his third, parti}' in his fourth year, that 95 1 falls partly in 
his sixth, and 955 partly in his tenth, K. C. D. Nos. 424, 433, 1167; 
Birch, Nos. 883, 884, 890, 893, 909. The only argument on the other side 
is that in Birch, No. 885, 949 is called the second year, but this is probably 
a mere slip. Edred had signed both under Athelstan and Edmund as 
' frater regis.' Edmund's death is entered under 946 in the Ann. Flodoardi, 
Pertz, iii. 393. 

fort5 ferde, A] Note that if we had only A, B, C before us, we should 
not know that Edmund's death was other than a natural one. There are, 
however, other similar ca;es ; cf. 657 A, 'B, C with 656 E; 729 D with 
731 D. The adlitional details here in D clearly a later insertion, see 
Introduction, § 78; El. Wig. and W. M. also give additional details, that 
Edmund was killed in going to the help of his dapifer or discSegn, who 
was stiuggling with a robl)er (' cleptor ' ! cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 29) whom 
Edmund had banished, El. Wig. i. 134; W. M. i. 159 f. According to 
Dunstan's biographers the saint had supernatural premonitions of the 
tragedy, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 29, 44-46, 58, 94, 183, 1S4, 276, 277. 
According to the life by W. M. : ' data in inferias uilla in qua occubuerat, 
ut quae conscia fuerat homicidii, semper in posterum pro anima eius esset 
adiutrix beneficii,' ih. 277. He was buried at Glastonbury by Dunstan. 
St. Augustine's day is May 26. Ethelwerd says : ' in solennia Augustini 
minoris qui et apostolus Anglorum,' p. 520; cf. W. M. : 'quo die Angli 
festiue obsoniari solebant pro praedicatoris sui memoria,' i. 159. On the 
observance of St. Augustine's day, see Bede, II. 81. Of Edred, W. M. 
says : ' annis . . . nouem in regno non tam uixit quam uitam traxit, totius 
corporis tormentis infractus et debilis,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 277; cf ih. 31. 
Hermann calls him 'debilis pedibus,' Liebermann, p. 232. 

set Puclan cyrcan, D] Edred grants land at Pucklechurch to Glaston- 
bury, ' pro animae ereptione fratiis mei Eadmundi regis quern . . . ipse 
prius me aunuente praedicto loco condonauerat,' Birch, No. 887. The first 
part of the name is probably ' pncel,' a derivative of 'puca,' Icel. 'piiki,' 
an imp, a devil ; a word known to us all from Shakespeare's ' Puck ' (see 
Napier in Academy for June 2, I 894). It is a curious word to find com- 
pounded with ' church.' R. W. says that the murder took place ' in uilla 

948] NOTES 147 

regia, quae Micbeleberi dicitur,' i, 398. Of course his authority is worth- 
less against the Chronicle ; but there is a place ' set Michelau b3'rg ' in 
Wilts, occurring in a charter, K. C. D. No. 436 ; Birch, No. 917. Thorn 
lays the scene at Canterbury, c. 1779- 

j^pel&aed set Domerhame] Damerham was granted to ^thelflaed by ^Ethelflsed 
King Edmund, possibly as her ' morning-gift ' ; and she leaves it in her will °* Uamer- 
to Glastonbury. There is a grant of Edgar's to her, which shows that she 
survived at any rate to 962. Edred also leaves land at Damerham by will, 
K. C. D. Nos. 490,685; Bh-ch,Nos. 817, 912, 1082, 12S8. .^thelfloed's 
father, iElfgar, was an alderman and an East Anglian, and her sister .lElflsed 
was wife of the alderman Brihtnoth, see Crawford Charters, pp. 86, 87. 
^^thelflsed was not, however, Edmund's first wife. He had an earlier 
wife, ^Ifgyfu. She signs a chai'ter as ' concubina regis,' K. C. D. No. 409 ; Edmnnd's 
Birch, No. 779. It is probable that this is used in no invidious sense, but ^'^ . '^i/e, 
as a literal translation of the A..S. 'gebedda,' which is a perfectly honour- 
able word ; and in a charter of Ethelred's of 984 she is called ' coniux,' 
K.C. D. No. 641. Ethel werd says that she died in the same year as the 
expulsion of Anlaf and Kagnall, p. 520; i.e. 944 according to the Chron., 
though Ethelwerd's chronology is ditferent : ' eodem . . . anno obiit et 
regina Elfgyuu, Eadmundi regis uxor, postque sanctificatur [cf. '7 wses 
sySSan halig,' 1030 C] in cuius mausoleo, . . . usque ad praesens innume- 
rosa . . . miracula hunt in coenobio quod . . . Sceftesbyrig nuncupatur.* 
(The above is the only signature of ^Ifgyfu, and there are none of ^thel- 
flsed ; though Edmund's motiier signs regularly.) For .^Ifgyfu's burial at 
Shaftesbury, cf. Hyde Eegister, p. 93. Her obit was May 18, ih. 270. 
She is called 'Sea --Elfgyfu,' 955 D, infra, and was the mother of Edwy 
and Edgar, ib.; cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 289. Her mother's name was 
Winflaed, for Edgar speaks of ' aua mea Winfled,' K. C. D. No. 522 ; Birch, 
No. 1186 ; and of course his paternal grandmother was Eadgyfu. 

apas . . . eal f he wolde*] Cf. the oath of allegiance taken to the Oath of 
Roman Emperor : " ofxvvj-iv . . . ivvo-qauv Taiqi KaicTapi 'S.i^aaTO) . . . kqI allegiance 
(ptKovs T€ Kpivdv ovs av aiiTos irpoaipijTai ical (x^poiis ouj av avTos Trpo^aKXrj- 
rai" Ephemeris Epigraphica, v. 156, cited by Schiirer. 

947 D. alugon . . . apas] Cf. 'gif ge him ne alugen iowra wedd 7 eowre 
ajjus,' Oros. p. 122. 

948 D] If we may put together the notices in D and E we get the Chron- 
following table (cf. G. G. p. 285) : ology. 

947 ^ 94^' Reception of Eric as king, D. 

948. Desertion of Eric, submission to Edred, D. 

949. Reception of Anlaf Cuaran (Sitricson) as king, E. 
952. Expulsion of Anlaf and second reception of Eric, E. 
954. Expulsion of Eric and reception of Edred, D, E. 

But it is impossible to be sure that the chronology of E is absolutely 
identical with that of D. In S. D. ii. 378 the former election of Eric is 

L 2 






Battle of 


Death of 

Arrest of 
of York. 


omittecl, and Edred's harrying of Northumberland (948 D) is made the con- 
sequence, not of that election, but of Anlaf's restoration (949 E), while 
Anlaf s expulsion is the result of this harrying, and not the work of the 
Northumbrians themselves (as 952 E), ' solita infidelitate utentes,' as H. H. 
says, p. 163. (In P. & S. p. 224, Eric seems to be regarded as a king of 
the Scots ajjpointed by Edred !) In the Liber Vitae Dunelm. there is 
an ' Eiric rex Danorum.' who may be this one, p. 78. Fl. Wig. omits the 
second expulsion of Eric, 954 D, E, perhaps regarding it as a doublet. 

Yryc to cyninge] This is Eric Hiring, son of Harold Blue-tooth ; of. 
Adam of Bremen : ' Haroldus rex . . . Hiring filium cum exercitu misit in 
Angliam, qui subacta insula tandem proditus et occisus est a Nordumbris,' 
Pertz, vii. 313, 314. These last words must refer to his second expulsion, 954, 
infra ; and, if true, add a fact not mentioned by the Chron. R. VV. gives 
details of Eric's betrayal and death, i. 402, 403. See Addenda. 

■p rassre mynster . . . ast Rypon] On the significance of this entry, see 
Introduction, § 68, note. On Wilfrid's buildings at Ripen, v. Bade, II. 323. 
The burning of Ripon is therefore due to Edred's army, and W. M. is 
hardly fair in saying, with reference to Odo's alleged translation of Wilfrid 
{v. s. p. 145, and Bede, II. 328): ' W' ilfiidi dirutam per Danos . . . 
ecclesiam,' G. P. p. 22. 

hindan set Ceaster forda] The affair of Chesterford was an attack on 
the king's rearguard : ' Northymbrenses adunati multos de extrema parte 
exercitus interfecerunt,' S. D. ii. 378. 

gebeton pa daede] ' pecunia non modica,' adds Fl. Wig. i. 135. 

949 E. Anlaf Cwiran] This is Anlaf Sitricson, v. s. pp. 140, 141, 143, 
144. He is often called Anlaf Cuaran in Irish sources; cf. G. G. pp. ci, 
cxliv, cxlviii, clxxiv, 276-287; Robertson, E. K. S. i. 73. The meaning of 
the name Cuaran is very uncertain. I have sometimes wondered whether 
possibly it rests on a confusion with a later Anlaf, and is an attempt to 
represent in Irish the soubriquet of Olafr hinn Kyrri, Olave the Peaceful, 
son of Harold Hardrada. Anyhow, the Irish form was transferred back 
into Scandinavian sources, as we get Olafr Kuaran, or Kuaron, Flatey 
Book, i. 150, 218. ■ • 

951 A. -^Ifheah . . . bisc] See on 934, supra. According to several 
of Dunstan's biographers, Eilred wished to make him bisliop in succession 
to ^Ifheah, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Ixxxvii, 56, 95, 185, 278. The earliest 
of them, however, says that it was the see of Crediton, vacant in 953 by 
the death of ^-Ethelgar, that was pressed on Dunstan, ih. 29. W. M. tries 
to reconcile the two accounts, ib. 278-289. 

952 D. Her . . . liet Eadred . . . ludanbyrig] On the arrest of Arch- 
bishop Wulfstan, which shocked later clerical feeling, cf W. M. i. 162; 
G. P. p. 24.7. The identification of ludanburh is very difficult. The 
common view is Jedburgh. But, as Canon M''Clure remarks in an inter- 
esting communication to me, Jedburgh, in the neighbourhood of Scots and 

955] NOTES 149 

Danes, is the last place where a northern primate would be in safe keeping, 
and the same objection applies to Mr. Bates' suggestion of Inveresk, Arch. 
Ael. xix. 184, 1S5. Mr. M'^Clure is inclined to identify it with Bede's 
Ythancaestir, on the Pant or Blackwater in Essex, see Bede, II. 178. 
Certainly the mention of Thetford immediately afterwards suggests that it 
may have been somewhere in the Eastern Countie?. R. W. connects the 
two events so closely that he makes the crime of Wulfstan to consist in his 
having slaughtered the people of Thetford in revenge for Eadhelm. This 
is of course a mere perversion of the Chronicle. He calls the place of 
Wulfstan's imprisonment ' Uithabiri,' i. 403. What Wulfstan was really 
charged with was probably alliance with the Danes of Xorthumbria. After 
Eric's expulsion and death he was released, 954 D, infra. Abbot Eadhelm 
signs a charter of Edred's in 949, K. C. D. No. 425 ; Birch, No. 880. 

952, 954 E] See above on 948 D. H. H. says : 'gens patriae illius Extinction 
. . . Hyrc filium Haraldi, ut leuiter acceperat, leuiter abiecerat,' p. 163. of royalty 
' Ab hoc tempore Northanhymbrorum prouincia proprium regem habere , ''• 
cessauit. Deinceps . . . per comitum procurationem, una cum omnibus 
totius Angliae prouinciis, regi subiecta seruiuit,' S. D. ii. 378 ; cf. ib. 94. 
The first of these aldermen or earls was Oswulf, and the second Oslac, 
ib. 382; V. s. p. 132. 

954 D. on Dorceceastre] This may mean either tliat the restoration Eestora- 
todk place at Dorchester, or that Wulfstan was made Bishop of Dorchester. ^^'^^ *5*^ 
Probably the latter ; see Addenda. ' 

. 955 A, D, E, 956 B, C. Her forjj ferde Eadred] Of Edred"s death Death of 
also Dunstan had a supernatural warning, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 31, 58, Edred. 
98, 99, 187, 188, 281, 282. The earliest biographer does not give the story 
of the king's corpse being deserted by all the attendants. 

on See Clementes msesse dseg, A] November 23. 

on Ealdan mynstere, D] ' requiescit Wintoniae in episcopatu,' i. e. in The Old 
the cathedral church, W. M. i. 162. His will is in Birch, No. 912. Minster. 

feng Eadwig*] We have seen how on the death of Edred, the queen- Accession 
mother Eadgyfu, who had played so great a part under her sons, was o^ Edwy. 
deprived of her property and position. In the document in which this is 
told Edwy is spoken of as 'past cild Eadwig pe Jia gecoren wses,' K. C. D. 
No. 499 ; Birch, No. 1064. Edwy and Edgar sign as ' clito ' and ' aeSel- 
ing' during the last year of Edred. But Edwy is associated in a grant in 
his father's first year, 941, when he can have been only an infant, K. C. D. 
No. 1138 ; Birch, No. 766. The evidence of the charters agrees with 955 
for the date of Edwy's accession. His earliest charter is dated 955 ; 956 
is in his first year, 957 in his second, his fourth year falls partly in 958, 
partly in 959, K. C. D. Nos. 436, 452, &c., 465, 1214, 1224; Birch, 
Nos. 917, 927, &c., 999, 1035, 1046. Edwy was crowned at Kingston by 
Archbishop Odo, El. Wig. i. 136. For the story of the coronation feast 
and its later developments, cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Ixxxviii f. ; Robert- 




issued by 

in exile. 

of Edgar 
in Mercia. 

son, Historical Essays, p. 192. It should be noted that of the later 
writers H. H. is distinctly favourable to Edwy, saying : •' non illaudabiliter 
regni infulam tenuit,' and : ' eius . . . prospera et laetabunda exordia mors 
immatura perrupit,' p. 163 ; so the Hyde Register : ' flebilis occidit multis 
suorum lacrimis/ p. 7- Ethelwerd says of him : ' prae nimia . . . pulchri- 
tudine, Pancali sortitus est nomen a uulgo secundi. Tenuit . . . quad- 
riennio . . . regniim amandus,' p. 520. The Chron.D seems to place the 
division of the kingdom immediately on Edred's death. This is certainly 
wrong ; see below on 957 B, C. Dunstan's earliest life says of Edwy ex- 
pressly : 'in utraque plebe . . . electus,' p. 32. On the share which the 
monastic movement (which has been both exaggerated and antedated) had 
in the opposition to Edwy, see ib. xcvii ff. ; Robertson, Essays, pp. 193, 
194 ; cf. W. M. i. 163 : ' coenobium . . . stabulum clericorum fecit.' 

It is impossible not to be struck by the very large number of charters 
issued during Edwy's short reign. It suggests the consciousnef-s of weak- 
ness, and the attempt to conciliate support by lavish grant^'. And though 
the influence of the monastic struggle under Edwy may have been exag- 
gerated {v. ,«.), yet it is significant how few of Edwy's charters are signed 
by any abbots. Dunstan and ^thelwold sign occasionally. The only 
exceptions are K. C. D. Nos. 479, 1224; Birch, Nos. 1030, 1046, and of 
these the latter is possibly spurious. The same is true of the beginning 
of Edgar's reign. Generally only ^thelwold signs, but gradually other 
abbots make their appearance. On the other hand, there are twelve 
genuine grants to monasteries by Edwy. But these are few indeed beside 
the numerous grants and confirmations made by Edgar, frequently at the 
request of ^tbelwold, Birch, iii, passim. 

See ^Ifgyfe, D] On her, see note on 946 D. 

956 a, E, G57 D] 956 seems to be the right date both for Dunstan's 
exile and for Wulfstan's death; cf. Fl. Wig. i. 136; H, Y. ii. 340, and 
Addenda. Dunstan took refuge in the monastery of Blandinium at Ghent, 
under the jirotection of Arnulf, Count of Flanders, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 33, 
34, ~,g f., loi, 192, 193, 284-286. There is a letter probably from this 
Arnulf to Dunstan, ib. 359-361, and one from an unknown writer to 
Arnulf, praying for the restitution of a stolen MS. which the Count had 
bought, ib. 361, 362. 

on xvii kt lannar', D] F). Wig. has vii. Kal., probably by an error. 

957 B, C. Her Eadgar . . . Myrcna rice] There is an interesting 
reference to Edgar's Mercian election in a document of circa 961 : ' sefter 
Tpam getidde p Myrce gecuran Eadgar to cynge, 7 him anweald gesealdan 
ealra cynerihta,' Birch, No. 1063, first published by Kemble in Archaeo- 
logical Journal, xiv. 58 S. Fl. Wig. follows B, C in placing Edgar's 
Mercian election in 957, and this is proved to be right by a document in 
which 958 is spoken of as his second year, Birch, No. 1040 ; this docu- 
ment Edgar signs as ' rex Merciorum et Northanhymbrorum atque Bret- 

959] ' NOTES 151 

tonum,' which shows that three parts of the ' quadripartite rule ' had 
followed Edgar, v. s. on 946 A. Osbeni gives Edgar the title of ' diiircha,' 
Stubbs' Dnnstan, p. 103 ; while he and others of the later biographers of 
Dunstan speak of Edwy as driven across the Thames, as if something like 
a civil war had taken place, ib. 35, 36, 102, 103, 194, 290, 291, 337; the 
pedigree in Ord. Vit. V. liv goes further, and says that Edwy ' rebellan- 
tibus Anglis pereuiptus est.' Edgar signs under Edred as ' seSeliug ' and 
'clito,' and under Edwy as •' frater regis' and ' clito ' ; his signature is 
' Eadgar i;egulus,' K. C. D. No. 451 ; Birch, No. 937. His signatures to 
hi.'^ brother's charters cease in 957, hi.s own Mercian charters begin in 95S. 

958 D. Oda . . totwsemde Eadwi ... 7 .^Igyfe] This seems the Divorct^ 
sole authentic record of an event which has given rise to a huge crop of of Edwy. 
scandalous and heated writing. The life of Oswald, Archbishop of York 
(who was nephew of Odo), makes Edwy's crime the keeping of a mistress 
in addition to his lawful wife, H. Y. i. 402, 403 ; cf. ib. xxxixf. El. Wig. 
combines the two accounts with a ' siue,' showing that he had Oswald's 
life before him, which, as Oswald was also Bishop of Worcester, was likely 
enough, i. 137 ; cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. xcii, 102, 283 ; H. Y. ii. 4, 63. 
Only one charter of Edwy is signed by ' j331fgifu ])aes cininges wif 7 
.^Jelgifu ]>ses cyninges wifes modur,' K. C. D. No. 1201 ; Birch, No. 973. 
In the Hyde Register she is enndled without any question as '^'Elfgjfu, 
coniunx Eadwigi regis,' p. 57. It may be due to a recollection of the 
scandals of Edwy's, and possibly of Edgar's, reigns, that in the exhortation 
appended to the coronation oath which Dunstan exacted from Ethelred it 
is laid down as one of the king's duties that he ' unrihthtemedu gebete, 
7 siblegeru totwseme,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 356. There is also a law of 
Edmund's which sounds almost prophetic : ' wel is eae to warnianne |> man 
wite f> hy ))urh mtegsibbe to gelsenge ne beon; Jie Ises "pe man eft twisnie 
j> man ser awoh tosomne gedydon (?-de),' Thorpe, i. 256 ; Schmid, p. 392. 

958 A, 959 C, E. Her forSferde Eadwig] Edwy was buried in the Death of 
New Minster at Winchester, FI. W'ig. i. 138; Hyde Register, p. 7. In Edwy. 
Hyde Reg. p. 272 the day of his death is given as Oct. 2. It is probable 
that 959 is correct for the date of Edwy's death. But I cannot agree 
with Dr. Stubbs that ' the charters afford ample proof that Edwy was 
alive in 959,' Dunstan, p. xciv. The only charter of Edwy's belonging to 
959 which has any pretensions to genuineness is K. C. D. No. 1 224 ; Birch, 
No. 1046; and even this is suspicious, for (i) Edwy signs as ' Britannie 
Ano-lorum Monarcus,' which he could hardly do, and in other charters 
does not do, after the division of the kingdom ; (2) it is signed by 
Eadgyfu, whom we know to have been in disgrace under Edwy. 
Genuine charters of Edgar giving regnal years are extremely rare. 
K. C. D. No. 1252 ; Birch, No. 1143, which makes 964 Edgar's iifth year, 
is in favour of 959. (K. 534, 536 ; B. 1197, 1201, in which 967 in 
made respectively the seventh and the thirteenth year of Edgar, must on 


any view be wrong.) According to the later biographers Dunstan liad a 
vision, in which he saw the soul of Edwy being carried oflf by devils, but 
rescued it by his intercessions, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 104, 196, 286, 287. 
Glories of Of Edgar's future greatness Dunstan had also been divinely informed at 
Edgar's ^j^g time of his birth, ib. 36, 56, 93. Across the troubles of the inter- 
vening years later chroniclers looked back upon the reign of Edgar, ' the 
peaceful,' as on a golden age, S. D. ii. 95; H. H. p. 164; G. P. pp. 27, 
28, 403, 404 ; W. M. i. 164 ff. The last calls him the 'darling of the 
English,' ' deliciae Angloruui '; cf. H. Y. i. 425-427, 435 ; Aug. Sac. i. 223 
(cf. above, p. 113). Fl. Wig.'s words are emphatic: ' Regnum , . . rex 
Mercensium Eadgarus, ab onini Anglorum populo electus, . . . suscepit, 
diuisaque regna in unum copulauit,' i. i 38. The Laws of Edgar speak of 
a pestilence in his reign, Thorpe, i. 270 ; Schmid, p. 192 ; which niay be 
that mentioned 926 A ; a passage which Schmid has overlooked, p. xlix. 
Poem. P- 114. On his dagum, yc, E] On the metre of this poem, which is also 

in D, there are some remarks by Professor Trautmanu in Anglia, vol. vii, 
Anzeiger, pp. 211 fF. Professor Earle points out that there seems to be 
an echo of it in the epilogue to .^Elfric's Heptateuch : 
' Eadgar se 8e])ela 7 se anrasda 
arccrde Godes lof on his leode gehwaer, 
ealra cininga swi/iost ofer Engla Jieode, 
7 him God gewilde his wi])erwinnan 
cinivgas 7 eorlas, P hi comon him to 
huton selcum yefeolde friSes wilniende, 
him mulerfeodde to fam J>e he wolde, 

7 he wses gewiirJ>od wide geond land^ Ed.Thwaites, p. 163. 
The words in which the resemblance consists are italicised ; cf. also 
^Ifric's life of Swithhuu : 

' Eadgar cynincg 
})one cristendom gefyrSrode, 7 fela munuclifa araerde, 
7 his cynerice waes wunigende on sibbe, 
swa "^ man ne gehyrde gif senig scyphere wsere 
buton agenre leode Jie J;is land heoldon. 
7 ealle 0a cyningas ])e on ))ysum iglande wseron, 
Cumera 7 Scotta comon to Eadgare 
hwilon anes dseges eahta cyningas, 
7 hi ealle gebugon to Eadgares wissu'nge,' 

Lives, i. 468 ; cf. 16. 440. 
hit godode georne] Cf. ' hit agann mid heom godian georne,' Wulf- 
stan, Horn. p. 14; cf. Thorpe, Laws, i. 312, 318 ; Schmid, pp. 226, 276. 

He arerde Godes lof] The same phrase occurs in a spurious charter of 
Edgar, Birch, No. 1267, ad init. 

p. 115. He weartS wide . . . geweor'Bad] Foreign monasteries 
.sought for, and received a share in his liberality, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 363, 

364) 36'5-368- 

96 1 ] NOTES 153 

Ane misdaeda] D, rightly, -de. Dr. Stubbs, speaking of the legend Legends of 
of Eilgar's crime and penance, says : ' The words of the Anglo-Saxon Edgar's 
poet, imbedded in the Chronicle, are a telling proof of Edgar's vices,' 
Dunstan, p. c. But the sequel shows that the ' one misdeed ' alluded to is 
Edgar's love of foreigners and foreign customs ; and so it is understood by 
H. H. : ' in hoc tamen peccabat, quod Paganos eos qui in hac patria sub 
eo degebant uimis firmauit, et extraneos hue adductos plus aequo diligens 
ualde corroborauit, nihil eriim in rebus humanis perfectissimum est,' 
p. 164 ; while W. M. enumerates the points in which these foreigners 
corrupted the innocent English, ' homines antehac in talibus integri,' 
who learnt ' ferocitas ' from the Saxons, 'mollities' from the Flemings, 
and'potatio' (!) from the Danes, i. 165. By making this Edgar's only 
(ane) fault, the writer, so far from ' proving,' rather discredits the tradi- 
tional scandals about Edgar, which W. M. u. s. says rested mainly on 
ballads : ' ceteras infamias . . . magis resperserunt cantilenae,' though 
they may have had some historical basis. On Edgar's and Dunstan's 
policy towards the Danes settled in England, see Thorpe, Laws, i. 272 if. ; 
Schmid, pp. 194 fF. ; and Stubbs and Eobertson, u. s. 

p. 112. 959 a. Her he ssente r . . Lundene] There is considerable Dunstan's 
diversity in the authorities as to the date of Dunstan's recall, and his appomt- 
appointment to the sees of Worcester and London. The earliest life of -yyoj-cggter 
Dunstan agrees with the Chron. in placing these events after Edwy's and 
death, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 36, 37. Fl. Wig., on the other hand, places London. 
the recall and appointment to Worcester immediately after the revolt of 
Mercia in 957, and the appointment to London ' anno sequenti,' i. e. 958, 
all before the death of Edwy. Osbern's life puts the appointment to 
Worcester before, and that to London after, Edwy's death, Stubbs' Dun- 
stan, pp. 103-105; and so apparently Eadmer, ib. 195-197. Mahnesbury 
seems to put the recall before Edwy's death, but the actual arrival and 
promotion to the bishoprics afterwards, ih. 291-293. Adelard's life is 
indistinct, ih. 60. On the whole, Florence's view seems the most likely, 
and he had special means of knowing about Worcester ; cf. Stubbs, u. s. 
pp. xc ff. As regards London, however, the charters show that Dunstan 
cannot have succeeded till 959, as his predecessor, Brihthelm, continues to 
sign till that year, K. C. D. No. 1224; Birch, No. 1046 ; though this charter 
is somewhat doubtful, v. s. p. 151. Apparently Brihthelm did not survive 
Edwy, for a charter issued by Edgar merely as ' Merciae . . . gubemator ' 
is signed by Dunstan as Bishop of London, K. C. D. No. 480 ; Birch, No. 
1052 (Kembledoes not question this charter, but the use of the terri- 
torial expression, Mercia, seems to me suspicious). This also shows that in 
the division of the kingdom London went with Mercia. The words of F 
Lat. : ' dedit ei episcopatum Wigornensis ecclesiae, insuper et pontificatu 
Londoniae cumulauit,^ indicate that Dunstan held the two sees together. 

p. 114. 961 a. Odo . . . See Dunstan] It is curious to find the two Succession 




of Arch- 
bishops of 

Suicide of 
King Sig- 

Plague and 
fire of 

Canterbury scribes, a and F, wrong as to the successions of Archbishops 
of Canterbury, but so it is ; 961 is correct neither for the death of OJo nor 
for the accession of Dunstan ; nor did Dunstan succeed Odo immediately. 
The latter mistake was made easy by the fact that ^Ifsige, or JEUs'm, of 
Winchester, wlio succeeded Odo, died on his journey to Rome for his 
pallium, and that Brihthelm, who was nominated to succeed him, was 
deposed and sent back to his former see, which seems to have been Wells 
(so Fl. Wig. i. 136, 138), probably in consequence of the revolution which 
followed the death of Edwy. (^Ifsige and Brihthelm are omitted also in 
the lists, Ang. Sac. i. 4, 87.) See the whole subject discussed by Stnbbs, 
Dunstan, pp. xcii ff. His conclusion is that Odo died in 95S (so Fl. Wig. 
i. 135), and that Dunstan succeeded in Oct., 959, immediately after, and 
in consequence of, Edgar's accession earlier in the same month ; cf. ib. 37, 
38, 107-109, 293-295. Of Odo some interesting notices will be found in 
the life of his nephew, Oswald of York, H. Y. i. 401-41 1, 419, 420 ; cf. ii. 
3. To him Fridegoda dedicated his life of Wilfrid, ib. i. 105-107 ; cf. 
Hardy, Cat. i. 400, 401. For Eadmer's life of Odo, cf. ib. 566-568; 
G. P. pp. 20-26. On Dunstan's reverence for Odo, see Eadmer's life of 
Dunstan : ' Cognomine quoque boni in materna lingua . . . eura semper 
iiominare consueuit, uidelicet, " Odo se gode " [cf se goda arft. F]. . . . 
Quo cognomine ex eo tempore usque ad banc nostram aetatem solet ab 
Anglis, maxime tamen a Cantuaritis nuncupari,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 203 ; 
cf. (7). 109, 299; G. P. p. 30; Bede, II. 377. On Odo's alleged translation 
of Wilfrid's relics, v. s. pp. 145, 148. Dunstan seems to have gone to Rome 
for his pallium in 960, Stubbs, u. s. pp. xcvi, 38 ; Fl. Wig. i. 139. He 
st.iyed at the monastery of St. Bertin at St. Omer, Pertz, xxv. 777. 

962 A. .^Ifgar] This is not .-Elfgar the father of ^thelflaid of Daraer- 
ham, wife of King Edmund, 946 D ; cf. Crawford Charters, p. 86. 

SigfertS cyning hine of feoll] I cannot certainly identify this king 
Sigferth, who committed suicide. There is a SyferS, who signs a genuine 
charter of 955, immediately after the Welsh princes, K. C. D. No. 433; 
Birch, No. 909 ; and there is a SigefriS subregulus who signs a charter of 
973, K. C. D. No. 519 ; Birch, No. 11S5. This is a rank forgery based on 
Florence's mythical account of Edgar's being rowed on the Dee, but some 
of the signatures seem taken from the charter of 955. The title subregulus 
probably gives his position correctly, whereas the date affords no presump- 
tion that he did not die in 962. He may have been a relic of the Dano- 
Northumbrian princelets, among whom this name is not uncommon, and 
his burial at Wimborne would be accounted for if the tragedy occurred 
when he was attending Edgar's court. A council was held at Andover in 
this reign, Schiuid, p. xlviii. 

man cwealm . . . man bryne ... on Limdene] A plague followed by 
a great fire in London aifords, as Earle remarks, a singular parallel to the 
events of 1665, 1666 ; v. s. p. 152. 

963] . NOTES 155 

963*. Apel-wold] On t.he lives of .-Etlielwold, see Hardy, Cat. i. 585 if. .miielwol rl . 
-^Ifric's life is printed in Chron. Ab. ii. 253 ff. ; Wulfstan's in AA. SS. 
Aug. i. ; cf. also for notices of him, Chron. Ab. i. 121 ff., 162, 343 ff. ; 
ii. 277 ff., 378, 394. The fact that he was Abbot of Abingdon accounts 
for his prominence in this Chron. Like St. Dunstan, he was a worker 
in metal : ' fecit duas campanas propriis manibus, ut dicitur, qiias 
in hac domo posuit cum aliis duabus maioribus, quas etiam beatus Dun- 
stanus propriis manibus fecisse perhibetiir,' ih. i. 345. (Edward I had a 
sapphire ring 'qui fuit de fabrico Sci. Dunstani ut credebatur,' Hampson, 
i. 292, from Lib. Nig. Scacc, i. 397.) jEthelwold's position even as abbot 
is illustrated by the fact that constantly he is the only abbot who .signs 
charters. It is curious that his promotion is not mentioned in the Abing- 
don MS. of the Chron. (C). The date 963 is confirmed by three charters 
of that year, two of which he signs as abbot, and one as bishop, K. C. D. 
Nos. 501, 504, 1243; Birch, Nos. 1113-1115. Mr. Birch has placed 
the episcopal one first of the three. There is a high tribute to him in a 
charter of Ethelred's, K. C. D. iii. 265, 266 ; which, though starred by 
Kemble, ' is obviously authentic,' Crawford Charters, p. 121 ; Chron. Ab. 
ii. 520 ; of. .Elfric's Lives, i. 454, 456, 470. He notes ^thelwold's 
occupations at court, ' se bisceop waes bysig mid ])am cyninge,' which the 
Winchester monks took advantage of to neglect their duties. ^Ifric says 
that he had often conversed with ^-Ethelwold, ib. 264. For his impor- 
tance in the monastic revival of Edgar's reign (' muneca fseder,' infra, 984 ; 
' pater monachorum et sidus Anglorum,' H. H. p. 168), cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, 
pp. Ixxxvii, xcvi ff. ; H. H. pp. xxvi, 164, 165; Fl. Wig. i. 140, 141; 
H. Y. i. 425-427, 446 ; G. P. pp. 165-169, 191 ; W. M. i. 166, 167 ; Hardy, 
Cat. i. 373, and the references given under 964 A. 

p. 115. pe fyrste . . . Aduent. . . . Decemb., E] The fir>t Sunday 
of Advent was on Nov. 29 in 963, i.e. the vigil of St. Andrew (A). 

draf ut pa clerca] We have a case of hereditary priests at Bury St. Hereditary 
Edmund's about this time, K. C. D. No. 946 ; Birch, No. 1015 ; the monas- priests, 
tic reform did not take place at Bury till Cnut's time, Liebermann, p. 237. 

Elig . . . S. -^tJeldriS] See Bede, H. E. iv. 19, 20, and notes. It was Elj-. 
at this time deserted and in the king's hands, Chron. Ab. ii. 261, 262 ; v.s. 
pp. 144, 145. Its restoration by Edgar and Athelwold is alluded to iu a 
charter of Edward the Confessor, K. C. D. No. 907. Spurious charters con- 
nected with this restoration are K. C. D. No. 563 ; Birch, Nos. 1266, 1267. 

Medeshamstede] On this restoration of Peterborough, cf. Chron. Ab. Peter- 
ii. 262 ; and with these alleged grants, cf. the documents K. C. D. borough. 
Nos. 568, :75 ; Birch, Nos. 1128-1130, 1258, 1270, 1280; some of which 
are of very doubtful genuineness. Perhaps the most interesting is B. 11 28, 
which contains a list of books said to have been presented by iEtheiwold. 

for don fra helSene folce] v. s. 870 E. 

fand pa hidde, 7c.] 'This is enough to set criticism on the alert,' 




ture of 



' Scyr.' 

' Hackle.' 

tion of 

Earle. On the manufacture of documents (not necessarily fraudulent in 
intention) necessitated by the ravages of the Danes, of. Bede, II. 217, 
^Yith the alleged finding of these documents, cf. the story in Hardy, 
Cat. i. 5. 

Headda a^] Dr. Stubbs says of Headda that he is not to be treated as 
a myth simply because he is found in Ingulf, Arch. Journal, 1861, p. 207. 
p. 116. hu Wulfhere kyng, 7c.] v. s. 656 E. 

Bgles^^oirfie] See the very interesting document K. C. D. No. 591 ; 
Birch, No. 1131, which shows that this land had belonged to a widow and 
her son ; but was forfeited because they practised pin-sticking magic. The 
son escaped, and was outlawed, but the mother was drowned at London 
Bridge. This form of magic is expressly forbidden in Canons issued under 
Edgar, Thorpe, Ancient Laws, ii. 274. 

cvyede ic scyr] In the Glossary I have taken 'scyr' as a substantive, 
= shire. I am not sure now that this is right. I think it is the adjective 
* scir,' = pure, in the sense of exempt or free. A collateral form occurs 
in this same phrase, in Layamon, ii. 108, of the Romans refusing to help 
the Britons (Bede, H. E. i. 12), 

' heo habbetJ iquetSen us scere, 
nu and auere mare ' ; 
cf. ib. Glossary, and Stratmann, ed. Bradley, s. vv. schir, and skere. 

Jja twa dael of 'Witlesinere] The remainder was acquired by Abbot 
iElfsige, K. C. D. No. 733. 

p. 117. messe hacel] 'Mass-hackle, i. e. mass-vestment. In the West of 
England the word hackle is specially used of the conical straw roofing that 
is put over bee-hives. Also, of the "straw covering of the apex of a rick," 
says Mr. J. Yonge Akerman, Glossary of Wiltshire Words, f. Hackle,' Earle. 
Ic Oswald arcebiscop] He was not archbishop till 972, Stubbs, Ep. 
Succ, and that is the date assigned to this charter below. 
Aldulf . . . Oswald . . . Kenulf] On this cf. infra, 992. 
7 he macode . . . Burch] 'Though the language here is of the twelfth 
century, yet this statement is apparently authentic. The great fortifying 
era in England had been initiated by Edward, the son of Alfred. Fortified 
monasteries became common, and Peterborough was probably one of the 
earliest instances. Fortification changed the character and the moral 
aspect of the monastic institution, and the change of name was a natural 
consequence. The irregular cluster of humble edifices, which showed like 
any other " homestead " of the open country, was now encircled with a wall, 
like one of the fenced cities. Henceforth it is no more Medcsluimstede or 
the Meadow-ho)?iegtead ; but Buih or Burch, the garrison and capital of 
a dependent region. The fortified place became also the market-place 
of its district, and hence it reaped commercial advantages, direct and 
incidental. Laws of Edw. i. i; Atlielst. ii. 12; K. C. D. No. 575,' 
Earle. Cf. G. P. : ' Burch dim Medehamstede dicebatur ; sed postquam 

964] NOTES 157 

Kenulfus abbas locum muro cinxit, a similitudine urbis Burch uocatus est,' 
P- 3IJ. 

Sea Kyneburh 7 S. Kynesui'S] v. Bede, II. 175, 176; and on them 
and S. Tibba, cf. H. H. p. xxvi ; Hardy, Cat. i. 370. 

7 lieold . . . wses] The construction is loose. Gibson understood it to 
mean ' kept possession of (the relics) ' ; M. H. B. ' observed it,' i. e. the 
anniversary of their translation. Earle agrees with Gibson, probably 
rightly. That relics were sometimes used as a means of raising the wind Relics 
is shown by 1013 E, ad fin., where the purchaser is this very abbot, bought and 
JElfsige, V. notes a. I. 

964*] On the revival of monasticism and the previous decline which Monastic 
tendered it necessary, see Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Ixxxiii and refF., Ixxxvi, revival, 
xcvii ff., ci, cii, cix, ox, 74, 110-114, 272, 273, 290, 300, 303; G. P. pp. 27, 
178, 404, 405 ; Ord. Vit. i. 164; ii. 202-205 ; H. Y. i. 411, 425-427, 434; 
ii, 8, 20-22; K. C. D. Nos. 512, 514; Birch, Nos. 1135, 1147, 1168; 
Green, G. E. pp. 342 ff. Even though most or all of these documents are 
spurious, they yet witness to the tradition. 

In some places the old tendency was too strong for the new, e.g. at 
Worcester, Stubbs, u. s. p. 197 ; Birch, iii. 535, note. Even in his own 
cathedral jilthelwold's success seems to have been less complete than is 
commonly supposed, Ang. Sac. ii. 125. Possibly the Hyde Eegister 
guides us to one source of the strength of the opposite party, viz. their 
family connexions : ' inertem nohilium clericorum turbam penitus elimi- 
nauit,' p. 7. At Evesham the introduction of canons was due to 'quidam 
nefandissimus princeps,' Chron. Evesh. p. 77. ' It is doubtful,' says 
Dr. Stubbs, ' whether any of the cathedrals were quite cleared of secular 
canons before the Conquest,' Waltham, p. vii. 

Ceastre, A] Winchester ; see note on 685 E. In ^Ifric's Lives, i. 466, Winches- 
where the printed text has ' on Winceastre,' it is worth noting that in *®^- 
hoth MSS. the ' Win ' is inserted above the line. It is in fact necessary to 
the alliteration, but the scribes' tendency was to call the place simply 
'Ceaster'; cf. Earle's Swi'Shun, p. 17. 

of Ealdan mynstre] ' Sci. Petri coenobium quod nuncupatur uetustis- The Old 
simum,' Lantfiid, in Earle's SvviShun, p. 60. Eadmer gives a highly J*Iuister. 
dramatic account of the way in which ^thelwold effected the change, 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 211 ff. For this he obtained through Edgar the 
special permission of Pope John XIII, ih. 364, 365 ; Birch, No. 1275, if 
the letter be genuine. The name of one of the extruded priests, Eadsige, 
a relative of St. Swithhun, is preserved. Naturally he was not * au mieux ' 
with the prelate who expelled him : — 

' Jia onscunode se Eadsige AJJelwold ])one bisceop, 
7 ealle \& munecas J-e on ])am mynstre wseron, 
for ))8ere utdrsefe Jie he gedyde wiS hi.' 
However, after two years, he became a monk, and died in his old home, and 




The New 








this was probably the history of others also, MVnc, Lives, i. 442, 446. For 
this reform of tlie Old Minster, cf. also K. C. D. No. 610 ; Birch, No. 1 159. 
Both into the Old and New Minster ^thelwold is said to have brought 
monks from his own monastery of Abingdon, which is probable enough ; 
cf. K. C. D. No. 523; Birch, No. 1191, a doubtful charter, though not 
starred by Kemble. The Liber de Hyda places the reform of the Old 
Minster in 967, and that of the New Minster in 96S, pp. 179, 180; and 
it is of course possible that the chronicler has placed under one year move- 
ments which were spread over several. The Ann. Wint. place them in 
964 and 965 respectively. 

of Niwan mynstre] What purports to be the charter of this refounda- 
tion is in K. C. D. No. 527 ; Birch, No. 1190. The original (MS. Cott.. 
Vespasian A. viii) is written in letters of gold ; see Palaeographical Society, 
Plates 46, 47 ; and cf. Ann. Winton. 966 : ' Hie Eadgar rex priuilegium 
quoddam totum aureis litteris scriptum in nouum contulit monasterium,' 
Liebermann, p. 69. 

of Ceortes ige] On this restoration of Chertsey, and its original founda- 
tion, see Bed e, II. 217, 218; and add theretoK. CD. iv. 151-154; Birch, 
ii. 196, 203, 396 ; iii. 469; infra, 1084, 1110. 

of Middel tune] Milton is said to have been founded by Athelstan in 
expiation of the death of his brotlier Edwin ; see on 933 E, su^-a. If so, 
its degeneration into a 'stabulum clericorum' must have been very rapid. 

7 sette hy mid munecan] For similar cases on the continent, cf. Pertz, 
X. 526; XXV. 780; Ord. Vit. i. 172; ii. 10, 21, 22; iii. 36. For the 
influence of Fleury and other foreign monasteries on English monasticism, 
cf. Chron. Ab. i. 129; ii. 259; K. C. D. iv. 80; Bircli, No. 1168; Stubbs' 
Dunstan, pp. cxx, cxxi; Ord. Vit. ii. 202-205. 

.ZEpelgar] He was a pupil of .^Ethelwold, Chron. Ab. ii. 261. He, 
Ordberht, and Cyneweard all sign as abbots in 966, K. C. D. No. 526 ; 
Birch, No. 1176, so that they mast have been appointed before that j-ear. 
.-Ethelgar afterwards became Bishop of Selsey and Archbishop of Canterbury, 
infra, 980, 988. He died Feb. 13, 990. There are letters to or relating 
to him in Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 383-389 ; cf. also Hyde Reg. pp. 8-10. 

p. 118. Ordbirht] He is probably the Ordberht who succeeded ^thel- 
gar as Bishop of Selsey in 988 or 989, Fl. Wig. i. 148, note; Stubbs, 
Ep. Succ. p. 17 ; ed. 2, p. 30. 

Cyneweard] On him see below, 975 A, note. 

965-970 A] On these 'vacant pages in the Chronicles,' of. Stubbs' 
Dunstan, p. civ. There were, however, troubles with the Welsh, Ann. 
Camb. 965 ; Brut y Tywys. 

p. 119. 965 I). Her . . . Eadgar . . . genam ^IftJrsr^e] This is 
Edgar's second marriage ; his first wife was .^thelflaed, ' ^gelfleda Can- 
dida, cognomeuto Eneda' (Fl.Wig.\ daughter of Alderman Ordmier, W. M. 
i. 1 80 ; and mother of Edward the Martyr ; though, according to others, 

966] NOTES I59 

Edward was the son of the veiled lady at Wilton whom Edgar was said to 
have seduced; v. Stubbs' DiinsLan, pp.lxvii, xcix, c, 163. The life of Oswald, 
though so nearly contemporary (,it wa.s written between 995 x 1006 -, 
is clearly wrong in making ^Ifthryth the" mother of Edward, H. Y. 
i. 428, 429. She was the mother of Ethelred, and also of Edmund, 
whose death is mentioned 970 E, 972 C. To her popular tradition assigns 
the guilt of the murder of her ste|ison ; see below on 978 A, 979 E. 
If the charter, K. C. D. No. 1252 ; Birch, No. 1143, is correct, the mar- 
riage really took place not later than 964. She signs constantly both 
under Edgar and Ethelred. Her last signature is in 997, K. C. D. iii. 
303 ; and she was certainly dead in or before 1002, ih. 323, 324. She had 
been previously married to ^Ethelwold, alderman of East Anglia, who J'-thelwold 
seems to have died about 962, and was the eldest son of Athelstan 'half- ^^■^f.^* 
king,' Fl. Wig. i. 140; Crawford Charters, pp. 83-S5. The curious legend " 
of Edgar's slaying of ^^thelwold is examined by Mr. Freeman, Historical 
Essays, ist Series, pp. 15 G. The account of ^thelwold in the life of 
Oswald, M. s., is worth quoting, because it shows ^thelwold's position to 
have been ' one short only of royalty,' Freeman, u. g. : ' Athelwoldus . . . 
princijjatum Orientalis rejni acquisiuit a rege ; . . . qui accipiens filiain 
Ormeri [this is a confusion with the father of Edgar's first wife, v. *.] ducis 
Occidentalium Anglorum, perduxit secum ad suum regnum. quae uocitata 
erat ^Ifritha ; quam post mortem eius rex Eadgar . . . accepit, ex qua 
duos habuit iilios, . . . Eadwerd, [r. s.] . . . [et] . . . ^thelredum,' H. Y. 
u. s. Her father Ordgar is called by Fl. Wig. 'dux Domnaniae,' i. 140; Ordgar, 
so K. C. D. No. 520; Birch, No. 1178, a doubtful charter, though passed 
byKemble; cf. ib. No. 1247. He is 'Dux Occidentalium Saxonuin ' 
in Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 423. He died in 971, Fl. Wig., and had a son 
named Ordwulf, founder of Tavistock, infra, 997, Crawford Charters, 
p. 122 ; W. M. i. 180; G. P. pp. 202, 203 ; Dunstan, p. 210. 

966 E. Her pored . . . West moringa land] On this ravaging of Eavaging 

Westmoreland, cf. F. N. C. i. 64; H. & S. ii. 11 ; tlie former regards it of West- 

, , . • £• 1 -vT T_ moreland. 

as done by Edgar's orders, the latter as an incursion ot the Northmen, 

remarking also that this is the first occurrence of the name Westmoreland. 

If Mr. Robertson, E. K. S. ii. 441, is right in identifying Thored's father 

with the Gunner dux who signs a charter of Athelstan's of the year 931, 

K. C. D. No. 353; Birch, No. 677, this is in favour of Mr. Freeman's 

view; cf. Green, C. E. p. 327. Both Mr. Robertson, u. s., and F. N. C. 

i. 646, identify Thored Gunnersson with the DureS dux who signs under 

Ethelred in 979, 983, and 988 (K. C. D. iii. 171, 198, 237 ; cf Hyde Reg. 

p. 22) ; and with the Thored eorl mentioned below under 992. This is 

possible, though, in view of the length of time, 966-992, it cannot be 

regarded as certain. It is also assumed that Thored was earl of part of 

Northumbria, and this seems confirmed by a^^rant of lands in Yorkshire 

to St. Cuthbert by ]?ure5 eorl, Birch, No. 1255; but the succession is 




Oslac, earl 
in North- 

of Thanet. 

Deatli of 
Oscytel of 

extremely hard to determine, Freeman and Robertson, u. s. According 
to Green, u. s., in 961 Thored Gunnersson was ' praepositus ' of the royal 
household, but he gives no authority. If this were so, it would be con- 
clusive that the ravaging was done by Edgar's orders; cf. Ethelred's 
ravaging of Cumberland, 1000 E, mfra. 

Oslac fang to ealdor dome] On the extinction of royalty in ISTorth- 
umbria, see on 954 D, supra. According to S. D. this appointment of 
Oslac represents a division of the province, Oswulf having the district 
north of the Tyne, and Oslac ' Eboracum et fines eius ' ; i. e. Bernicia and 
Deira respectively, ii. 197. According to the De aduentu Saxonum, S. D. 
ii. 382, followed by S. C. S. i. 3^9, the division was made after, not under, 
Oswulf In neither place is there any mention of Thored. 

969 E. Her . . . Eadgar . . . het oferhergian . . . Tenet land] H. H. 
gives as the reason for this ravaging of llianet, ' quia iura regalia spreue- 
rant,' p. 166 ; and it may have been due to some local rising, F. N. C. i. 64. 
If there were any danger of invasion at this time it may have been done 
as a precautionary measure. Edward the Confessor did the like through 
fear of the Danes, Hardy, Cat. i. 380. What witli the Danes, 980 C, infra, 
and fear of the Danes, Thanet seems to have suffered severely. 

971 B. Her for'8 ferde Oskytel] Oscytel had been consecrated to 
Dorchester in 950, and subsequently translated to York, Stubbs, Ep. 
Succ. p. 15; ed. 2. p. 28. His 'twenty-two years as b'shop' date there- 
fore from his appointment to Dorchester. He was ultimately succeeded at 
York by Oswald of Worcester, his kinsman, H. Y. i. 420, who had accom- 
panied him to Rome when he went for his pallium, ih. ii. 14. Both 
his own name and that of his kinsman, Abbot Thurcytel, seem to point to 
a Danish origin. Fl. Wig. puts Oscytel's death in 972. S^e Addenda. 

pp. 118, 119. 971 A, 970 E. Her for^ferde Eadmund] C places 
this in 972 ; see above on 965 D. 

set Kumesige, A] In a grant of Edgar's to Romsey, there is mention of 
'Edmond ffi])eling \e on >are ministre lig}),' Birch, No. 1187. It cannot 
therefore be eailier than 970, though Mr. Birch places it among charters 
of 966 ; cf. Hyde Reg. pp. xvii, 14. 

973 A, 972 E. Her Eadgar wees . . . gehalgod] C places this in 
974; but the data given by D, E, F, Pentecost = Mav il, shows that 
A alone has given the year correctly, for only in 973 did Whit-Sunday fall 
on May 11. Of the ceremony of the coronation a most interesting and 
minute account is given in the life of Oswald of York, one of the officiating 
archbishops, H. Y. i. 436-438. Constitutionally, the most important point 
is the oath exacted by Dunstan from the king (cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 355 ; 
S. C. H. i. 1465'.). Some form of election seems to have been gone 
through, as the account speaks of Edgar as ' coronatum atque electum.' 
Theories as The reason for the occurrence of Edgar's cironation so late in his reign, 
to the cause jj^s been much discussed. Mr. Freeman calls it ' one of the most puzzling 

Death of 

of Edgar. 

973] NOTES i6r 

things in our history,' F. N. C. i. 626. Popular tradition connects it with of the 
the story of Edgar's seduction of a nun at Wilton and the seven years' delay, 
penance imposed for it, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 112, 209, 210, 341. But 
seven years from 973 only takef? us back to 966, whereas Edgar's accession 
as sole king was in 959. We want not a seven, but a fourteen, years' 
penance to make the theory account, even superficially, for the facts. 
There is not a word of this in the life of Oswald, and W. M. pronounces 
that the story ' omni historiarum testimonio careat,' ih. 252. Nicolas of 
Worcester says that Edgar voluntarily delayed his consecration till he 
should have outgrown the passions of his youth — at 30 (!), ih. 423. The 
theory worked out with great learning and ingenuity by Mr. Robertson, 
Essays, pp. 203-215, and on the whole approved by Dr. Stubbs, is, 'that 
Edgar's coronation at Bath was a solemn typical enunciation of the con- It symbol- 
summation of English unity, an inauguration of the king of all the nations isedEdgar s 
of England, celebrated by the two archbishops, . . . possibly as a declaration position 
of the imperial character of the English crown,' ih. ci; cf. Gaimar, vv. 
3568, ff. : 

' Cil tint terre come emperere, . . . 
Unc pis ke Arthur s'en fu alez, 
N'en out un rei tel poestez.' 
A charter of Edgar's to the Old Minster at Winchester is dated : 
' euolutis xvii annis postquam totius nationis Anglice regimen suscepi, 
attanien primo meae regie dedicationis,' K. C. D. No. 595 ; Birch, 
No. 1307. (Here xvii is evidently a mistake for xiiii ; it was fourteen 
full years from Edgar's accession to the whole kingdom, i.e. it was after 
Oct. I, 973, but it was within the first year from his coronation, i.e. before 
May II, 974.) Note also that D, E, F, which have previously called 
Edgar king, call him only etheling with reference to his coronation. 

on . . . Acemannes ceastre, A ; set HatabalSum, EJ For the baths Bath, 
at Bath, the foundation of which was ascribed to Julius Caesar, see G. P. 
p. 194; cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 46, 305; and the curious legend in 
Cambro-British Saints, pp. 105, 123, 406; which rests on a basis of 
physical fact. Of the name Acemannesceaster, A, B, C, Acemannesburh, 
F, no satisfactory account has been given (cf. H. H. p. 9 : ' Episcopatus 
Eadhe, uel Acemanecestriae '). The corresponding Latin form is ' Aqua- 
mania' in a charter of 972, K. C. D. No. 573; Birch, No. 12S7; it is 
' urbs Achumanensis,' ib. No. 1164 ; K. C. D. No. 516. From these names 
an eponymous founder ' Akemannus' has been manufactured, Liebermann, 
p. 19 ; cf Fl. Wig. i. 142 ; K. C. D. No. 519; Birch, No. 1185 ; Liber de 
Hyda, p. 179. It is possible that the first part of the name contains the 
Latin ' aquae.' E's form of the name occurs in K. C. D. No. 566 ; Birch, 
No. 1257 : ' cluitas quae ... set Hatum BaOum nuncupatur.' 

micel muneca iSreat, A] On the monastery at Bath, cf. H. & S. iii. 

348, 349- 

II. M 

1 62 



of princes 
to Edgar at 

Relation of 
Edgar to 

pa agan wses] Read : ' 3a get waes,' B, C. 

J)8es ISe gewritu secgatJ] Note the air of literary reflexion, and the 
ecclesiastical tone. The verses are poor and mechanical. 

f>is geworden] Read : '0a Jiis, 7c.,' B, C. 

p83r him comon ongean .vi- cyningas, E] The account of the meeting 
and alliance of Edgar with six other princes at Chester, D, E, F, has been 
much exaggerated by later writers ; they increase the number of the princes 
to eight, give lists of their names and territories, and make them row Edgar 
on the Dee while he holds a golden rudder, Fl. Wig. i. 142, 143; W. M. 
i. 165, 177; P. & S. p. 224; cf. K. C. D. No. 519; Birch, No. 11 85. It 
is an easy task to demolish these lists and refute these exaggerations, 
Robertson, E. K. S. i. 91 ; ii. 386 tf. But it must again be remarked that 
this is no refutation of the sober statement of the Chronicle. That six 
princes of the British Isles should have made an alliance with Edijar is 
nothing improbable. Scotland, Strathclyde, and Wales would easily furnish 
the number; though the statement that the Danish lord of Dublin was 
one of them (Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 423) is, in view of Brunanburh, by no 
means impossible; cf. the spurious cliarter, K. C. D. No. 514; Birch, No. 
1 1 35, ad init. And Chester, confused with Caerleon on Usk by Brut y 
Tywys. 971, would be an excellent rendezvous for all these princes. 

efenwyrhton] Cf. ' tefenwyrcend ' = co-operator, Bede, p. 464. 

975*. Her Eadgar ge for, E] July 8. All the chroniclers burst out into 
panegyrics: 'rex admirabilis,' Ethelw. p. 520; ' incomparabilis Eadgarus,' 
K. C. D. iv. 41 ; and Fl. Wig. gives a very mythical desci-iption of his 
power, and of his fleet of 3,600 ships which cruised round Britain. He 
was buried at Glastonbury, where he seems to have been treated very 
much as a saint, undergoing translation and working a miracle in 1052, 
W. M. i. 180, 181; G. P. 198; H. H, p. 166; FL Wig. i. 143, 144; 
Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 307 ; Hyde Register, pp. 8, 9. According to B and C, 
Edgar was sixteen in 959 ; he was in his thirtieth year in May 973* ; he 
was therefore thirty-two when he died; yet Ethelred in a charter says 
of him : ' pater mens . . . senex et plenus dierum raigrauit ad Dominum,' 
K. C. D. No. 131 2. (This charter is interesting because it shows that 
there was a special endowment in land available for princes of the royal 
house.) His death is mentioned both in the Irish and Welsh Chronicles, 
Tigh. ; Ann. Ult. ; Chron. Scot. ; Ann. Camb.; Brut y Tywys. According 
to the Vita Sancti Iltuti, his death was due to his having, in an invasion 
of Glamorgan, sacrilegiously carried off a bell belonging to that saint ; and 
a legend is told exactly similar to that told of Swegen and St. Edmund, 
infra, on 1013, Cambro-Brit. Saints, pp. 179. iSo- 

dSev leoht. A] See the examples of this use of ' leoht ' in Bosworth- 
Toller, s.v. ad Jin. 

VSTest Seaxena wine 7 Myrcene mundbora, E] Note the closer 
relation in which Edgar stands to the West Saxons as compared with 

975] NOTES 163 

the Mercians; he is the ' protector' of the latter, but the ' friend' of the Wessexand 
former. Mercia. 

p. 121. cyningas . . . side, E] Cf. on 959 E. 

cyne stol] Used of a capital city, Orosius, p. 128. 

pp. 120, 121. feng . . . Eadweard*] According to the author of the life Accession 
of Oswald, followed by Osbern, Fl. Wig., and others, there was a regular ?f "^d^^t'^'^ 
contest for the succession between the parties of Edward and Etlielred ; 
the former, however, prevailed, H. Y. i. 449; Fl. Wig. i. 144, 145 ; W. M. 
i. 181 ; Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. cii, 114, 214, 307. Yet the charter of 
Ethelred, cited above, says : ' Omnes utriusque ordinis optimates . . . 
fratrem meum Eaduuardum unanimiter elegerimt.' He was crowned by 
Dunstan and Oswald at Kingston, H. Y. ii. 341. In Chron. Ab. i. 349, 
the halo of his martj-rdom is reflected back upon his life : ' in terra positus 
uitam angelicam actitabat.' 

of Brytene gewat . . . Cyneweard, A] This is the Cyneweard who had Cyneweard. 
been Abbot of Milton, 964 A. He became Bishop of Wells in 973, Fl. Wig. 
i. 143. Fl. Wig. understands the present entry of his deatli, ih. 145. So 
Stubbs, Ep. Succ. pp. 16 166 [ed. 2, pp. 29, 228]; but it need mean no 
more than that he departed from Britain, possibly to Rome. Professor 
Earle, p. xxi, thinks that Cyneweard may be the author of the three poems, 

937, Q42, 973- 

.^Ifere . . . hat to wurpon . . . ge staUelian, E] Cf the curiously close Anti-mon- 
parallel, Oros. p. 270 : ' Valens . . . sende on Egypte, 7 het toweorpan eal ^f^^'^ reac- 
\& munuclif J)e his broSor ser gestajjelade ; 7 sume ])a munecas he het 
ofslean sume on eljjiede fordrifan.' ' Manuclif,' in the sense of monastic 
life, occurs, Bede, pp. 172, 224, 364. The concrete sense which we have 
here = monastery, has probably influenced the Latin phrase of Eddius : 
' monachorum uita quae ad ecclesiam B. Petri Apostoli dedicata est,' 
H. Y. i. 70. For this anti-monastic reaction in Mercia under Alderman 
.^Ifhere, ' consul nequissimus,' H. H. u.s., see the very interesting account 
in Vita Oswaldi, H. Y. i. 443-449 (on which Fl. Wig. i. 144 is based; 
cf. W. M. i. 182, 184): 'expelluntur abbates cum monachis suis, intro- 
ducuntur clerici cum uxoribus suis, et erat error peior priore.' ^Ifhere is 
said to have been bribed ; yet the movement was thoroughly popular, ' cum 
consilio populi, et uociferatione uulgi,' H. Y. i. 443. It was opposed by 
.(Ethelwine, the alderman of East Anglia, with his brother ^Ifwold, and 
Brihtnoth, alderman of Essex and hero of Maldon, ib. 445, 446. On all » 

these see F. N. C. i. 621 if.; Crawford Charter.-;, pp. 84 ff., and the reff. 
tliere given. In the Chron. Evesh. pp. 78, 79, we see ^Ifhere's plan of 
operations, which was to seize a large part of the monastic estates and 
distribute them to his relations and partisans, in order to interest as many 
as possible against any monastic reaction. Henry VIII's policy was not 
dissimilar. jElfric seems to allude to this movement ; and regards the 
later Danish invasions as a Judgement for it ; ' man towearp munuclif, . . . 

M 2 





.5;if here's 

Comet and 





7 si'SSan hsSen here us haefde to bysmre,' Lives, i. 294. The letter in 
Stubb.s' Dunstan, p. 372, may refei- to these troubles, or to those which 
followed the murder of Edward. Gaimar attributes the trouljles of 
Edward's reign to the foreigners whom Edgar introduced, vv. 3977 S"-; 
see above, 011 959 E. 

Jja weart^ eac adrsefed . . . Oslac, A-] To the same effect, E on p. 122. 
Fl. Wig. adds ' iniuste.' On Oslac, see 966 E, and note. His banishment 
seems to be connected with the anti-monastic reaction; so F. N. C. i. 264. 
It is noteworthy that by Edgar's last code the execution of its provisions is 
specially entrusted to the three great men of whom we have been speaking ; 
' Donne fyrSrige OsMc eorl 7 eal here ])& on his ealdordome wuuaS [i. e. 
the Danes settled in Northunibria] ~\' })is stande ; . . . 7 write man manega 
gewrita be })issum 7 sende segSer ge to .^Ifere ealdormen ge to ^Ejielwine 
ealdormen, 7 hy geliwider, j' ]i£es reed cuS sy,' Thorpe, i. 278 ; Schmid, p. 198. 
iElfhere, JE])n\\vme, and ^ElfJiryS occur together in K. C. D. No. 593 ; Birch, 
No. 1174 ; yElfhere, iEfelwine, and BryhtuoS in K. CD. No. 1278. 

^Ifhere's jDosition stands out strongly in the charters, and he seems to 
have retained something of that semi-royal position which Ethelred en- 
joyed. In the Worcester charters, which are exceptionally numerous, his 
consent is generally specified, along with that of the supreme overlord. 
The same is true of Edric and Leofric ; cf. K. C. D. iv. 59, 69, 71. .^Elfhere 
is called ' dux ' and ' comes ' in the Latin charters, and ' heretoga ' and 
' ealdorman ' in the Saxon charters. In Chron. Evesh. he is called ' poten- 
tissimus huius patriae dominator,' p. 78. 

cometa . . . hunger*] Professor Earle says: 'The "hunger" which 
followed the death of Edgar (to which C gives a separate annal, 976, 
though it is mentioned also in tlie verse of A, B, C, and the prose of 
D, E, F, under 975), was very widespread (" wide gefrege "). The coinci- 
dence with the comet would no doubt help to fix it. Dr. Vigfiisson used 
to say that it was the only tenth century date in Icelandic history which 
is ab.solutely certain.' On the comet, cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 307 ; W. M. 
i. 181, 182 ; H. H. p. 166 ; C. P. B. ii, 34, 35, 38. 

mynstra tostsencton, D] Cf. ' \<et se wulf Godes seep ne tostence,' 
^If. Hom. i. 36, 238. 

sefter pam hit yfelode swiUe] Contrast the ' hit godode georne ' 
of the opening reign of Edgar, 959 E. W. M. u. s. says: 'post mortem 
eius res et spes Anglorum retro sublapsae ' ; cf. Bede on Egfrid's death, 
H. E. iv. 26. This decline is strongly marked in the Laws of Ethelred : 
' sefter Eadgares lifdagum Cristes lage wanodan, 7 cyninges lage lytledon ; 
... 7 a hit weorS Jjc wyrse for Gode 7 for worlde . . . Ac . . . uton niman 
us to bysnan . . . ^Selstan, 7 Eadmund, 7 Eadgar,' Thorpe, i. 348, 350 ; 
Schmid, p. 248. So in the Institutes of Polity : ' ac nu hit is geworden 
. . . sySSan Eadgar geeudode, . . . "t> ma is Jiosra rypera J)onne rihtwisra,' 
Thorpe, ii. 320. So in charters : ' obeunte rege Eadgaro . . . infelicissima 

. I 

978] NOTES 165 

nobis occurrerant,' Birch, iii. 604; cf. ih. 694; and in the Vita Osw. : 
' Cumque decus ducuin et totius Albionis imperatorex huius turbine mundl 
. . . asset raptus, . . . coepit post tempus laetitiae, quod in eius tempore 
pacifice stabat, dissensio et tribulatio undiqne aduenire, quam nee praesules 
nee duces ecclesiarum et saecnlarium rerum poteraiit sedare,' H. Y. i. 448. 
p. 122. 977 C. t) mycele gemot] In IMatth. xxvi. 4, ' micel gem6t' is 
used of a meeting of the Sanhedrin. 

Sidemann bisceop] He had been tutor to the young King Edward, who Death of 
' erat doctus Diuina lege, docente episcopo Sidemanno,' Vita Osw. ; H. Y. Sideman, 
i. 449. He became bishop in 973, Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 16 [ed. 2, p. 29] ; Qj-qj^j^j, 
and was succeeded by ^Ifric, Fl. Wig. i. 145. His sudden death at 
Kirtlington caused his burial at the neighbouring abbey of Abingdon, and 
this notice appears appropriately in the Abingdon Chron. C. Cf. the 
addition in the Abingdon MS. of Fl. Wig. i. 145, note ; Chron. Ab. i. 356. 
This is the only mention of CreJitun in the Chron. On the history of the History of 
monastery and see some additional light has been thrown by the publica- Crediton. 
tion of the Crawford Cliarters (Clarendon Press, 1895). The see was 
transferred to Exeter in 1050. There is a letter of Leo IX to Edward 
the Confessor, authorising the transfer, dated 1049, R. P.p. 371. There is 
a curious document relating to the building of Crediton Minster, Birch, 
No. 732. 

p. 123. 978 E] This story appears in all the later biographers of Legend. 
Dunstan, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 113, 114, 231, 307, 30S, 343. All except 
W. M. place it in Edgar's reign, and all represent it as a victory of 
Dunstan and the monastic party over the party of the secular clergy. 
H. H. regards it as a presage of coming troubles, p. 167 ; cf. ^If. Horn, 
ii. 164 : ' hwaet Sa, se preost stod on his upflora, . . . ac seo upflering to- 
bajrsfc ])8errihte under his fotum, 7 hine egeslice acwealde ' ; this is of an 
opponent of St. Benedict. 

pa yldestan . . . witan] Ine legislates ' mid \xm. ieldstan witum ' pa ylde- 
minre feode,' Thorpe, i. 102 ; Schmid, p. 20 ; cf. Oros. : ' x hiera ieldstena ^^^J^- 
wietena ' = 'decern principes,' p. 182; 'monege . . . ))ara ieldstena 
wietena,' i7). 196. So: ' hwa is yldra on heofena rice 1 ' Matth. xviii. i; 
and cf. infra, 1004, 1012, 1015. On the connexion of tlie idea of age 
with that of high office, v. F. N. C, i. 581, 582. The phrase '])a ylde- 
stan Segnas ' occurs, Judith, 1. 10, and at 1. 242 the idea of age is dupli- 
cated in the phrase ' J)a yldestan ealdorj-egnas ' ; in the wapentake ' J)a 
yldestan xii Jiegnas' form with the reeve a definite legal body, Thorpe, 
Laws, i. 294; Schmid, p. 212 ; K. C. D. Nos. 804, 1302. So in a monas- 
tery we have ' fa yldostan munecas,' ih. 

upfloran] iElfric uses ' upflore,' 'upflering,' of the upper room where ' upflore.' 
the Apostles assembled after the Ascension, Hom. i. 296, 314; cf. ib. 
222-224, 404; and the passage cited in the last note but one. In the 
glossaries ' upflor' glosses 'solarium,' Wiilker, cols. 331, 549. 




Date of 



Murder of 078 A., 979 E. Her wearS Eadweard ... of slegen] A and C 
Edward. place Edward's death in 978; so Lieberraann, p. 69; Hyde Eeg. p. 276; 
El. Wig. ). 145 ; D, E, F under 979 ; so Liebermann, p. 44. D and E 
place Ethelred's coronation also in the latter year, F in 980 (so Lieber- 
mann, p. 70). C mentions the coronation both under 978 and 979. 
Fl. Wig., adopting the former year, gives the indiction and the date of the 
coronation 'a fortnight after Easter' to suit that year, viz. April 14, 
Easter being March 31 in 978. But this is merely his own deduction 
from the Chronicle which he foljowed, and cannot be regarded as inde- 
pendent authority. Among all the charters of Ethelred's reign I have 
only found three in which a regnal year is given, K. C. D. Nos. 645, 662, 
692. In the first, 984 is called Ethelred's fifth year ; in the second, March 
23, 988, is said to be in his ninth ; in the third, 995 is called his seven- 
teenth. This last is indecisive ; on either view i^art of 995 would fall into 
Ethelred's seventeenth year. But the first is decisive in favour of 979 ; 
while the second, taken strictly, is in favour of even a later date. For if 
Ethelred's accession were reckoned from his brother's death, March 23, 
988, calculated from March 18, 979, would strictly fall in the tenth year. 
But it is possible that his accession is dated from his election or coronation. 
Accounts of Of the murder of Edward the earliest independent account is in the Vita 
Edward's Oswaldi, H. Y. i. 449, 450. According to this it was a conspiracy of the 
party which had previously supported the claims of Ethelred (as against 
>Stubbs' Dunstan, p. ciii. ; cf. W. M. i. 176, where the same view is implied), 
though the narrative makes it possible, if not probable, that the queen 
mother was cognisant of the plot. Later versions throw the blame mainly 
upon her, the highest point being reached in the Icelandic Dunstan Saga, 
c. 7, which makes her the actual murderess (H. H. gives tliis story with 
a ' dicitur,' p. 167) ; and she is said to have founded the monasteries of 
Wherwell and Amesbury in expiation of her crime, Stubbs' Dunstan, 
pp. 114, 308, 309 ; Fl. Wig. i. 145 ; W. M. i. 183; G. P. pp. 175, 188 ; 
Gaimar, tv. 3975 ff. (a very romantic account). In Capgrave's life of 
St. Edith there is a wild story that the crown was offered to her on 
Edward's murder, Hardy, Cat. i. 593. For lives of Edward, cf. ib. 

gemartyrad, C] This indicates a later point of view. On the ten- 
dency to regard every one who is cruelly and unjustly put to death as a 
martyr, v. «. pp. 22, 61 ; cf. Bede, II. 49, 164. From the day of his trans- 
lation miracles seem to have begun, H. Y. i. 450 ff. ; Archbishop ^Ifric, 
who sat from 995 to 1005 or 1006, being cited as a living witness of them ; 
a document of looi speaks of these ' multiplicia signa,' K. C. D. iii. 318, and 
a law of the Witenagem(5t of 1008, re-enacted under Canute, orders the 
observance of his mass-day ' over all England,' Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 
308, 370; Schmid, pp. 224, 264 ; cf. F. N. C. i. 310, 311, 334, 341. There 
is a curious allusion to Edward's death in Wulfstan's famous sermon 'ad 

as a 

9791 NOTES l6j 

Anglos ' : ' Eadwerd man forraedde 7 . . . acwealde, 7 sefter })am for- 
bsemde,' ed. Napier, p. 160. This last statement that his body was burned 
is flatly against the witness of the Chron. 

ast Corfes geate, E] ' The name Corfes geat or Corf geat (F) signifies the Corfesgeat. 
singular cut or cleft in the line of chalk hills, wherein Corfe Castle has 
since been pitched, on a minor eminence,' Earle. There must have been 
some residence there, however, even at this time, as the Vita Osw. says 
that Edward had gone to visit his brother and step-mother when he was 
murdered. ' Corfget ' is mentioned in a charter of Cnut's, K. C. D. iv. 31. 

ffit 'Waerhani] For the burial of Edward at Wareham, and his sub- Edward's 
sequent translation to Shaftesbury, 980, infra, see H. Y. i. 450-45 2 ; burial. 
W. M. i. 184, 185 ; G. P. pp. 187, 188 ; Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 309 ; H. H. 
p. 168; Fl. Wig. i. 146. 

butan . . . wur'Bscipe] W. M. understands this of burial in unconse- 
crated ground : ' inuidentes . . . mortuo cespitem ecclesiasticum, cui uiuo 
inuiderant decus regium,' i. 183 ; Gaimar says that he was buried first 
in a moor, v. 4047. 

Ne weartJ . . . ge sohton] Cf. ' ne wseron her sefre seo))San Ongolcyn 
Breotone gesohte gesseligran tide,' Eede, p. 258. W. M. says that the 
evils which followed were popularly regarded as a punishment for Edward's 
murder, i. 184; cf 1036 C. 

nolden his . . . magas ■wrecan] Note the primitive duty of the kin to 
prosecute the blood-feud. 

ac hine . . . ge ■wrecen] For the calamities which are said to have 
overtaken the murderers, see H. Y. i. 451. 

979 C. gehalgod] Ethelred .speaks of himself as ' natiue iureque dedi- Coronation 
catus,' i.e. by birth and election, K. C. D. No. 1279. The phrase in ofEthelred 
D, E that he was crowned ' swiSe hrae.dlice ' makes it clear that we must 
place the coronation in the same year as Edward's death. See on it, 
H. Y. i. 455 ; ii. 341 ; Chron. Ab. i. 356. Dunstan exacted from him 
the same oath that had been exacted from his father in 973 ; cf. Stubbs' 
Dunstan, pp. 355, 356 with H. Y. i. 437. He is said to have prophesied 
the disasters of this reign as he had previously done at Ethelred's baptism ; 
cf. Stubbs' Dunstan, u.s.; H. H. pp. 167, 168; Milman, Latin Christianity, 
ii. 368. If so, his prophecies were abundantly fulfilled. Cf. the reflexion 
in F Lat. (i. 122, note 9). But these are afterthoughts. The feeling of 
the moment is given by E's ' mid mycelum gefean.' 

set Cingestune, C, E]"See note on 925 A. Gaimar makes him at Kings- 
crowned at Winchester before the altar of St. Vincentius, vv. 4080 f. ton- 
There were relics of this saint at New Minster, Hyde Reg. pp. 91, 147, 

149' 154- 

blodig wolcen, C] This is one of the signs of Doomsday : ' Jionne 

astigeS blodig wolcen from norSdeele,' Blickling Hom. p. 91 ; cf. on 926 D. 

on oft sitSas] Cf. ' hwset he haefde ... on oftsrSas ged6n,' Oros. p. 290. 


Translation 980 E. Her . . . JElfere . . . ge fette, 70.] For the translation of Edward, 
of Edward, gge the references given above, p. 167. In all these authorities, as in D, E 
here, the translation is ascribed to ^Ifliere alone. F (see i. 122, note 10) is 
the only authority for the co-operation of Dunstan with ^Ifhere ; and even 
there, in the Saxon, Dunstan's name is an insertion. The argument 
founded by Dr. Stubbs on this alleged co-operation (Dunstan, pp. cii, ciii) 
is therefore very precarious ; and we cannot exclude the possibility, that 
in the murder of Edward ecclesiastical motives may have been combined 
with political and personal motives. We have seen how, at the beginning 
of Edward's reign, the anti-monastic party gained the ascendency, at any 
rate in Mercia. Yet monasticism, like everything else, declined under 
Ethelred, Thorpe, Laws, i. 346 ; Schmid, p. 246. 
Shaftes- p. 125. to Sceeftes byrig] Shaftesbury was founded by Alfred, Asser, 

biry. p. ^^5 A; not by Edgar, as Osbern asserts, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. in, 112 ; 

a mistake which W. M. corrects, ib. 252. We find an Abbess of Shaftes- 
bury, infra, 982 C. Part of Edward's relics were subsequently translated 
to Abingdcn and Leominster, Lib. de Hyda, p. 207; Chron. Ab. i. 442, 

443; ii- 157- 
Selsey. P- 122. 980 C. -^Jjelgar] On him, see 964 A, note. 

set Seoles igge] The only mention of Selsey in the Chron. See on it, 

Bede, H. E. iv. 13, 14; v. 18, ad Jin. and notes. 

Ravagingof p. 124. Su'Shamtun forhergod] This is placed by D and E under 

Southamp- ggj_ -^y^ ggg ^j^g fulfilment of Dunstan's prophecies; the days of Edgar 

the Peaceful were over. H. H., expanding E's ' serest ' (itself the fruit of 

later experience), says : ' vii puppes, quasi praenuntiae futurae uastationis,' 

p. 168. W. M. says : ' multus sermo apud Anglos fertur de his ratibus,' 

Ethelred's i. ,186. Most writers connect the change with the character of Ethelred: 

character, c ^^ exterminium Angliae pene propter inertiam suam natus,' G. P. p. 190; 

* imbellis quia imbecillus, monachus potius quam militem actione prae- 

tendebat,' Osbern in Ang. Sac. ii. 131. His surname, 'the Unready,' is 

rightly explained by Rudborne by ' inconsultus,' i. e. devoid of rede or 

counsel, Ang. Sac, i. 225. In several of his charters Ethelred speaks of 

' the sins and offences of his youth.' These seem to consist in the unlawful 

detention of ecclesiastical property. One Ethelsinus is said to have misled 

him, K. C. D. iii. 281, 300, 306 ; vi. 160, 173 ; cf. Chron. Ab. i. 356, 358. 

The change It is fair, however, to remember that the difference between the reigns 

not wholly Qf Edgar and Ethelred is not wholly due to the difference between the 

two monarchs, but is in part owing to the change in the condition of 

the continent after the death of Otho the Great in 973. We must also 

make allowance for the tendency to find scapegoats for the national 

failures; see below, on 992, 993, 998, 999, looi, 1003 E, 1016 C. Some 

later writers are more favourable to Ethelred, cf. Chron. Evesh. p. 41 : 

' ^ielredo . . . regnum denote gubernante, uiro plurimo uirtutum flore 

redimito ' ; so Ailr. Eiev. 'rex strenuissimus,' 'gloriosus rex,' c. 74^; ^^- 

982] NOTES 169 

St. Edw. p. 29; C. P. B. ii. iii. This is due largely to the glamour 
thrown backward from the sanctity of his son Edward the Confessor. 

Tenetland] See on 969 E, supra. 

fram NortS scipherige] This is interpreted by FI. Wig., probably 
riglitly, ' a Norwegensibus piratis deuastata,' whereas of Southampton he 
says : ' a Danicis piratis deuastatur ' ; cf. F. N. C. i. 268. 

981 C. See Petroces stow forhergod] This ravaging is said to have Bodmin 
caused the removal of the Cornish see from St. Petroc's stow (Bodmin) to ravaged. 
St. German's. The matter is doubtful ; and was St. German's less exposed ? 
Certainly the removal of the united see of Devon and Cornwall to Exeter 

was due to the fear of piratical attacks, H. & S. i. 683, 691, 694, 702 ff. 

on Wealum] ' in Cornubia,' Fl. Wig., rightly. 

.^Ifstan] There is a curious story about him in ^If. Lives, i. 264. He ^Ifstan. 
had been monk and Abbot of Abingdon. Hence his burial there, G. P. 
p. 181, appropriately entered in the Abingdon Chron. ; cf. FI. Wig. i. 146, 
note. The lists at the end of Fl. Wig. call .lElfstan's successor .lElfgar, 
instead of Wulfgar, i. 236; while the text of Fl. Wig. makes Siric succeed 
iElfstan immediately, placing ^Ifgar before ^Ifstan, i. 141, 146. So 
G. P. w. s. But tlie evidence of charters is conclusive in favour of the 
order ^Ifstan, Wulfgar. 

"Womaer. abbod on Gent] Ingram alone of the translators rightly Womer, 
' Abbot of Ghent ' ; the others, M. H. B., Thorpe, Stevenson, have ' died Abbot of 
... at Ghent.' He resigned his abbacy and retired to the New Minster 
at Winchester ; cf. the entry in the Hyde Register : ' Domnus abba 
Uuomarus, qui olim coenobio Gent praelatus, haiic deuotus adiit genteni, 
huiusque se familie precibus humillime commendauit,' p. 24. 

982 C. twegen ealdormenn] ^thelmser, alderman of Hampshire, Death of 
buried at the New Minster, is naturally mentioned in the Hyde R(^gister, pp. ^^^ alder- 
21, 54. His obit was on April 18, ib. 270. Edwin is also mentioned, ih. 22. ™®^- 

Herelufu] See Hyde Reg. p. 58. 

for Odda . . . casere to Gree lande] This is Otho II, son of Otho the 
Great, by his second wife Adelheid. By 'Greekland' is meant either Italian ex- 
the Eastern Empire generally, or specifically Magna Graecia, i. e. soutliern pedition ot 
Italy, which Otho wislied to free from the Saracens, who were encouraged 
by the Byzantine court, which preferred to see Italy under the Saracens, 
to seeing it under the Western Emperor. On Otho's luckless expedition, 
see Weber, Weltgesch. vi. 100 ff. ; Giesebrecht, Kaiserzeit, ed. i. i. 556 fF. ; 
ed. 2, i. 596, 597; Diimmler, Otto d. Grosse, pp. 288-292. It is very 
far from beinc; true that ' se casere ahte wselstowe creweaLl ' ; he was 
totally defeated in a great battle near Squillace, July 13, 982, and only 
escaped as by a miracle. He died Dec. 7, 983. On the Saracens, cf. 
Bede, II. 338, 339. 

his bropor sunu . . . Odda] This is Otho, Duke of Swabia and Bavaria, Otho, Duke 
son, as the chronicler says, of the emperor's half-brother Liodulf, the son °f Swabia. 




Death of 


Death of 


of Otho the Great and bis English wife Edith ; of. Diimmler, u. s. He was 
slightly older than his half-uncle Otho II, and was his bosom-friend. He died 
Nov. I, 982, at Lucca, from the effects of the battle. See on 924 D, above. 

pp. 124, 125. 983*. Her forlSferde -ffilfhere] On him, see 979, 980, 
supra. According to W. M. i. 181 : ' uermibus quos pediculos dicimus 
consumptus est.' His last signature is in 9S3, K. C. D. No. 639. 

feng .ffilfrie to, C, E] El. Wig. says tliat he was ^Ifhere's son; which, 
thoucrh probably true, may be only an inference from the Chron. .^Ifric 
was exiled in 9S5, infra (' crudeliler exulauit,' says H. H. p. 168) ; an act 
which perliaps indicates a policy of breaking up the great aldermanries. 
If so, the policy was reversed in 1007, when Edric (Streona), the notorious 
traitor, was ' geset to ealdormen geond [ouer eal, E] Myrcna rice,' infra, 
s. a. This ^Ifric must not be confounded with another notorious traitor, 
iElfi-ic, alderman of Hampshire, of whom we shall hear only too often. 
H. H.'s identification of them is probably only a wrong inference. See 
Crawford Charters, pp. 84, 112, 120, 121 ; Green, C. E. pp. 372 fF., 401 ; 
Robertson, Essays, p. 182 ; E. N. C. i. 266, 627, 628. We find ^Elfric also 
consenting, as alderman, to Worcester charters, K. C. D. iii. 207, 216, 246, 
263. There is an ' ^Ifwine beam ^Ifrices' in the battle of Maldon, 
lines 209 fF., who says : 

' ic wses on Myrcum micles cynnes 
wtes min ealda fseder Ealhhelm haten 
wis ealdormann, woruldgesselig.' 
If this is the Mercian alderman .^Ifric, then his father was not ^Elfhere, 
but Ealhhelm ; an Ealhhelm signs as dux or conies from 940 to 951, K. C. D. 
Nos. 424, 426, 1136, 1163, 1175; Birch, Nos. 763, 865,882, 883, 888,891. 
Whether these are all the signatures of the same person, I cannot say. 

984*. Her for^ferde . . . AtSelwold] C alone gives the day, Aug. i. 
According to the biographers of Dunstan, that saint not only foretold the 
death of ^thelwold, but also had a divine revelation as to the appoint- 
ment of ^Ifheah. Eadmer's life further says that on the death of ^thel- 
wold the secular clerks tried to get possession of the see once more, 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 61, 62, 115, 116, 215-217, 311-313. ^thelwold 
died at BedcUngton and was buried in the crypt of Winchester, whence he 
was translated to the choir twelve years later, Hardy, Cat. i. 589 ; AA. SS. 
Aug. i. 97 ; Liebermann, p. 89. 

seo halgung . . . .ffilfheages. A] He had taken the monastic habit at 
Deerhurst ; thence he went to Bath, where he became an inclusus, and 
ultimately abbot, G. P. pp. 169-171 ; El. Wig. i. 147. According to 
W. M. i. 225, he was also Prior of Glastonbury, but the authority is 
suspicious. He became Archbishop of Canterbury, «i/Va, 1006. Eor lives 
of him, cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 619-623. Chron. A is the only authority, as far 
as I have found, which gives his other name of Godwine. Both .^thelwold 
and his successor are mentioned, Hyde Reg. pp. 22, 23. 

988] NOTES 171 

985 C, E. Her wees JElfric . . . utadrsefed] Fl. Wig. dates this 986 ^Ifric 
There is an interesting allusion to the outlawing of iElfric in a charter of Danished. 
Ethelred (unfortunately not dated) : ' ^Ifric cognomento puer . . . cum 

in ducatu suo contra me et contra omnem gentem meam reus existeret, 
... ad synodale concilium ad Cyrneceastre uniuersi optimates iiiei . . . 
eundem .i5]lfricum maiestatis reum de hac patria profugum expulerunt,' 
K. C. D. vi. 174. See above on 983, 984. 

7 . . . Eadwine to abbode gehalgod, C] E has already given this Edwin, 
under 984. C, as the Abingdon Chron., is likely to be correct. He Abbot of 
succeeded Osgar, who died in 984, Fl. Wig. i. 147, note 4. His appoint- ^^^ °^' 
ment was simoniacal : ' erat tunc maior domus regiae ^Ifricus quidam 
praepotens, fratrem habens Edwinum institutione monachum; hie apud 
regem pretio exegit ut frater eius Abbendoniae abbas praeficeretur, quod 
et factum est,' ih. note 5. (This ^Ifric is not the alderman of Mercia, 
but the traitorous alderman of Hampshire; see Crawford Charters, p. 121, 
as against Robertson, Essays, p. 182.) In a charter of 993, already cited 
as genuine, in spite of Kemble's asterisk, Ethelred denounces this simoniacal 
transaction as one of the evil deeds into which he had been led by wicked 
counsellors, Bishop Wulfgar and Alderman iBlfric being specially named, 
and restores liberty of election to the monastery, K. C. D. iii. 266, 
267. On these Abingdon entries in E, see Introduction, § 63. 

986 C, E. Her se eyning . . . Hrofe ceastre] Osbern, in his life of Ethelred 
Dunstan, says : 'Rex . . . propter quasdam dissensiones ciuitatem obs[edi]t ravages 
Rofensem, et facta capiendi illani difficultate, patrimonium beati apostoli ^° ®^ ^^' 
[Andreae] deuastando inua[sit],' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 117. Fl. Wig.'s 
account is based on this; and it is copied by W. M., Stubbs, u.s., p. 310. 

Osbern further adds that Dunstan tried to persuade Ethelred to retire, and 
on his refusal bribed him into acquiescence with a hundred pounds of 
silver, and then pronounced against him the usual prophecy of coming 
ills ; cf. H. H. p. 168. 

yrf c"W"ealm] ' lues animalium quae Anglice Scitta uocatur, Latine Murrain, 
autem fluxus interaneorum,' Fl. Wig. s. a. 987 ; cf. Bosworth-ToUer, s. v. 

987 E. "Wecedport] C places this in 988. 

988 C, E. Goda . . . mid him] There is an account of this action in Goda slain, 
the Vita Oswald! : 'Factum est durissimum belluni in Occidente, in quo 

fortiter resistentes nostra tes, qui dicuntur Deuinysce, uictoriam sancti 
triumph! perceperunt, acquisita gloria. Ceciderunt plurim! ex nostris, 
pluriores ex illis. Nam occisus est ex nostris miles fortissimus nomine 
Stremwold, cum aliis nonnullis, qui bellica morte magis elegerunt uitam 
finire, quam ignobiliter uiuere,' H. Y. i. 455, 456 ; Fl. Wig. combines this 
account with that of the Chron., mentioning both Stremwold and Goda 
among the slain. He calls the latter ' satrapa Domnaniae,' a title often 
given to the lesser aldermen, but also often equivalent to ' minister,' or 




Death of 

His death 
not a land- 

and deatli 
of ^thel- 

' ])egen,' so that it probably here implies no more than the ' J)egen ' of the 
Chron., Crawford Charters, p. 150; of. F. N. C. I. xxxiii. 268, 311. 

Her gefor Dunstan] Of the death of Dunstan the account in the 
life by Adelard is so beautiful and -simple that it must be given here in 
full. Dr. Stubbs says of it, ' I have no doubt that the record ... is derived 
from authentic tradition': ' Die ergo Ascensionis Dominicae . . . coepit 
columna [? columba] Dei lente uiribus destitui; languore autem priieua- 
lente, lectulo suscipitur, in quo tota sexta feria cum nocte sequent! coeles- 
tibus intendens, aduenientes et recedentes in Domino confortabat. Mane 
autem Sabbati hymnis iam matutinalibus peractis, sanctam adesse iubet 
fratrum congregationem. Quibus iterum spiritum commendans, uiaticum 
sacramentorum Christi coram se celebratum, ex mensa coelesti suacepit. 
Unde gratias agens Deo psallere coepit " Memoriam fecit mirabiliuni 
suorura niiserieors et miserator Dominus ; escam dedit timentibus se ' 
[Ps. ex. (cxi.) 4, 5]. Inter quae uerba spiritum in manibus Creatoris 
reddens, in pace quieuit. nimis felicem quem Dominus inuenit ita 
uigilantem,' Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 66 ; cf. ih. Ixii. Of the later biographers, 
W. M. is the only one who has the good taste to use this beautiful and 
touching record, ib. 320 ; it is used also, somewhat abridged, in the lections 
of the York Breviary, j6. 448. For other accounts, cf. t6. 52, 120-128,221 : 
for ritual matter relating to Dunstan, ih. 440-457. On the shameless 
myth of a translation of Dunstan's relics to Glastonbury, which called forth 
Eadmer's indignant protest, see ih. 352, 353, 412-422, 426-439; H. Y. 
I. xlvi. The death of Dunstan is mentioned in the Irish Annals, Tigh., 
Chron. Scot. By many it is regarded as a great turning-point : ' post 
cuius mortem . . . omnes res contrarium motum sumpsere ; . . . a summa 
quippe pace fit commutatio ad bellum intolerabile, ab immensa laetitia ad 
enormem tristitiam, ab omnium rerum abundantia ad omnium rerum 
indigentiam ' (Osbern), Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 127. But in truth it did but 
make apparent a cliange which had begun thirteen years before. With 
the death of Edgar the Peaceful, Dunstan was already politically dead. 
ib. ciii. There is a fine character of Dunstan in Ang. Sac. ii. 126. How 
soon he acquired saintship is sliown by a charter of 997 x looi, K. C. D. 
No. 704. From Adelard's account it is plain that Dunstan died on the 
Saturday after the Ascension. Ascension Day in 988 was on May 17, 
and May 19 is rightly given by Fl. Wig. as the day of Dunstan's death, 
and it is his day in the Calendar. 

.^•Selgar] v. s. on 964. If Stubbs is right (Dunstan, p. 383) in giving 
Feb. 13, 990, as the date of ^thelgar's death, and if he sat a year and 
three months (C, D, E), his translation would be fixed to Nov. 988. 
F, however, deliberately alters the three months of the other MSS. into 
eight, which would bring the translation to June 988. And as F is a 
Canterbury book it may have some independent authority ; but it may be 
only an inference from the fact that Dunstan died in May. ^thelgar's 

99 1 ] NOTES • 173 

mother was named .Ethelfleed, Hyde Reg. p. 58 ; cf. ih. 270, which gives 
the day of his death. The Chron. Ab. notes the rapid successions of the 
archbishops of Canterbury at this time, i. 430, 431. 

989 E, F. 990 C. p. 126. H§r Sigeric wses gehalgod] The date of 990 Accession 
for Siric's accession, C, D, is to be preferred to 9S9 E, F. S. D. places it in °^ *^"*^' 
991, ii. 134. All the MSS. are wrong in saying that he was 'consecrated ' 
to Canterbury; so Liebermann, p. 70. He was translated from Eams- 
bury, to which he had been consecrated in 985, Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. 17 
[ed. 2, p. 30]. There are letters to him in Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 388, 389, 
399-403 ; the last, fiom ^Elfweard, Abbot of Glastonbury, to Siric, on his 
elevation to Canterbury, is an admirable letter, and may be compared with 
Bede's well-known letter to Egbert of York. F is the only MS. which Hisjourncy 
mentions the journey of Siric to Rome for his pallium (probably in 990, ^ °^®' 
under which year it is given, Liebermann, p. 3). Of this journey we 
possess a most interesting itinerary, Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. 391-395. Fl.Wig., 
in his notice of Siric's accession, says : ' clericis a Cantuaria proturbatis, 
monachos induxit.' If this is true, it shows how little of a monastic bigot 
Dunstan was. To Siric ^Ifric dedicated both series of his homilies, ed. 
Thorpe,!. 1-3; ii. 1-5. At the end of the second preface is a curious 
little admonition against drunkenness. As it is pointed by a reference 
to the Levitical ordinance : ' dixit Dominus ad Aaron : Vinum . . . non 
bihes tu et filii tui, quando intratis tabernaculum testimonii [Levit. x. 9],' 
it is difficult to avoid the inference that the archbishop was thought to 
be addicted to this failing. 

Eadwine aK> fortJferde] v. s. 9S4, 985. According to the Abingdon Death of 
MS. of Fl. Wig., Wulfgar, his successor, successfully protected the Av^f' f 
monastery during the Danish inroads. His death is given below, 1016 C, E. Abingdon. 
Fl. Wig. u. s. gives it under 1017, i. 1S2, note. He it was who recovered Succession 
the liberties of Abingdon as stated in the charter cited above, where Ethel- 01 Wmfgar. 
i-ed calls him ' abbas nieus WHfgar tota mihi deuotione benignus,' K. C. D. 
vi. 174. 

pp. 126, 127. 993 A, 991 E, F] A is independent of the other MSS., Danish in- 
and seems to be made up of events which the other MSS. distribute between vasions. 
991 (Ipswich, Maldon) and 994 (Invasion of Anlaf with 93 ships, confirma- Olaf Tryg- 
tion of Anlaf). The account in A rests on a confusion of two separate inva- g^'^-son. 
sions, and the other is to be preferred. That Anlaf, who is no other than the 
famous Olaf Tryggvason (on whom see C. P. B. pp. 83-86), was, however, 
a leader of the earlier invasion also, is shown by the terms of peace which 
are preserved, Thorpe, Ancient Laws, i. 284 ff., Schmid, pp. 204 ff. : ' Sis 
synd fa fri3mal 7 J)a forword ])e /ESelred cyng 7 ealle his witan wiS ])one 
here gedon habbaib' J)e Anlaf 7 Justin (J6steinn) 7 GuSmund Stegitan sunn 
mid waeron.' These two list are mentioned also as leaders of the expedi- 
tion of 991, by Fl. Wig., who probably had the document before him, as 
he copies its further statement that the treaty was made by the advice of 





The lay 
lords partly 

money to 
pay the 

The Dane- 

Siric (who is called Sirieius Danegeld in Ang. Sac. i. 4), and the two alder- 
men, ^thelweard and JEUric, who besought the king that they might pur- 
chase peace for their respective districts. It is right, however, to add that 
Anlaf s name is not in Fl. Wig. ; and Schmid, p. li, thinks that it is inter- 
polated in the document. ^Ifric is the treacherous alderman of Hampshire, 
V. s. pp. 170, 171. ^thelweard is the chronicler, who, as we know, was of 
the royal house of Wessex, and in Wessex his aldermanry is to be sought, 
Crawford Charters, pp. 118 if. ; cf. Introduction, § 99. To him .(Elfric 
dedicated both his Lives of Saints, and also his translation of the Hepta- 
teuch ; see the Prefaces to those works. Clearly then the lay lords must 
share with the archbishop the responsibility for the treaty. The Chron. is 
further unjust to Siric in saying that this was the first time that peace had 
been purchased from the Danes. Alfred himself had had to pay this 
'scandlice nydgyld,' as Wulfstan calls it. Homilies, p. 162 ; v. s. on 865, 
872, 876 ; and, as Freeman himself shows, F. N. C. i. 275, note, Edred had 
left money for this purpose as for a charitable and recognised object. Birch, 
iii. 75 (this provision is omitted in the later versions of the will, ih. 76, 78). 
In the earlier invasions on the continent this policy, or impolicy, of buying 
off the invaders was constantly adopted, v. Diimmler, Ostfrank. Reich, ed. i, 
ii. 205, 231, 233, 272, &c. ; ed. 2, iii. 203, 229, 231, 272. There is a most 
interesting charter of 995, which tells how the Danes, furious at the delay 
in paying the sums which Siric had promised them, threatened to burn the 
Cathedral, how Siric in his distress sent to borrow money of ^scwig, 
Bishop of Dorchester, pledging him an estate at Eisborough in return, 
K. C. D. No. 689. (In the following charter this estate is restored to 
Siric's successor, ^Ifric. The signatures have, however, been mechanically 
copied from the preceding charter, as, though the restoration is made to 
.^Ifric, the deed is signed by Siric !) I cannot say certainly whether this 
transaction is connected with the invasion of 991 or that of 994, as a com- 
parison of 993 A with 994 E makes it probable that Kent was ravaged in 
both. In a spurious charter of Ethelred's, the king is similarly represented 
as pledging land to the Abbot of St. Alban's to raise money for the Danes. 
But no doubt from this time the payment became more systematic, and 
from this reign dates the hated Danegeld ; which, imposed like the income- 
tax originally as a war measure, was continued, like the income-tax, as an 
ordinary financial expedient : ' Regibus namque nostris modo persol- 
uimus ex consuetudine, quod Dacis persoluebatur ex ineffabili terrore,' 
H. H. pp. 168, 169 ; cf. Hermann, Mirac. S. Edm. : ' Sueyn lugubre malum 
ubique ponit tributum, quod infortunium hodie luit Anglia,' Martene et 
Durand, vi. 825 ; Liebermann, p. 204 ; cf. W. M. i. 187 ; G. P. p. 411 ; and 
the date, as Earle says, 'tallies exactly with the dates of Anglo-Saxon 
money found in Denmark and Sweden ; in both which countries it has been 
exhumed in large quantities, especially in Sweden. The dates range from 
.(ESelred to Edward Conf. ; and coins of some of the intermediate reigns 

992] NOTES 175 

have been found in Denmark and Sweden in larger numbers than in 
England. AnglomchsUha Mynt i Sveusl-a Konyl. Myntkabinettet af Bror 
Emil Hildebrand, 4to., Stockholm, 1846.' The amount of this Danegeld 
given by E and F, £10,000, is only half the amount stated in the actual 
document already cited : ' twa 7 twentig })asend punda gold 7 seolfres men 
gesealde })am here of ^nglalande wiS friSe,' Thorpe, i. 288 ; Schmid, 
p. 208 ; cf. ib. li. In the so-called Laws of Edward the Confessor, the 
Danegeld is defined as ' xii denarios de unaquaque hida ... ad condu- 
cendos eos qui piratarum irruptioni resistendo obuiarent,' Thorpe, i. 446 ; 
Schmid, p. 496. In the Laws of Henry I it is ' denagildum quod aliquando 
jjingemannis dabatur,' Thorpe, i. 526 ; Schmid, p. 446; i. e. the bodies of 
Danish housecarls maintained in England, cf. Crawford Charters, p. 140. 
(Thorpe's proposed emendation is worse than needless.) From a charter, 
nominally of Alfred, really a later forgery, it would seem that land was 
sometimes surrendered because it could not bear these heavy imposts, 
K. C. D. No. 1069 ; Birch, No. 565. (On a point like this a forged charter 
is as significant as a genuine one.) For the story of Edward the Confessor 
abolishing the Danegeld, see Ailred R., col. 753 ; Lives of St. Edward, 
pp. 51, 52. It was one of the abuses which Stephen promised to abolish, 
H. H. p. 258 ; cf. also Maitland, Domesday, pp. 3 fF. 

to Stane, A] Folkestone, not Staines, as Mr. Thorpe says in his index. 

Mseldune . . . Byrhtno'5] Of Brihtnoth we have heard before as the Battle of 
champion of the monks against ^Ifhere, v. s. p: 163. Accordingly, in the Maldon. 
Vita Oswaldi, we have a notice of the battle with a long panegyric on Briht- 
noth's bravery ; but perhaps the most eloquent panegyric is contained in 
the brief sentence : ' Byrihtnothus cecidit, et reliqui fugerunt,' H. Y. i. 
456. On Brihtnoth and the battle of Maldon, and the poem in which they Song on the 
are celebrated, see F. N. C. i. 268 ff., 623, 624, 772 ; C. P. B. ii. 8.4 ; on the ^^^l^^ 
payment to the Danes, ib. 275, 276. The poem has been frequently printed, 
see Wiilker, Grundriss, pp. 334 ff. A convenient edition is in Sweet's Anglo- 
Saxon Eeader, whertS a remark of Eieger's is quoted that ' it was composed 
so immediately after the battle that the poet does not know the name of 
a single one of the enemy, not even of their leader Anlaf.' The remark is 
interesting, but, as the poem is incomplete, a little hazardous. 

On Brihtnoth. cf. Crawford Charters, pp. 85-88. As no signature of his Brihtnoth. 
is found after 990, 991 is doubtless right for the date of Maldon. The day 
was Aug. II, Hyde Reg. p. 271. He was buried at Ely. His widow, 
.^Ifleed, leaves property to Ely, ' Jier mines hlafordes lichoma rest.' .iElflsed 
was a sister of .^Ethelflsed of Damerham, Edmund's second queen, who in 
her will leaves considerable property to her and her husband, K. C. D. 
No. 685 ; Birch, Nos. 1288, 1289. Brihtnoth is called ' dux praeclarus ' in 
a charter of Ethelred of 1005, K. C. D. iii. 341. 

992 E, F. Her Oswald . . . forlet pis lifj The chief authority for the Death of 
life of Archbishop Oswald is the anonymous life printed in H. Y. i. 399- y^^^^*^ ^'^ 


475, and already frequently referred to. As it speaks of Archbishop 
^Ifric as still living (p. 452) it must have been written 995 x 1006, and 
is therefore an almost contemporary authority of the highest value. Oswald 
had learnt the monastic life at Fleury, pp. 413 ff. (he is also said to have 
been a pupil of Fridegoda, the author of the Metrical Life of Wilfrid, 
H. Y. ii. 5). He returned to England at the time of his uncle Archbishop 
Odo's death, p. 419 ; succeeded Dunstan as Bishop of Worcester, p. 420 ; 
founded a school for the training of monks at Westbury, p. 424 (the church 
was restored by Wulfstan, Ang. Sac. ii. 262). On the death of Oscytel (to 
whom he was related, p. 420), Edgar 'in capite [eius] duas coronas im- 
posuit, hoc est ipsi prius episcopatum Meroiorum gentis, et postmodum 
Northanhymbroram,' p. 435 (this position of Worcester as t e specially Mer- 
cian see should be noted). See Addenda. He went to Rome for his pal- 
lium, p. 435 (where he also acted as the king's ambassador, H. Y. ii. 27); 
assisted at the coronations of Edgar in 973, pp. 436 ff., apd of Edward and 
Ethelred, p. 455 (cf. ii. 341) ; and died on the Monday following the third 
Sunday in Lent, Feb. 29, 992, after washing the feet of the poor, and 
passed away, like Bede, in the act of saying the Doxology, pp. 469 ff. 
He was buried at Worcester (where he died), p. 475. On other lives of 
him, cf. Hardy, Cat. i. 609-614. And there is a notice of him in Hugo of 
Fleury, Pertz, ix. 384, which shows that he was not unmindful of the 
scene of his monastic training, whence also he brought the famous Abbo of 
Fleury to teach in his monastery of Eamsey, 9S5 x 987, Hardy, Cat. i. 
594, 618 ; cf. also G. P. pp. 247-250 ; Birch, iii. 208 ; Hyde Reg. p. 92. 

Oswald's relics were translated by his successor, Ealdwulf, in 1002, just 
before his own death, H. Y. ii. 46 ; Fl. Wig. i. 156. For Wulfstan of 
Worcester's reverence for Oswald, see the interesting story in Ang. Sac. ii. 
262, 263. 

As late as 11 39 Oswald and Wulfstan were still invoked at Worcester as 
patrons and protectors of the city, Fl. Wig. ii. 118. Oswald's mitre was 
preserved at Beverley in the twelfth century, H. Y. ii. 341. An extra- 
ordinary number of charters by liim granting leases for three lives of lands 
belonging to the see of Worcester will be found in Birch, iii. ; K. C. D. iii. 
These embody a deliberate territorial policy, on which, see Maitland, 
Domesday, pp. 302 ff. 
Deatli of .^'Selwine . . . ge for, E] He was the son of Athelstan ' half-king,' and 

-Ethelwine, succeeded his brother ^thelwold as alderman of East Anglia. The monks 
f P h"^^ whom he protected called him ' the friend of God.' There was a pathetic 
fitness in his dying so soon after his great friend Oswald. With him he 
had founded the monastery of Ramsey, where he was buried ; and he is 
said never to have smiled after his death, H. Y. i. 428-430, 445-447, 465- 
469, 474, 475 ; G. P. pp. 318-320 ; Crawford Charters, pp. 85, 11 8. (The 
pretended foundation charters of Ramsey are obvious forgeries, K. C. D. 
No. 581 ; Birch, Nos. 1310 f.) Fl. W g.'s account both of Oswald and 

994] NOTES 177 

^thelwine is clearly taken from the Vita Oswaldi, of which there would 
naturally be a copy at Worcester, 

porode eorl] See on 966 E, supra. 

-Slfstane 15.] This, thoiigh in all the MSS,, is a mistake for iElfric, 
Bishop of Ramsbury, who succeeded Siric at Canterbury. -iElfstan of 
Ramsbury died 981 C. 

.^scwige "b.] Bishop of Dorchester ; he was present at the consecration 
of Ramsey, H. Y. i. 463. 

Da sende . . . ^Ifric] See F. N. C. i. 277, 278. The 'long series of National 
inexplicable treasons ' ascribed to .lElfric first, and then to Edric Streona, S'^^P^" 
awake, I confess, the question whether the chroniclers have not selected 
certain scapegoats on whom to throw the blame of the national failures. 

Ealdulf ... to Eoferwic stole 7 to Wigera ceastre] His appoint- Ealdwulf 
ment to York seems, however, to have been delayed till 995. In 993, app^mted 
994, and 995 he signs as 'episcopus' or as ' Wigoracensis eccl. episc.,' 
K. C. D. Nos. 684, 687, 1289. Later in 995 he signs as ' Eboracensis 
eccl. electus episc.,' ib. Nos. 688, 692. This does not imply (as Mr. Steven- 
son thought, Chron. Ab. ii. 521) that he had not been consecrated, for he 
had already been consecrated to Worcester. By 996 he is ' archipraesul ' 
and ' archiepiscopus,' K. C. D. Nos. 695, 696. 

Kenulf] He became Bisliop of Winchester in 1005 ; sinioniacally, accord- Cenwulf. 
ing toG. P. p. 170 ; his death is entered 1006 E, infra. Some have wished 
to identify him with the poet Cynewulf, see above on 779 E. To this 
Cenwulf the life of Athelwohi by^'Elfric is dedicated, Hardy, Cat. i. 586. For 
Ealdwulf and Cenwulf as abbots of Peterborough, see above, 963 E, i. 117. 

993 E, F. pa heretogan, 7c.] ' Heretogan ' means the leaders of this Cowardly 
particular army. It does not imply the official rank of aldermen. Fl. Wig. ^^aders, 
explains their conduct by saying : ' ex paterno genere Daniel fuerunt.' But 

this again sounds rather like an attempt to gloss over the national failure ; 
cf on these leaders, F. N. C. i. 281, 624, 625. 

het se cyng ablendan JElfgar, E] ' unde odium et infamia eius \_sc. Blinding of 
Edelredi] crudelitatis adaucta est,' H. H. p. 169 ; it was, no doubt, in revenge -^^S^^- 
for his father's treachery in 992 : ' et quamuis pro culpa perfidiae filium 
eius rex excaecari iusserit, iteruin rediit iterumque defecit,' W. M. i. 187. 

994 E, F. Her . . . com Anlaf 7 S-wegen] On this great invasion of Great Scan- 
Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway, and Swegen, King of Denmark, tlie dmavian 
ultimate conqueror of England, see above on 993 A ; and F. N. C. i. 285 ff. 

A document in K. C. D. No. 704 seems to point to an earlier unrecorded 
invasion of Swegen. It is a writ of Etheired's confirming the will of 
-lEtheric of Booking. It is there stated : ' liit waes manegon earon der 
JESeric forSferde, Sset Mm kincge wses gesseJ f aet he w£ere on 6am unrtede 
Saet man sceolde on East-Saxon Swegen underf6n 6a he merest Jiider mid 
flotan com.' The writ is undated, but from the signatures it must have 
been issued 997 xiooi. ^theric was then dead, and the charge of com- 
II. N 




to the 

tion of Olaf 

Death of 
Siric and 
of citric. 

^Ifric and 
the secular 

plicity with Swegen was brought ' many years ' before his death. The 
invasion of 994 seems hardly far enough back to satisfy these conditions. 
There is a very curious notice in the Chron. Ab. i. 280, with reference 
to this invasion, the origin of which I do not know: 'Eex Norwegiae, 
Anlaf, baptizatus est, et reuersus est in patriam suam. Dani uero regem 
suum Suein regem Cantiae constituerunt, et regnauit in Cantia xxiiii 
annis.' In ^Ifiic's Homilies, written just about tliis time, there are many 
interesting references to these troubles, i. 578 ; ii. i, 370, 432 ; so in the 
Lives, written only a little later, i. 258-260, 294-296. 

pp. 128, 129. Gode ^ang, F] This note ot triumphant feeling is note- 
worthy in a MS. so late as F. It is not in E. 

hi man pser fsedde, 7c., E] 'quibus de tota Westsaxonia stipendium 
dabatur, de tuta uero Anglia tributum,' FI. Wig. i. 152 ; i.e. according to 
Fl. Wig. the promised ' metsung ' was levied exclusively from Wessex, the 
' gafol ' from all England. 

.^Ifeaeh t> 7 -ffitSelward] ^Ifheah had advised and yEthelweard had 
negotiated the former treaty, 993 A and note. They were naturally 
employed again. 

his anfeng set bes handa] i. e. acted as his sponsor at confirma- 
tion, cf. Eede, II. 142, 383; ' ten ens eum ad confiruiationem episcopi,' 
H. H. p. 170; 'quern rex . . . confirmari ab episcopo fecit,' FI. W^ig. u. s. 
Olaf had been previously baptised, though accounts vary as to the manner 
and place of his conversion. 

pp. 126, 129, 131. 994 A, 995 E, 996 E. Sigeric . . . .^Ifric] ^Ifric 
had previously succeeded Siric as Bishop of Ramsbury in 990 ('Wiltun- 
scire,' A, F). Hence C, D, E are wrong in speaking of him as 'con- 
secrated' to Canterbury. A, F (F a Canterbury MS.), express the fact 
correctly. He had been a monk of Glastonbury, and Abbot of Abingdon, 
Fl. Wig. u. s. ; G. P. p. 32. The earliest life of Dunstan is dedicated to 
him, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 3. Fl. Wig., like F, places both the death of 
Siric and the translation of iElfric in 995 ; and this is right, for a charter 
of that year is signed by Siric as archbishop, and by ^Ifric as ' Wiltun- 
ensis presul ' ; while another charter of the same year is signed by ^Ifric 
as ' electus ad archiepiscopatum,' K. C. D. Nos. 691, 692. Against the 
old identification of citric the homilist with the archbishop, see Wiilker, 
Grundriss, pp. 453 ff. 

p. 128. 995 F. Des .ffilfric, 7c.] For the Latin of this document, see 
App. B, i. 285-287. On this story of ^Ifric having expelled the secular 
clerks from Christ Church, Canterbury, and restored the monks, W. M. 
says : ' uerisimile non uidetur ; constat enim monachos in ecclesia S. Salua- 
toris fuisse a tempore Laurentii archiepiscopi,' G. P. p. 32 ; as if institutions, 
never changed their character in the course of 400 years ! A more serious 
objection is that, according to Fl. Wig., the change had already been made 
by Siric. See above on 990 C. Whether F has any better authority for 

997] NOTES 179 

saying that the secular clerks came in under Ceolnoth, 833 X870, in con- 
sequence of plague and other troubles, I do not know. The same account 
is given by F under 870, see App. B, i. 283-285 ; according to which 
Ceolnoth's successor, Ethelred, attempted to expel the clerks. No plague 
is recorded in the Chron. during those years. On the consecration of 
Christ Church, Canterbury, and the alleged correspondence of Ethelbert 
and the Pope, see Bede, H. E. i. 33, and my notes. It is Bede's Hist. 
Eccl. which is here referred to as 'Ystoria Anglorum.' The spurious 
cliaiters, K. C. D. No. 715, seem connected with this pretended reform. 

heafod burh] Cf. Bede, p. 60 : ' In Cantwarabyrig, seo wses ealles his ' heafod 
rices ealdorburg'; and Oros. p. 132 : 'he geeode Nisan, India heafodburg.' btirh. 

p. 131. 996 F. Wulstan . . . Lundenberi] In Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. Wulfstan 

404, 405, there is a letter from an unknown correspondent to Wulfstan, appointed 

Bishop of London. 

997 F. sefter his arcs] I feel pretty certain that 'pallium' is meant 'arce.' 

to be a gloss on 'arce,' and not to be taken in composition with it as 

Bosworth-ToUer ; there is no such thing as an ' arch-pallium.' But how 

did 'arce' come to mean pallium? I believe it to be a pure abstraction 

of the writer. An ' arcebisceop ' is a bishop with a pallium, therefore 

'arce' must, mean pallium, Q. E. D. ; cf. 995 F, i. 130 m., 'sefter jiinon 

serce' (= 'pro pallio uestro,' i. 287 t.) ; 'gifan heom Jjone erce,' ih. The 

word occurs nowhere else as far as I know. In Bouquet, x. 431, there 

is a letter of this very year from Pope Gregory V to Abbo of Fleury, 

asking to be informed ' de Cantuariorum archiepiscopi incolumitate.' 

997 E. on NortJwalum] i. e. our Wales. Fl. Wig.'s translation, 
' septentrionalis Brytannia,' is misleading ; and in 1000 A. D. it has misled 
Mr. Thorpe, Lappenberg, E. T. ii. 162 ; see F. N. C. i. 634. 

Penwihtsteort] PenwiS- C, PenwseS- D. The Land's End. The Penwith- 
hundred of the Land's End is still called Penwith ; cf. S. D. ii. 392: ^*'^<'^- 
' An^lia habet in lons:itudine 800 milliaria a loco Penwithstert uocato . . . 
usque ad Catheness trans Scotiam.' 

in to Tamer mutJan] ' in ostium fluminis Tamerae Domnaniam et Comu- 
biam sequestrantis,' Fl. Wig. 

Ordulfes mynster set Tefingstoce] Ordwulf was the son of Ordgar, and Ordwulf, 
consequently brother of yElfthryth, Edgar's second wife, v. s. on 965 D. the founder 
W. M. makes his father, Ordgar, the founder of Tavistock, G. P. pp. 202, g^ock. 
203; so H. & S. i. 701. The spurious charter of foundation, K. C. D. 
No. 629, dated 981, makes Ordwulf the founder, and calls him, rightly, 
Ethelred's uncle. Ordwulf signs charters from 980 to 1006. Fl. Wig. calls 
him ' Domnaniae primas,' which probably means ' heahgerefa,' Crawford 
Charters, p. 122; but may also mean that he succeeded his father as 
alderman of Devon, tliough possibly in a lower position ; but the fact that 
he never signs with any higher title than ' minister ' is against the latter 

N 2 








view; moreover, that 'primas' means higli-reeve is shown by a charter 
cited below on 1002 E, in which ^fic, whom the Chron. calls ' heah- 
gerefa,' is called ' primas inter primates.' I believe that E's reading, 
'set ^tefingstoce ' (see critical note), is an extreme instance of the 
tendency to regard the prepositioji ' aet,' before place names, aa part of the 
place name, so that a second (in this case an identical) preposition is put 
before the compound phrase; see Bede, II. 103, 104. H. H., misreading 
the Saxon/, gives 'apud Esingstoce.' 

998 E. purh sum ping] ' aut insidiis, aut aliquo infortunio,' Fl. Wig. 
i. 154. 

999 E. forpam fie . . . sceoldan] This sentence is only in E. It marks 
the growth of that tendency to make excuses which reaches its cul- 
minating point in Fl. Wig. On the prevailing disorganisation, see F. N. C. 
i. 295 S. 

p. 133. mid scipfyrde . . . mid landfyrde] Cf. 'sy hit on scypfyrde, 
sy hit on landfyrde,' Thorpe, Laws, i. 420; Schmid, p, 314. So, exactly, 
K. C. D. vi. 51, where the imiversal obligation of the fyrd as ^art of the 
' trinoda necessitas' is subdivided into ' seip fyrd ' and ' land fyrd.' 

pa elkede man] Fl, Wig.'s rendering, ' duces exercitus . . . moram . . . 
innectentes,' shows that he followed C or a sister MS. But C's reading, 
' pa, ylcodan |>a deman,' is probably a mere error. The scribe may have 
had a MS. in which the syllables ' pa ylco ' came at the end of a line, and 
' de man ' at the beginning of the next. The scribe took ' deman ' for 
a single word, and then pieced out his own error as best he could. I owe 
this suggestion to Prof. Earle. ' Dema,' ' a judge,' is an impossible word 
to use of a military leader, 
of 1000 E. Her . . . se cyng ferde in to Cumerlande] On this invasion 
of Cumberland, cf. F. N. C. i. 298, 299, 633, 634 ; I cannot, however, go 
with him in attributing much weight to Fordun's statement that Ethelred's 
invasion was owing to the refusal of Malcolm of Strathclyde to pay Dane- 
geld. H. H.'s explanation (which Mr. Freeman also accepts) seems much 
more probable : ' Cumberland . . . ubi m.ixima mansio Dacorum erat,' 
p. I 70. Strathclyde would be a convenient rendezvous for Scandinavian 
forces ; and a similar motive would account for the ravaging of Man. 
Mr. Skene thinks that Ethelred was trying to wrest Strathclyde altogether 
from the Scots, C. S. i. 382. 

unfritSflota] Cf. ' unfriS scip,' i. 168 h., in/;-a, 1046 E ; ' unfriiS land,' 
'unfriSmann,' Thorpe, Laws, i. 286; Schmid, pp. 204, 206. 

Eicardes rice] ' Danorum classis . . . Nortmanniam petit,' Fl. Wig. 
i. 154. 

pp. 132, 133. 1001*] The account in A is independent of, and fuller 
than, that of the other MSS., but quite consistent with it. See F. N. C. 
i. 306 fF. 

micel ianfrilS, A] There is a charter of this year in which Ethelred 

1002] NOTES l8l 

speaks of himself as 'dirissimis hostium grauiter nos depopulancium 
cre!)errime angustiatus flagellis,' and cites the ' multiplicia signa' wrought 
at his brother's tomb, K. C. D. No. 706. 

.i^pelweard . . . heahgerefa] Probably of Hampshire; cf. K. C. D. 
No. 642 ; Crawford Charters, p. 1 19. 

^Ifsiges bisceopes sunu] This is noteworthy. The bishop meant is A bishop's 
Odo's short-lived successor at Canterbury. See on 961 F. ^o^- 

Pallig] A Danish Jarl, brother-in-law of King Swegen, whose sister Pallig. 
Gunhild lie had married. His name may be assimilated from Paining, 
a-nd he was possibly connected with, or even a son of, the famous Palna- 
Toki, Crawford Charters, p. 144; F. N. C. i. 306. He had evidently 
taken service with Ethelred under one of the previous treaties, and now 
deserted. According to W. M. i. 207, he, his wife, and their child were 
victims of the massacre of St. Price in 1002. 

ofer . . . ge tryw'Sa] Cf. ' ofslegen . . . ofer aSas 7 treoWe,' Pede, p. 148. 

foran ... to Exan mu'San] Mr. Freeman, following FL Wig., supposes Movements 
that tlie fleet which the other MSS. mention as coming, to Exmouth was <5f t'le 
the one which had gone to Normandy in the previous year, and now ^^^^' 
effected a junction with Pallig, &c. This is very possibly right, though 
probably it is only Fl. Wig.'s inference from the Chron. On the change 
in S after this annal, see Introduction, § 95. 

to ISere byrig, E] Exeter ; ' there was no need to mention what 
borough,' F. N C. i. 307. 

swa hi be wuna wseron] So Oros. p. 1 16 : ' swa hi ser bewuna wjeron.' 

pa beah, 7c.] 'pro militura paucitate, Danorum multitudinem non Excuses, 
ferentes,' Fl. Wig. i. 155, with his usual tendency to make excuses. 

peer him . . . woldon] ' modo in ea [Vecta insula], modo in Sutham- 
tonia, modo in Dorsetania,' explains Fl. Wig. 

ne eodon hi swa feor iip] * Went they never so far up,' i. e. however 
far inland (Greek dvco) they might go. 

1002 E] On the treaty of this year, v. F. N. C. i. 311, 312. Treaty of 

grits , . . ge seette] ' griS ' is a Scandinavian word, and only comes in ^°°^' 
with the Scandinavian contests. It does not occur in MS. S. at all. 

of sloh Leofsig . . . earde] Leofsige was alderman of Essex and Leofsige 
probably succeeded Prihtnoth, F. N. C. u. s. ; cf. Crawford Charters, l^anished. 
p. 135. There is an allusion to his exile in a charter of 1007: ' Leofsinus 
dux . . . culpa sua exigente patria pulsus,' K. C. D. No. 1304; but in 
a charter of 1012 not only his punishment but his crime is detailed: 
' Leofsinus quern de satrapis . . . tuli ad celsioris apicem dignitatis , . . 
ducem con.stituendo, [which shows that ' satrapa ' is not a mere synonym 
for ' dux ' but indicates a lower dignity, v. s. pp. 171, 172] . . . praefectuiu 
meum ^ficum, quem primatem inter primates meos taxaui, non cunctatus 
in propria domo eius eo inscio perimere, quod nefarium et peregrinum 
opus est apud christianos et gentiles. . . . Itaque . . . inii consilium cum 




sapientibus regiii mei, . . . placuitque nobis in commune eum exulare . . . 
cum complicibus suis, ib. No. 719. 
Marriage of p. 134, seo hlsefdige] ' regina binomia . . ., scilicet ^Ifgiua Imma,' 


Chron. Ab. i. 434. On the significance of Ethelred's marriage with 

Death of 
of York ; 
of Wulf- 


Emma of Kormandy, which ' led directly to the Norman Conquest,' 
F. N, C. i. 301 ff., cf. H. H. p. 173; Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 322. 

Ealdulf arct) fortJferde] He died May 6, Fl. Wig. i. 156. He was suc- 
ceeded by Wulfstan, the author of the Homilies. Mr. Freeman, F. N. C. i. 
312, identifies him with Wulfstan, Bishop of London, but apparently only 
because Bishop Wulfstan ceases to sign in 1003, and Archbishop Wulfstan 
begins to sign in 1004. But this seems to me hazardous in the face of Fl. 
Wig.'s assertion that the archbishop was only abbot before his appoint- 
ment to York, i. 156. As Wulfstan was, like his predecessors, also Bishop 
of Worcester, Fl. Wig. had special means of knowing. Dr, Stubbs, Ep. Succ, 
seems to know no"thing of any translation of Wulfstan of London. In the 
Latin version of one of Ethelred's codes, it is not only stated that the laws 
were passed on the advice of the two primates .^Elfheah and Wulfstan, 
but that they were reduced to writing by Wulfstan : ' ego Wulfstanus . . . 
eadem . . . Uteris infixi,' Schmid, pp. 236, 239. If this can be relied on, 
it would account for the similarity between the moral reflexions contained 
in the laws, and in the homilies attributed to Wulfstan ; but the question 
is an intricate one. Some complimentary verses addressed to Wulfstan 
are printed in Stubbs' Dunstan, p. liv, from MS. Cott. Vesp. A. xiv. 

se cyng het ofslean] On the massacre of St. Brice and the sub- 
ofSt. Brice. sequent embellishments of the story, see F. N. C. i. 182, 312 ff., 634 ff. 
According to a tale which H. H. says that he heard as a boy from ' uetus- 
tissimi quidam,' the king sent secret letters to every town ordering the 
simultaneous murder of all the Danes, p. 174. The so-called laws of 
Edward the Confessor profess to give the law under which Ethelred acted, 
Schmid, p. 510. In a spurious charter of 1004 it is said that the Danes of 
Oxford took refuge in the chuich of the monastery of St. Frideswide, 
which was burnt in the conflict, K. C. D. No. 709. 

p. 135. be syrewian set his life] Cf. ' Sume eac ymbe his lif syrwdon,' 
^If. Hom. ii. 112. ._ 

1003 E, F] On this annal, see P. N. C. i. 315-319. H^ 

purh pone . . . Hugon, E] ' per insilium, incuriam et traditionem 
Nortmannici comitis Hugoni?,' says Fl. Wig., expanding the excuse after 
his wont; and turning the 'ceorl' of the Chron. into an 'eorl'; possibly 
his MS. read ' eorl,' i. 156 ; H. H., translating ' gerefa,' gives 'uicecomes,' 
p. 174. 

far . . . 'Siugan, F] Cf. Oros. p. 240 ; ' hie for his Jingun adrsefde 
waeron,' ib. 258. 

pe seo hlefdige . . . gerefan, E] The royal rights over Exeter had 

rights over probably been given to Emma as part of her morning-gift. 




loo6] NOTES 183 

ge breed he Mne seocne] Cf. Layamon, i. •284: '])e king hine breid 
seac,' Earle ; so in Icel. ' bregma s^r sjukum,' ' breg^az sjiika.' 

Donne . . . ge hindred] A very similar saying is found in one of A proverb. 
Alcuin's letters : ' si dux timidus erit, quomodo saluabitur miles,' H. & S. 
iii. 535 ; Mon. Ale. p. 621. 

Da Swegen ge seah, 7c. ] Of course if his sister were among the victims Swegen. 
of St. Brice, supra, p. 181, he would have ample motive for revenge, 
F. N. C. i. 314. 

1004 E] On this annal, see F. N. C. i. 319-322. 

Ulfkytel] See below on loio E. 

pa witan on East Englum] This may indicate, as Freeman thinks, Local 
some survival of the independence of the old East Anglian kingdom. Witan. 
' Witan ' is, however, used of a meeting of the shii-e : ' gebete })3et swa scire 
witan ceof^an,' Wulfstan, p. 172 ; cf. ih. 73. 

ac hi abruSon] ' J)aet teoSe werod abreaS ' (of the rebellious angels), 
^If. Horn. i. 10. 

pa tSe he to J)ohte] Not 'those whom he trusted to,' M. H. B., Thorpe; cf. 
'to hopode,' ioo9,n//Va, i. 139 h.; but 'those whom he destined for the work'; 
'illi uelnon audebant, uel iussa perficere negligebant,' Fl. Wig. i. 157. It 
is strange that E has omitted the racy conclusion of C and D (see i. 136, 
note i). For the numerous compounds of ' plega,' v. Bosworth-Toller, *. v. 

p. 136. 1005 E] On the events of 1005, 1006, see F. N. C. i. 323 ff. 

hungor . . . swa grimne] Cf. ' Se grimmesta hunger paet folc waes Famine. 
wsecende,' Bade, p. 302. 

7 se flota, 7c. ] ' qaapropter . . . Swein Denemarciam reuertitur,' Fl. 
Wig. i. 158. 

1006 E. Her forSferde JElfric] Stubbs, Ep. Succ, places the death Death of 
of ^Elfric and the translation of ^Ifheali in 1005. So Liebermann, g^j^gggjo,^ 
p. 3. A (above i. 134) puts J<]lfric's death in 1005 and jElfheah's sue- ofJElfheali 
cession (wrongly consecration) in 1006. Fl. Wig., whom Dr. Stubbs 
cites, agrees with E, as does yElfheah's life, Ang. Sac. ii. 129, from which 
it appears that ^Iflieah was born in 954. To him Adelard dedicated 
his life of Dimstan, Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 53. He is said to have taken the 
head of St. Swithhun with him to Canterbury, H. Y. I. xlvi. 

Brihtwold . . , Wiltun scire] This is an addition by E(e), followed Error, 
by F, but not by H. H. or Ann. W^av. I am inclined to think it is an 
error of the scribe who fancied iElfheah was Bishop of WiZton instead of 
Wiwton ; whereas it was ^Ifric's promotion to Canterbury in 995 which 
vacated the see of Ramsbury, and it is there that Fl. Wig. places Briht- 
wold's appointment, i. 152. Stubbs, Ep. Succ. p. .165 [ed. 2, p. 227], 
follows E approximately. In any case Brihtwold had a very long episco- 
pate ; his death is entered 1045 C, 1043 E. 

"Wulfgeate] According to Fl. Wig. his father was Leofeca, and he him- Forfeiture 
self was a prime favourite of Ethelred, but was deprived for ' iniusta iudicia ^ ^ ' 





Outrages of 
the Danes. 




ast Cyne- 




et superba . . . opera,' i. 158. I do not know whence Fl. Wig. got these 
details, and till their source is identified I regard them with some suspicion. 
There is a reference to Wulfgeat's forfeiture in a charter of 1015, and in that 
his crime is made to be 'quia iniiiiicis regis se in insidiis socium applicauit,' 
K. C. D. vi. 170. Wulfgeat signs as ' minister ' from 986 to 1005. 

"Wulfeah 7 Ufegeat . . . ablende] At Cookham, according to Fl. 
Wig., who makes them sons of ^Iflielm. 

.Mltelm. . . . wear's ofslagen] By Edric Streona, according to Fl. Wig. 
But the details sound wholly mythical, .^lllfhelm seems to have held part 
of Northumbria. On all these names, cf. Crawford Charters, pp. 12 1, 122 ; 
F. N. C. i. 325, 643-645. 

Kenulf biscop] On him, see on 992 E. 

ne inn here ne uthere] Cf. 'fram utgefeohte ... on ingefeohtum ' = 
' exteris . . . ciuilibus bellis,' Bede, p. 8. 

to Ms fry's stole ... to heora garwan feorme] There is ' a bitter 
pleasantry ' about these phrases : ' to their inviolable sanctuary, ... to 
their ever furnished quarters.' H. H. well expresses the return which 
they made for such hospitality : ' quocunque . . . pergebant, quae parata 
erant hilariter comedentes, cum discederent, in retributionem procurationis, 
reddebant hospiti caedem, hospitio fiammam,' p. 176. 

p. 137. beotra gylpa] Out of mere bravado ; cf. ' ungebetra Jiinga,' 
without having mended matters, Earle, Charters, p. 202. So in modern 
German, ' unverrichteter dinge' = re infecta. There is an article in 
American Journal of Philology, x. 316 flf., on the absolute pp.rticiple in 
Anglo-Saxon. The author, Mr. M. Callaway, regards it as a mere exotic, 
imported from the Latin. This is certainly true of the dative absolute. 
I do not think it is true of the genitive absolute. 

forpon oft man cwse'S] The ' oft ' shows that this was a popular threat, 
not the ' prediction of some unknown seer,' F. N. C. i. 329. 

Cwicchelmes hlse-w^e] See Bede, II. 95. In the reign of James I 
a market used to be held there for which no charter could be produced, and 
so it was suppressed and transferred to Ilsley (Private communication to 
Prof. Earle from Mr. C. J. Eyston of East Hendred). From a writ, K. C. D. 
No. 693, it appears that Cwichelmeshleew was the meeting-place of the shire- 
moot. The writ is undated, but from the signatures must be 990x992. 
Cwichelmeshlsew occurs also in the boundaries of a charter of 995, ih. 
No. 1289. 

set Cynetan] This may be the river Kennet. Mr. Freeman says, 
' Kennet, now Marlborough,' F. N. C. i. 329. Prof. Earle suggests 
Kintbury, Berks, which occurs in the form ' set Cynetan byrig,' K. C. D. 
No- 353 ; Birch, No. 678, from which it appears that there was a 
monastery there. 

pser mihton geseon] Cf. Wulfstan's Sermon: 'oft twegen ssemen oJJSe 
])ry hwilum drifaS Jia drafe cristenra manna fram Sce to sae ut Surh ])as 

ioo8] NOTES 185 

J)eode gewj'lede togsedere us eallum to woruldscame,' Homilies, p. 163. 
From an obscure notice in S. D., Mr. Freeman inferred an invasion of the 
Scots in 1006, F. N. C. i. 325-328. This is entirely confirmed by Ann. 
Ult. 1005-6 ; cf. S. C. S. i. 385. 

p. 138. 1007 E. XXX. f)usend punda] So F, H. H., and Ann. Wav. 
xxxvi ; C, D, Fl. Wig. 

jEdric ... on Myrcenarice] 'ad perniciem Anglorum factus est Edric made 
Edricus dux super Merce, proditor nouus sed maximus,' H. H. p. 176 ; cf. aklerman 
FI. Wig. i. 160, and F. N. C. i. 640 fF., where the authorities are collected. 

Her for .^Ifeah ... to Rome, D (note 3)] Ouly in D. Cf. Ang. JElfheah 
Sac. ii. 129, 130 ; G. P. pp. 170, 171 ; in Liebermann, pp. 3, 71, it is placed ^^^ ^ 
in 1006: here again a year behind the Chron. 

1008 E] This is rightly termed by Prof. Earle ' a tantalising annal.' Naval as- 
If I could feel with him that the text of D (given in note 4) ' is probably cessment, 
the nearest to the source,' it might be possible to emend it thus : ' of ])rim 
hund hidura scip, and of tynum senne scegS.' Bat there are two objections 
to this ; (i) the fact that textually D is the least reliable of our MSS. 
(see Introduction, § 81); (2) the enormous disproportion between the 
'scip' and the ' scegS,' the latter being only -^\ of the former. Now, The'scegX' 
though the ' scegS ' was a light and swift vessel, it was not necessarily 
a very small one. In Crawford Charters, p. 23, we have one which has 
sixty-four oars, and some of Alfred's ' longships ' had no more than sixty ; 
see 897, supra. Fl. Wig. translates it by 'trieris,' and so it is glossed in 
Wiilker, cc. 165, 289; though in the former gloss the explanation ' litel 
scip' is also given. It is borrowed from the O.N. skeiS, q. v. ; and 'pirata' is 
glossed ' wicing o5Se scegSman,' ib. c. iii, which seems to show that it was 
the ordinary craft used by the Scandinavian invaders ; cf. Thorpe, Laws, 
i. 228; Schmid, p. 208; and note F Lat. here: ' unam magiiam nauem 
quae Anglice nominatur sceg]).' However this may be, the view of Assessment 
Prof. Earle that we have here a glimpse of a unit of assessment made up ^^ groups 
of a group of three hundreds is fully borne out by a charter which, though hundreds 
not wholly genuine, probably represents the custom coiTectly ; in this 
Edgar grants to Oswald and the monks of Worcester, ' ne cum regis 
ministris aut eius centuriatus, id est hundredes, exactoribus naumachiae 
expeditionem, quae ex tota Anglia regi inuenitur, faciant; sed . . . ut 
ipse episcopus cum monachis suis de istis tribus centuriatibus, id est 
hundredis . . . constituant unam naucupletionem, quod Anglice dicitur 
scypfylleS oS5e scypsocne,' K. C. D. No. 514; Birch,. No. 1135; cf. 
S. C. H. i. 105. Other instances of the grouping of hundreds by threes 
are given by Canon Isaac Tajdor in Domesday Studies, i. 72-75, one of 
the groups being none other than our familiar friend the Chiltern 
Himdreds ; cf. S. C. H. i. 108. E, F, Fl. Wig,, H. H., aU foUow C in 
making the unit of assessment a district of 310 hides. We have instances 
of a ' scegS ' bequeathed by will by J21fhelm to the abbot and monks of Ships 




by will. 






Ramsey, K. C. D. No. 967; Birch, No. 1306; by ^Ifwold, Bishop of 
Crediton, to the king, Crawford Charters, p. 23, and note. But the most 
interesting case is the will of Archbishop ^Ifric, whose death was noted 
1005 A, 1006 E ; he leaves his best ship to the king, and two others to 
the folk of Kent and the shire of Wilton (note the difference) respectively, 
K. C. D. No. 716 ; the object, as Prof. Earle pointed out, being obviously 
to lighten the pressui-e of the local burdens on the two districts of which he 
had l)een prelate. A code of this very year, 1008, is preserved, the 
27th article of which is that a naval force shall be ready every year after 
Easter ; unfortunately, no details are given, Thorpe, i. 310 ; cf. ih. 322, 324, 
380,382; Schmid, pp. 224, 232, 239, 276. For the ' helm and byrnie,' 
cf. Thorpe, i. 188 ; Schmid, pp. 398, 667 ; S. C. H. i. 109. Probably they 
also were for the equipment of the fleet ; for with the ship which Archbishop 
jElfric bequeathed to the king, u. s., he bequeathed also sixty helms and 
sixty byrnies. 

1009 E] It is probable that to this year belongs an ordinance of 
king and witan, ordering a national fast on the three days next before 
Michaelmas, ' et . . . ut in omni congregatione cantetur cotidie . . . missa 
. . . quae inscripta est contra paganos. Et ad singulas horas decantet 
totus conuentus extensis membris in terra psalmum, " Domine qui multi- 
plicati sunt " et collectam contra paganos,' Thorpe, i. 336-339; Schmid, 
pp. 240-243 ; who adds an Anglo-Saxon version which is not in Thorpe. 
For the date, see Ih. p. liv. In the canons of ^Ifric it is ordered that the 
mass' Contra Paganos 'shall be said every Wednesday, Thorpe, Laws, ii. 362. 

pes 'Se us bee secga'5] Note the literary allusion, possibly to earlier 
chronicles; cf. sttpra, p. 139. 

Brihtric . . . Wulfno'5 cild] Fl. Wig. i. 160, places this incident under 
1008, ' a little before ' the assessment for the fleet, instead of ' a little before ' 
the actual assembly of the fleet. Under 1007 he gives a list of Edric's six 
brothers, the first being this Brihtric, to whom he gives a character nearly 
as bad as that of Edric himself. The last on the list is ^thelmasr, whom 
Fl. Wig. makes father of Wulfnoth, the father of Earl God wine. Now it 
will be seen from the critical notes that MS. F of the Chron. makes the 
' Wulfnoth child the South Saxon ' of the present annal father of Earl 
Godwine. Fl. Wig. does not identify Wulfnoth, the son of ^ithelmagr, 
with Wulfnoth the South Saxon, though later writers have commonly 
assumed that he regarded them as the same. Mr. Freeman has shown, 
F. N. C. i. 701 S., that it is extremely unlikely that Godwine should have 
been the great-nephew of a man so nearly his own contemporary as 
Edric ; on the other hand, he is inclined to accept the statement that he 
was the son of Wulfnoth the South Saxon, adducing some (not quite con- 
clusive) documentary evidence in its favour. On 'Wulfnoth cild,' cf ih. 
648 ff. ; on the events of this year, ib. 340 AT. ; C. P. B. ii. 121, 122, 125, 
126, 588. 

loio] NOTES 187 

for wregde] ' iniuste accusauit,' Fl. Wig. 

p. 139. se . . . unfriS here] ' I^e we heton Durkilles here,' adds C ; and Danish 
Fl. Wig. says further that later in the year, in August, another Danish ii^^asion. 
fleet came to Thanet under Heming and Eglaf, that the two fleets then 
proceeded to Sandwich, and attacked Canterbury, i. 160, 161. On 
Thurkill, see F. N. C. i. 6516".; Liebermann, p. 205. Heming, one of 
the leaders of the second fleet, was ThurkiU's brother, while Eglaf was 
a brother of Gytha, the wife of Earl God wine, Crawford Charters, pp. 139 9". 
Eglaf signs as 'dux' and ' comes ' under Cnut, 1018-1024. 

swa heora gewTina w8bs] E has here obliterated an interesting mark Contem- 
of contemporary writing in C and D : ' swa heora gewuna is ' (there is porary 
a precisely similar instance in 1016, i. 150, 151, infra); lower down is 
another such mark, which E has preserved, ' si Gode lof . . . heo gyt . . . 
stent.' This latter sentence must have been written before the submission 
of London to Swegen in 1013. 

sefter middan wintra] Florence, beginning the year with January i, Commence- 
places these events in loio, ' mense Januario.' The Chron. here seems to mentofthe 
begin the year either with March 25 or with Easter, for the first date under 
loio is ' ofer Eastron.' Yet, in 1014, Feb. 3 is placed at the beginning of 
the year; while in 1016 the year begins with ' midwintertide,' i.e. either 
Dec. 25 or Jan. i. See Appendix to Introduction. 

namon hit ... to scipan weard] ' praeJam agunt,' Fl. Wig. i. 162, 
and this is probably the right explanation of the indefinite ' hit.' 

p. 140. gewendon . . . Stane] i.e. as the careful Fl. Wig. explains, the Staines, 
part of the army which was ravaging on the northern bank, crossed at Staines. 

lencten] Not ' Lent,' as Fl. Wig. i. 162 and F. N. C. i. 343, but ' Spring,' 
Germ. Lenz, as Prof. Earle rightly takes it. 

1010 E] On the events of this year, see F. N. C. i. 344-347. 

ofer Eastron] Easter in loio was on Apr. 9. 

set Gipes wie] ' ad Gippesuuich uersus solis ortum cum quodam Tm-killo Ipswich, 
appulsis nauibus confinia S. Eadmundi exterminantibu.^,' S. Edm. Mirac, 
Martene et Durand, vi. 829; Liebermann, p. 205. 

eodon . . . Ulfcytel . . . fyrde] ' ad locum qui Eingmere dicitur,' UlfcyteL 
Fl. Wig. i. 162 ; cf. C. P. B. ii. 98, 125, 153. On Ulfcytel, see F. N. C. i. 
639 f. He seems to have been alderman of East Anglia, and son-in-law of 
the king, ib. 671. W. M., in his sketch of the disorganisation of Ethelred's 
reign, says of him and this battle : * solus ex omnibus . . . impigre contra 
inuasores restitit ; ita ut . . . multo plus afiiicti qui uicerant, quam qui 
uicti erant, aestimarentur. Nee . . . piguit barbaros ueritatem confiteri, 
cum multotiens illam uictoriam deplorarent,' i. 190; cf. ih. 217 : 'primus 
omnium piratas adortus, spem dedit posse illos superari.' He fell at Assan- 
dun, infra, 1016, i. 152. There is a bequest of his to Bury St. Edmund's, 
K. C. D. No. 1349; Birch, No. 1013. 

prima ascensio Diiij i. e. May 18, in loio; but Fl. Wig. gives May 5. 

1 88 



of the men 
of Cam- 

the king's 

son of Leof- 




Ravages of 
the Danes. 


Siege of 



J>a stod Grantabrycg scir] ' unde, dum Angli regnaiiernnt, laus Grante- 
brigiensis prouinciae splendide floruit,' H. H. p. 1 1 7. Into his account of 
these ravages of the Danes in the Eastern Counties, taken mainly from the 
Chronicle, H. H. inserts from local sources a tradition of a man of Balsham 
(Cambridgeshire) who held the steps of the church tower against the Danes, 
and a description of his own shire of Huntingdon, p. 178. 

.^tSelstan pes cynges aSum] 'ASuni' may be either son-in-law, 'gener,' 
Fl. Wig., or brother-in-law, ' sororius,' H. H. u. s. ; Ann. Wav. Freeman 
assumes the former to be right, F. N. C. i. 671. There is nothing to show 
either way. 

Wulfric Leofwines sunu] Freeman, F. N. C. i. 656, 657, attempts 
an identification of Wulfric, on which doubt is thrown, Crawford Charters, 
p. 123. It is possible that his father was Leofwine, the son of Wulfstan, 
who (Wulfstan) was one of the heroes of Maldon, ih. 

.^fices bro'8or] Probably the ^fic of 1002 E, i. 134. 

purcytel Myran heafod] Not, of course, to be confounded with the 
great Danish leader ; though his name shows that Fl. Wig. is right in 
calling him ' Da.nicus minister.' A gloss in Fl. Wig. explains his nick- 
name ' equae caput '; but H. H. ' caput formicae,' adding : ' et opprobrium 
meruit serapiternum.' If this derivation is correct, the first part of the 
word is the ' mire ' or ' mj're ' which we get in ' pismire,' an ant. 

set nyxtan, 7c.] Cf. Lib. de Hyda, p. 212. 

p. 141. to Hamtune] ' Northamtuniam,' Fl. Wig. i. 163. 

1011 E] On this year, see F. N. C. i. 348-350. 

Hi heafdon pa ofergan] Of this list of counties W. M. says : ' quorum 
nomina propter barbariem linguae scribere refugio,' i. 188. 

Hsestingas] The name of a district, or, more strictly, of a tribe ; and 
not merely of a town ; though later it was loosely used as such, 1052 C, D, 
ad init. ; 1066 E ; 1094 E. The name of the town is properly ' Hsestinga- 
port,' 1066 D, i. 199, or ' Hsestinga ceaster,' 1050 D, i. 170 ; Laws, Thorpe, 
i. 208 ; Schmid, p. 140 ; and in the Bayeux tapestry, a fact which has been 
thought to indicate that the tapestr}' was wrought in England, F. N. C. iii. 
571. C has merely ' Hsesting ' without any termination. Fl. Wig., not 
recognising the force of the term, has omitted it. 

gafol bedan] ' o])])e wiS gefeohtan,' adds C more patriotically. 

folc maelum] For 'flocmselum,' C, D, cf. ' hie waeron flocmselum 
Jiiderweard,' Oros. p. 200; JEAi. Hom. i. 142. 

hi ymbe ssetan Cantwara burh] According to Osbern, the city was ill 
provisioned, which is likely enough, Ang. Sac. ii. 133. 

Leofwine a'Bfe] So F ; H.. H. ; and Ann. Wav. ; a mistake due to the 
following ' Godwine ' ; the true reading is that of C, D, ' Ijeofrune alJht,' 
i. e. ' Leofruna abbatissa monasterii S. Mildrythse,' Fl. Wig. i. 164. 

Godwine "b] ' Hrofensis episcopus,' Fl. Wig. 

.ffilmser afeb hi Isetan aweg] ' abbas monasterii S. Augustini,' Fl. Wig.] 


1 01 2] NOTES 189 

If he were the traitor who admitted the Danes, his release would be Abbot of 

accounted for ; but Fl. Wisr. calls the traitor ' ^Imarus archidiaconus.' ^*- -A-ugus- 

Thorn calls him 'Almericus archidiaconus.' ^Ifmaer of St. Augustine's 

became Bishop of Sherborne in 10 17, cc. 1781 flf. 

p. 142. pa burh ealle asmeade] ' That the Cathedral was sacked and Canterbur 
burned is a matter of course for which we hardly need any evidence,' P ^^ ^^^ 
F. N. C. i. 350. Eadmer, who had at least as good means of knowing, says 
the direct contrary as to the burning : ' ecclesia ipsa in passione beatissimi 
martyris [^Ifegi] nee igne consumpta, nee tecto aut parietibus diruta fuit,' 
Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 418. (By the time he reached F. N. C. iv. 125, 
Mr. Freeman had discovered this passage.) It was during this desolation 
of Canterbury that the Glastonbury monks were said to have stolen the 
body of Dunstan for their own monastery, a myth which Eadmer wrote an 
indignant letter to refute, ^7). 412-422. There seems to be an allusion to 
the sack of Canterbury and the capture of iElfheah in Wulfstan, p. 163 ; 
of. F. N. C. i. 669. From this time Eadmer dates a great decline of 
monasticism at Canterbury, «. s. p. 236. 

Wses '8a rsepling, 7c.] Eadmer seems to catch an echo of this dirge : Dirge. 
' Ecclesia, totius Britanniae insulae mater, in occisione sui patris ac filiorum 
afflictn,' &c., ih. 414; of. H. H. p. 179. Harrowing details in Fl. Wig. 
from Osbern, Ang. Sac. ii. 135. 

swa lange] Between six and seven months, September — April. W. M. Captivity 
thinks it shows the extremity of Ethelred's degradation that he should of^Elfheah 
have made no attempt to rescue the archbishop, G. P. p. 34. Perhaps he 
was too busy with the Welsh expedition of this year, on which see F. N. C. 
'• 348, 349- According to Osbern, one of the torments of the primate's 
imprisonment was the 'ranarum importunitas,' Ang. Sac. ii. 136. 

1012 E] On the events of this year, see F. N. C. i. 350-354 ;■ and on the 
martyrdom of ^Elflieah, ih. 658-663. 

pa yldestan witan] For the phrase, v. s. on 978 E. It is curious that 
no mention is made of the king. 

Idus Apr.] April 13. This is right for the Easter of 1012. 

viii. Jjusend punda] This is a mere slip for C and D's £48,000 ; it is, 
however, followed by F, H. H., W. M. i. 207, and Ann. Wav. 

he nolde heom nan feoh be haten] These words are express and .^Ifheah's 
emphatic (cf. Ang. Sac. ii. 138). Mr. Freeman, who says : 'the witness refusal to 
of the Chronicles I of course accept unhesitatingly,' nevertheless prefers himsplf. 
Thietinar's story, which he had from an Englishman named Sewald (though 
he calls the Bunstan I), that .(Elfheah first promised a ransom, 
and then recanted, Pertz, iii. 849. Thietmar adds that Thurkill en- 
deavoured vainly to save the archbishop's life. Fl. Wig. gives various 
details which, so far as they come from Osbern, are not wholly reliable. 

hine . . . oftorfodon] Cf. ' hiene oftyrfdon his agene geferan ' = ' lapidi- His martyr- 
bus coopertus interiit,' Oros. p. 172. dom. 




Bishop of 

Bishop of 




The Five 

sloh hine Jja an] ' Ad ultimnm quidam, Thrum nomine, quem confir- 
mauit pridie, impia motus pietate securim capiti illius infixit,' Fl. Wig. i. 
165. Mr. Freeman accepts this. With the exception of the name it comes 
from Osbern, M. s. p. 141. Osbern expressly says that he omitted proper 
names, 'quoniam dicendi primitias barbaricis appellationibus decolorare 
nolo,' ih. 122. Osbern's life is printed in Ang. Sac. ii. 122 fF. It is very 
hagiological and unhistorical, but it was authorised by Lanfranc, Eadmer, 
Vita Anselmi, lib. i. p. 11. It is, as W. M. says, 'plena uirtutibus et 
miraculis,' G. P. p. 33. ' The scene of the martyrdom was Greenwich 
(whither ^^Ifheah had been conveyed from Canterbury by Sandwich), and 
probably the very site on which Greenwich church stands; — they would no 
doubt have wished to plant the church on the identical spot, and would 
have taken pains to ascertain it. The church is dedicated to St. ^Ifheah. 
. . . An old triforium window in the north aisle of Canterbury Cathedral 
represents the story,' Earle. 

pa biscopas Eadno'5 7 .^If hun] The latter was Bishop of London. He 
attempted to get possession for his own church of tlie relics of St. Edmund 
of East Anglia, which for three years (1010-1013) were deposited in 
St. Gregory's church in London, for fear of the Danes, Liebermann, pp. 205, 
206. Eadnoth was Bishop of Dorchester, 1006-1016. He fell at Assandun, 
infra, 1016, i. 152. Fl. Wig., by an anachronism, calls him Bishop of 
Lincoln, i. 165, 178. The see was not moved to Lincoln till 1094. He 
was a pupil of Archbishop Oswald, and bursar, ' dispensator,' under him of 
the monastery at W'orcester ; and was sent by him to superintend the con- 
struction of the monastery of Ramsey, H, Y. i. 423, 430 ; ii. 20 ; where he 
subsequently became provost or prior, Fl. Wig. i. 178. 

p. 143. 7 Jjaer nu, 7c.] Note the touch of contemporary writing, for the 
relics were translated to Canterbury in 1023, infra. 

Da bugon . . . -xlv- seipa] With Thurkill at the head of them, F. N. C. 
i. 353, 652 ; see next annal. 

1013 E] On the events of this year and Swegen's invasion, see F. N. C. 
i- 354-360; C. P. B. ii. 102 if., 577. 

Lifing 'b] ' qui et Athelstauus, Wellensis episcopus,' gloss in Fl.Wig. i. 
166 ; H. H. calls him Lefwing, p. 180 ; he is called ^If'stan, infra, 1019 D. 
He is not mentioned again in the Chronicle till his death, 1019 D, 1020 E. 
At some time between 1016 and 1020 he went to Rome and brought 
letters and messages from the Pope to Cnut, Earle's Charters, p. 229. 

Gegnes burh] See above on 902 C. 

Uhtred eorl] He had played a valiant part in the invasion of the Scots 
in IC06 (f. s. p. 185), and Etlielred had made him Earl of all Northumbria 
(both Bernicia and Deira). His marriage relations were complicated, but 
ultimately he married JEUgyhi, a daughter of Ethelred, S. D. i. 215, 216. 
His death is narrated below under 1016 ; cf. Robertson, E. K. S. i. 92-95. 

pet folc of Fif burhingan] ' into Fif burgum,' D. The people of the 

1013] NOTES 191 

five Danish Boroughs. This shows, as Freeman remarks, that they must 
still have retained something of their special organisation, p. 356; cf. on 
942 A. 

eall here be nor^an "Wsetlinga straete] i. e. all the Danish-settled part Watling 
of England. ' Weatlinga streta, id est strata quam filii Weatlae regis, ab ^*''^®*' 
Orientali mare usque ad Occidentale per Anglian) strauerunt,' Fl.Wig. u. s.; 
cf. H. H. p. 1 2, on the four great roads ; and Dr. Guest's Essay, Origines 
Celticae, ii. 218 ff. Lower in this annal we have the form ' WjEclinga sti-aet,' 
and this is the form in Bede, H. E. i. 7, where see note ; cf. C. P. B. i. 420. 

his here metian . . . mid fulre fyrde] From this it appears, as English 
Mr. Freeman points out, that Swegen forced the regular levies of the troops in 
north-eastern .shires to accompany him on his progress southward, their armj' 
hostages, who were left with Cnut, acting as security for their fidelity. 
(For the fate of these hostages, v. infra, 1014, sub fin.) Later in this annal, 
i. 144, we find Swegen at Bath, 'mid his fyrde.' The phrase 'mid fulre 
fyrde' occurs again in 1014 of Ethelred. The districts which submitted 
were spared, but as soon as Watling Street was crossed, ' hi wrohton -^ 
maiste yfel Jie eenig here don mihte,' a hint which Fl. Wig. u.s. luxuriantly 

p 144. JEpelmer ealdorman] 'Comes Domnaniae,' Fl.Wig. i. 167. Alderman 
In K. C. D. No. 708 is a letter of^Ethelric, Bishop of Sherborne, to him, ^thelmser. 
complaining that some lands belonging to his see were wrongfully kept 
from liim. 

eall Jjeodscipe hine heafde for fullne eyning] This seems to point to Election of 
some form of deposition of Ethelred and election of Swegen, v. F. N. C. i. Swegen as 
358, 663 ff. ; and to the passages there cited add, Hermann, Mirac. S. ^ ^' 
Eadm. ' praesens habeatur Anglovum cronica, in qua per annos dominicales 
regum Anglorum repperiri possunt annaks, inter quos et Sweyn,' Lieber- 
mann, p 234. That Ethelred's departure was not wholly voluntary seems 
to be shown by the words of Wulfstan in liis famous homily, 'ad Anglos,' 
' .iEjielred man draefde ut of his earde,' ed. Napier, p. 160 ; the vote of the 
witan inviting him to return, 1014, infra, perhaps implies something of the 
same kind. W. M. gives a very imaginative description of Ethelred's 
departure, and his speech on the occasion, i. 207-210. 

pam here ... on Grena wic] i. e. the forty-five ships, the remnant of Danish 
the Danish force which had come over to Ethelred, 1012, ad Jin. They ^^^f-^? 
seem from what follows to have been scarcely less fatal to the English now service, 
than in the days of their avowed hostility; and Fl. Wig. expressly under- 
stands the words which follow, ' hi hergodan,' &c., as including Thurkill. 

-ffilfunt)] On him, see above, 1012. W. M. turns him into a Bishop 
of Durham, confusing him with Aldhun. 

byre] Only here in the Chronicles ; and Earle and Bosworth-Toller ' byre.' 
can only produce one other instance in Anglo-Saxon literature, viz. the Lay 
of Brihtnoth, 1. 121, ed. Greiu, '])a he byre ha?fde,' ' when he had oppor- 


tunity.' A third instance will be found in Wulfstan, p. 123: 'ser Jiam 
byre, Jie he wite eal.' Of the compound ' gebyre ' only one instance is 
Peter- 7 Da hwile, /c] This is peculiar to E, and is the ninth of the Peter- 

borough, borough insertions. In reference to this purchase, Hugo Candidus, in his 
history of Peterborough, says : ' unde monachi . . . monasterii S. Floren- 
tini . . . gemunt per saecula, sicut nobis retulerunt quidam ex ipsis qui eum 
requirere et orare uenerunt in Anglia,' in Sparke's Scriptores, p. 32. On 
the relic-mongering of the Middle Ages something has been said in Bede, 
II. 157, 158. To the references there given may be added S. D. i. 88, 89 ; 
Stubbs' Dunstan, pp. cxv-exvii ; W. M. i. 181 ; G. P. pp. 311, 329, 419 f. 
(who professes horror at the traffic) ; Hardy, Cat. i. 631, 669. 
Eemoval of The ravages of the Northmen on the continent caused many translations 
relics and sales of relics : 'piratis . . . omnem oram . . . infestantibus corpora 

S^ndi-** Sanctorum de Britannia Minori et . . . Normannia translata, et ad tutiora 
navian loca delata, facile cuilibet pro penuria baiulorum uenum patebant, pi-ae- 

inroads. sertim Ethelstano, regi . . . talium rerum appetentissimo,' W. M. i. 154, 
155 ; cf. G. P. pp. 397-400. Of the relics given by Athelstan to Exeter 
it is said : ' he sende men ofer sae, ... 7 hig ferdon swa wide landes 
swa hig faran mihton, 7 mid ]?am madmum begeaton Jia deorwurSestan 
madmas ]>e sefre ofer eorSan begitene mihton beon, "^ wses haligdom se 
meesta of gehwilcum stowum wydan 7 sydan gegaderod, 7 hig ])one jjam . . . 
cyninge brohton,' Birch, ii. 389. 
St. Floren- Boneual] Bonneval in dep. Eure-et-Loir. St. Florentinus was mar- 
tinus. tyred, c. 406, D. C. B. ii. 538 ; AA. SS. Sept. vii. 404 ff. ; cf. Hyde Reg. 

p. 91. For other purchases by Abbot iElfsige, cf. K. C. D. No. 733. 

Legends as 1014 E. Her . . . Svy^egen ge endode his dagas] On the events of 

to Swegen's this year, see F. N. C. i. 360-369, 666, 667. The legend that Swegen 

^^ ' was miraculously slain by St. Edmund of East Anglia, whose honour he 

had insulted and whose franchises he had violated, is given by Fl. Wig. i. 

t68, 169, from some Passion of St. Edmund ; cf. G. P. p. 155 ; W. M. i. 

212, 213. There is a similar legend about Julian the Apostate, ^If. 

Horn. i. 452 ; to which legend reference is expressly made in S. Eadm. 

Mirac, Martene et Durand, vi. 827, according to which Swegen's body 

was salted and taken back to Denmark, ib. 829. But according to S. D. 

ii. 146, a passage added to the text of Fl. Wig., he was buried at York ; to 

which Gaimar adds that ' after ten years or more ' the body was translated 

to Norway, vv. 41 61 ff. 

CandeLmas. to candel msessan] Cf. J31f. Horn. i. 150: 'we sceolon on Sisum dsege 

beran ure leoht to cyrcan, 7 Isetan hi Sser bletsian ; 7 . . . gan sitJtfan mid 

])am leohte betwux Godes husum, 7 singan 6one lofsang Se })8erto geset is.' 

Consecra- man hadode JElfwig ... on Eoforwic (note 7)] This is only in D, 

tion of^-Elf- .^j,(j jg obviously a later insertion, interrupting the context. Why yElfwigj 

of London^ was consecrated to London, at York, by Wulfstan, is not mentioned ;j 


1015] NOTES 193 

probably Living had gone to Rome for his pallium. Tliere are several 
St. Juliana's mass-days in the calendar ; Stubbs decides for that on Feb. 16, 
Ep. Succ. p. 18 [ed. 2, p. 33]. 

p. 145. pa witan ealle] ' })e on Englalande waeron,' adds C. Several Recall of 
no doubt had left England under the stress of the Danish invasions. 

ge hadode ge Isewede] Cf. ' ge bescorene ge ]fev\ ede,' Bede, p. 160, and 
ih. 406. On Ethelred's return, cf. C. P. B. ii. 116, 152, 588. 

selc fisera fiinga betan] The code of 1014 is obviously an attempt to 
fulfil this promise ; cf. especially § 39 ; ' 7 git mseg ])eah b6t cuman ; wille 
hit man georne on eornost iiginnan,' Thorpe, i. 340 ff. ; Schmid, pp. 242 ff. ; 
cf. ih. liv. 

pe hi[m] ge don oiJSe ge cwe^en •wsere] Perhaps a reference to the 
decree deposing Ethelred. See p. 191. 

sefre selcne] This is a compound, = Mid. Eng. 'everich,' modern 
* every '; see Napier, Dissertation on Wulfstan, p. 66. In S. D. ii. 373, this 
seems to be understood of a general expulsion of the Danes. 

innan Jjam lenetene] Here ' lencten ' probably does mean Lent. 

ssett Cnut ... on Gegnes burh] It is therefore very unlikely that he Movements 
returned to Denmark to consult his brother after the deatli of Swegen, as ^^ " 

the Encomium Emmae says, Pertz, xix. 514, 515. 

to Sandwic] ' qui est omnium Anglorum portuum famosissimus,' 
Encomium Emmae, u. s., 'portus ... ad receptionem nauium habilis,' 
Ang. Sac. ii. 133. 

]ja gislas] i.e. the hostages of the shires north of Watling Street, see Mutilation 
p. 191. of hostages. 

7 eearf of . . . heora nosa] Fl. Wig. follows the reading of C, D {v. 
critical note), H. H. that of E ; W. M. adds details of his own, i. 213 ; cf. 
Oros. p. 218 : 'he het him eallum J)a honda of aceorfan' ; cf. ih. 68, and 
Adam Bremensis, Pertz, vii. 317. 

xxi. Jjusend punda] So C, D, and H. H. ; but Florence says, * xxx 
millia ' ; probably a mere slip. 

pet mycele sae flod] ' Addidit Dominus malis solitis malum insolitum,' Flood- 
H. H. p. 181. 

It may be noted that 1014 is the date of the famous battle of Clontarf Clontarf 
which broke the power of the Danes in Ireland. Danes from England 
possibly took part in it ; cf. G. G. pp. clxvii ff. 

1015 E] On the events of this year, seeF. N". C. i. 369-374. 

SigefertJ 7 Morcser] 'filios Earngrimi,' Fl. Wig. i. 170. 

p. 146. pa yldestan psegenas] See above, on 978 E. 

into Seofonburgum] Freeman, follovying Lingard, says, 'the Five The Seven 
Boroughs with the addition of York and Chester,' ti.s. p. 371. For addi- Borougha. 
tional details, v. W. M. i. 213, 214. Freeman accepts them, u.s., saying: 
* he professes to have read them in the local annals of St. Frithswyth's.' 
I am not sure that W. M.'s words mean as much as this ; they run thus : 

n. o 







of Edric. 

tion of the 
and Danish 

PI. Wig.'s 

' legi ego scriptum quod in archiuo eiusJem ecclesiae continetur index 
facti.' This may mean, ' I have read a document which exists in the 
archives of that church as a record of the event ' ; but it niay only mean, 
' I have seen it somewhere stated that in the archives of tliat church 
a record of the event exists,' or, ' that in the record room of that church, 
traces of the event may still be found. ' 

Eadmund setSeling] The first mention of Edmund Ironside. On the 
question of his birth, which is very obscure, v. F. N. C. i. 669-673. 
A document relating to him as Etheling is in K. C. D. vi. 154. 

Mealdelmes byrig] ' Ealdelmes byriif/ C,. D. Malmesbury ; on the 
various forms of this name, i\ Bede, II. 310, 311. 

ge nam ■f) wif] Fl. Wig. calls her Ealdgyth, and Gaimar makes her 
sister of a Welsh king, and says that the Welsh helped Edmund on this 
account, rv. 4221 fF. Ealdgyth is an impossible name for a Welsh princess. 
I suspect Gaimar confused her with Ealdgyth, widow of Gruffydd, and 
wife of Harold II. For laws against the abduction of widows, see Thorpe, 
i. 324, 406; Schmid, pp. 232, 300. If a widow voluntarily married within 
a year she forfeited her ' morning-gift ' and any property which she had 
from her first husband, ih. 310; Thorpe, i. 416. 

com Cnut ... to Sandwie] ' rediit a Dacia in Sandwic,' H. H. 
p. 181. 

Eadmund be nor'San] i. e. in his new lordships, ' SigeferSes are 7 
Morcares,' as Freeman points out, w. s. p. 374. 

Eadric . . . beah ... to Cnute] The Encomium Emmae places here 
also the desertion of Thurkill, Pertz, xix. 514, 515. Certainly either now 
or a little later he reverted to the Danish side, F. N. C. i. 374, 652. 
For an ingenious theory as to the motive of Thuvkill's defection, v. Crawford 
Charters, p. 141. 

1016 E] On this annal, r. F. N. C. i. 374-397. Mr. Freeman remarks 
that at the beginning of the campaign, contrary to the usual rule, England, 
north of the Thames, was held by the English Etheling, while England, 
south of the Thames, was held by the Danish invader. However, the 
northern march of Cnut and the death of Utred soon altered this, and at 
the time of Ethelred's death, London almost alone held out for the national 
cause. On the other band, Wessex returned to its allegiance soon after 
Edmund's accession, infra, i. 149. Florence's account of this eventful year 
seems at first sight to diflfer confsiderably from that of the Chronicle, especially 
after the death of Ethelred. But when the two narratives come to be 
compared in detail the differences between them are not so great. Florencej 
makes several additions to the Chronicle. Some of these, such as the! 
election of Cnut, evidently rest on good authority. Others are merej 
inferences, generally correct, from the language of the Chron., and arel 
inserted to give greater clearness to the narrative. Others are of a morel 
doubtful character ; and the speeches are quite imaginary, being based onj 


6] NOTES 195 

Sallust, as Mr. Petrie pointed out, M. H. E. p. 591. The only point in 
which the two authorities really conflict is as to the date of Edric's 
submission to Edmund, for an explanation of which, see below, p. 197. 

clx- scipa] These words are only in E, F, followed by H. H. and Ann. Wrong in- 
Wav. ; H. H. understands them to mean that Cnut, with 160 ships, sertion in 
and Edric, with the 40 ships which he had seduced, sailed up the Thames 
together, p. 182. But the phrase 'ofer Temese' seems certainly to refer 
to the passage of a land army, and the words 'clx scipa' are wrongly 
inserted by a scribe who fancied that a here must imply sliips. It is like 
the absurd mistake which Livy makes, iv. 34 ad fin., through fancying that 
clasgis can only refer to a naval force. Fl. Wig. says di.stinctly, ' cum 
inulto equitatu amnem Tamensem . . . transeuutes,' i. 171. 

p. 147. pa ne on hagode him, 7c.] ' cum West Saxonicis et Danis 
nolebant congredi Mercenses, nisi cum illis essent rex . . . et ciuea 
Lundonienses,' ib. 

be fullum wite] The reign of Ethelred is full of enactments on this Legislation 
subject, Thorpe, i. 310 (Jns), 322-324; Schmid, pp. 224, 232, 239; for oi^thefyrd 
earlier and later laws, ib. 44, 276, 304; Thorpe, i. 134, 382, 410. Other 
offences were also more heavily punished if the fyrd was out, Hi. i. 88; 
Schmid, p. 94. 

7 hergodon h.i, 7c.] Edmund ravaged these counties, 'quia aduersus 
Danorum exercitum ad pugnam exire noluerunt,' according to FI. Wig. 
i. 172. 

p. 148. vvrende him pa ut, 7c.] se. ' Canutus et Edricus Streona,' ib. 
hine . . . of sloh] ' (5uruh Eadrices rsed ealdormannes,' C. This Slaying of 
looks like a later touch, designed to throw the blame on the national scape- i-trea. 
goat; cf. Fl. Wig. 1017 ad init. He was slain 'a Turebrando nobili et 
Danico uiro,' ib. i. 172 ; = 'Turebrant cognomento hold,' S. D. i. 218; 
ii. 197, 383. S. D. places the scene at ' Wiheal.' perhaps Wighill, near 
Tadcaster, and says that forty chief men were massacred with Utred. He 
also says that Cnut had vainly tried to seduce Utred from his allegiance ; 
but wrongly places the murder after, instead of before, the death of Ethelred. 
On ' JJurcytel Nafanan sunu ' I have found nothing. 

Yric] On this Eric, who figures largely in Scandinavian history, see an Eric. 
account, chiefly from Scandinavian sources, in Crawford Charters, pp. 142- 
148; cf. C. P. B. ii. 98. He signs as ' dux ' and 'comes,' 1018-1023. 

eall swa Uhtred wees] Yet S. D. u. s. says that Utred was succeeded Earls in 
by his brother Eadwulf Cudel (who ceded Lothian to the Scots), and North- 
Eadwulf by Utred's son Aldred. Perhaps Eadwulf had Bernicia, and Eric, 
Deira. So S. C. S. i. 392 ; F. N. C. i. 377. 

on ses Georius msesse dsege] April 23, and so most of the authorities. Death of 
W. M. says : ' die S. Gregorii,' i. e. March 12, but this is probably a mere Ethelred. 
error. Many instances of the form 'Georius' will be found in the indices 
to Pertz, ix, xvii, xxv ; JElt Lives, i. 306. So ' Gurius ' = Gurges, Oros. 









FL Wig."s 

based on a 



Battle of 

p. 140; geceed = geceged, Bede, p. 114; conversely Gagius = Gaius, ih. 6. 
On this tendency to reduce g between vocalic sounds, see Bede, ll. 
145, 373- 

sefter mycclum . . . earfolSnissuni] Cf. ']>& feng Plulippus t6 . . . rice, 
7 liit ealle hwile on miclan pleo 7 on miclan earfe))an lifefde,' Oros. p. no. 
The troubles of Ethelred's reign are often alluded to in the laws. 

sefter Ms ende, 7c.] The Chron. gives the election of Edmund, but not 
the counter-election of Cnut. This appears most clearly in FI. Wig. : 
'cuius post mortem, episcopi, abbates, duces, et quique nobiliores Angliae, 
in unum congregati, pari consensu, in dominum et regem sibi Canutum 
elegere, et ad eum in Suthamtonia uenientes, omnemque progeniem regis 
^gelredi coram illo abnegando repudiantes, pacem cum eo composuere, 
et fidelitatem illi iurauere ; quibus et ille iurauit quod et secundum Deum 
et secundum seculum, fidelis esse uellet eis dominus,' i. 173. One is 
almost inclined to surmise that there may have been something of this 
kind in one of Florence's copies of the Chronicle. It is as different as 
possible from the pseudo-classical style into which he falls when he is 
writing out of his own head (cf. the very next page : ' deinde tubicines 
canere, et cohortes paulatim incedere iubet,' &c., i. 174), and rests obviously 
on a Saxon original. It would not be hard to make a very plausible 
restoration of this original. Take, e.g., the last sentence: '7 he heom 
behet, 7 eac mid ASe fsestnode, past h^ heom hold hlaford be'on wolde, for 
Gode 7 for worulde ' ; i. e. ' in all causes ecclesiastical and civil ' ; not 
' before God and before the world,' F. N. C. i. 379, which neither translates 
the Saxon 'for' nor Florence's 'secundum.' Cf. the opening of Cnut's 
famous letter to his people preserved in the York Gospel Book : ' ic cy3e 
eow -f ic wylle beon hold hlaford 7 unswicende to Godes gerihtum 7 to 
rihtre worold lage,' Earle, Charters, p. 229. On the elections of Cnut and 
Edmund, see F. N. C. i. 673-677. Ademar says : ' Canotus . . . mortuo 
Adalraflo . . . regnum eius dolo cepit,' Pertz, iv. 140. On the war between 
Cnut and Edmund, see F. N". C. i. 677-688 ; C. P. B. ii. 155, 156, 578, 589. 

p. 150. set Sceorstane] Sherston, Wilts, v. F. N; C. i. 679. The story 
that Edric threw the English into a panic by holding up the head of a slain 
man and crying, ' Flee, flee, Edmund is dead,' is placed by Fl. Wig. i. 175, 
and W. M. i. 215, at the battle of Sherston, by H. H. p, 184 at the battle 
of Ashingdon. If the story is anything more than a wandering folk-tale 
tacked on to Edric, I must hold (against Freeman, u. s. p. 679) that the 
latter is the more probable. At Sherston Edric was fighting on the 
Danish, at Ashingdon on the English side. The panic would much more 
naturally be caused by such an exclamation from one of their own side 
than by one coming from an enemy, A good parallel to this in modem 
warfare will be found in a description of the battle of Tel-el-Kel)ir, 
Nineteenth Century, xxvii. 402. That Edric should himself ' profess to have 
killed Edmund ' is not essential to the story, and only appears in W. M. 






7 ^Imser Deorlingc] Fl. Wig. adds: 'Algarus filius Traitors. 

Meawes . . . cum Suthaiutoniensibus et Wiltoniensibus,' i. 175. We have 
an ' Oter dyrling,' Earle, Charters, p. 256, and 'Dirling' alone, as a name, 
ib. 273. 

ferde to Lundene] Note the addition in C, critical note 3. 

pa burhware ahredde] The simple verb 'to rid,' in the sense of 
' deliver,' occurs in the Psalter of 1539 in Pss. xviii. 49; Ixxi. i. In both 
places the archaism disappeared in 161 r. It occurs, however, Pss. Ixxxii. 4 ; 
cxliv. 7, II ; Gen. xxxvii. 22 ; Ex. vi. 6. 

^n[g]li[s]ces folces] Cf. ' senile ' for ' sengellic,' Bede, p. 97. Cf. ib. p. 1. 

p. 151. ferde innan Cent] ' ac iuxta Ottafordam cum Danis pugnam 
iniit,' Fl. Wig. i. 177. 

Eadric . . . ge wende pa flsene cyng ongean] It is clear that the 
chronicler means by these words to describe the submission of Edric to 
Edmund after the battle of Otford, and his contemptuous comment refers 
to the folly of Edmund in accepting that submission. The phrase ' ongean 
curaan' is used in exactly the same way of persons coming in to make their 
submission in 972 D, E : ' ])er him comon ongean vi cyningas, 7 ealle wiS 
hine getreowsodon.' Fl. Wig., who had placed the submission of Edric after 
the battle of Sherston, v. s., here inserts an account of how he treacherously 
prevented Edmund from following up his victory and destroying the Danes 
as he might have done; so H. H. p. 184. I suspect that all this comes of 
a mere misunderstanding of the Chronicle. Florence interpreted the words 
' o-e wende . . . ongean ' of opposition, not of submission, and then, in order to 
explain how Edric came to be in a position to oppose Edmund's movements, 
inserts his submission at an earlier point. The translations in F Lat. and 
Ann. Wav. sliow that the passage was not understood. 

p. 152. Assandun] 'i.e. Mons Asini,' Fl. Wig. Ashingdon, Essex, 
south of the Crouch estuary, F. N. C. i. 680, 681. The modern name is 
corrupted by ' volksetymologie ' ; cesc becomes ash, as in ^scesdun = Ash- 
down ; but Assan- cannot become Ashing- by any legitimate process. The 
-ing- is of course ' latronic,' as in Abingdon, &c. The Encomium Emmae 
calls the place * ^i^scenedunum,' Pertz, xix. 517. 

Da dyde Eadric, 7c.] It is in connexion with this that H. H. gives 
the story of the panic caused by Edric's false assertion of the death of 
Edmund, v. s. 

mid Mage sseton] The district of this tribe seems to have been on the 
borders of Herefordshire and Gloucestershire. Florence, in one place, 
identifies them with the people of Herefordshire : ' nomina praesulum 
Magesetensium siue Herefordensium,' though the section is headed 
' Hecana ' ; in another place he identifies them with the Hwiccas : 
' Wigomia . . . et tunc et nunc totius Hwicciae uel Magesetaniae metro- 
polis,' i. 238, 239 ; though here 'uel' may = et; see Bede, II. 83, 243. 
Under 1041 he speaks of a certain ' Roni comes Magesetensium,' i. 195 

' ahred- 

of Edric. 

Fl. Wig. 
stood the 

Battle of 

of Edric. 

The Mag« 




at the 


(this is the Hrani or Ranig dux who signs under Cnut from 1018 to 
1031) ; cf. Birch, iii. 242, 243 ; infra, p. 219. 
Complete ge feaht him eall Englaland (vel peode, and so C)] 'and conquered 

conquest of ^H England,' not ' all England fought against Cnut,' F. N. C. i. 399. 
" ' Even the blundered reading of D will not yield this sense, which would 
require ' 7 gefeaht him wiS eall Engla Jieod.' Mr. Freeman cites Prof. 
Earle's note, which might have kept him right. 
Ecclesias- Eadno^] ' EadnoS biscop,' C, D rightly. H. H. wrongly supplies E'.s 
ticspresent omission with the word ' dux.' Eadnoth, Bishop of Dorchester, is meant ; 
see on 1012 E. supra. 

"Wulsige atfc.] Abbot of Ramsey. Of these ecclesiastics Fl. Wig. says : 
'qui ad exorandum Deum pro milite bellum agents conuenerant,' i. 178 ; 
but we have had before now prelates who wielded more carnal weapons ; 
above, 823*, 833*, 992 E, and notes ; cf. F. N. C. i. 391. 

.^Ifric ealdorman] In Stubbs' Dunstan, p. 396, is a letter from a 
Pope John to an ' iElfric dux,' whom Dr. Stubbs believes to be this person. 
The Pope would then be John XV. Between .^Elfric and Godwine Ann. 
Wav. inserts an ' Edwine dux ' ; this may be a mere dittography caused by 
the following ' Godwine ' ; but yEthelwine, ' the friend of God,' had a son 
named Edwin, who is coupled with ^thelweard in Chron. Rames. p. 103. 
See next note but two. 

Godwine ealdorman] ' on Lindesige,' C. 

Ulfcytel] On him, see above, on loio E, and for his death, cf. Crawford 
Charters, p. 141. 

jSTSelward ..SJSelsiges sunu] '^Ifwines sunu,' D ; ' yESelwines sunu,' 
C. The last is right ; he was son of ^thelwine, 'the friend of God,' H. Y. 
i. 467; Crawford Charters, p. 119. The latter had a brother .^thelsige, 
which may have helped the confusion, F. N. C. i. 622, 623 ; cf. H. Y. 
i, 428, 429, where (p. 429, 1. 10) by a converse error ^thelwinus is 
written for .^Ethelsinus ; see on loiS E, infra, for a similar confusion. 

eall se dugotJ] Cf. ' ))egenas ge of East Cent ge of West Cent eal seo 
duguS,' K. C. D. iv. 266 (a document of 995 x 1005), cf. Wulfstan, 
p. 14; Oros. p. 150: ' Jjcer gefeol se msesta d«l Macedonia duguSe ' ; ih. 
190: 'hwset Romana dugaSe gefeallen wtes.' Fl. Wig. says: ' totusque 
fere globus nobilitatis Anglorum, qui nullo in hello mains unquam uulnus 
. . . acceperunt,' i. 178. 

sefter Jjisum ge feohte, /e.] ' Cnut, tanta fretus uictoria, Londoniam 
et sceptra cepit regalia,' H. H. pp. 184, 185 ; it is possible that he did so 
on his waj^ from Essex to Gloucestershire ; and in the final division of the 
kingdom, H. H. assigns London to Cnut ; Fl. Wig., however, assigns it to 
Edmund, r. infra, p. 199. 

p. 153. J»a cyningas comon to gsedere] Prof. Earle, in a note on 
this passage, made the very hap[iy suggestion that the whole dramatic 
story of the single combat between Edmund and Cnut arose simply from 


' duguS.' 

of Cnut. 

Story of 
single com- 
bat between 

ioi6] NOTES 199